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5/8/2017 1 Where Do We Go From Here? Unfinished Business May 9, 2017, 2017 2-3:30pm Central Time Andrew Klein and Jessica Klein, authors of Abetting Batterers: What Police, Prosecutors and Courts Aren’t Doing to Protect America’s Women. This project was supported by Grant No. 2015TAAXK027 awarded by the Office on Violence Against Women, U.S. Department of Justice. The opinions, findings, conclusions, and recommendations expressed in this (document/program/exhibit) are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Department of Justice, Office on Violence Against Women. Thank you for joining us today! The materials are available on our website: http://www.bwjp.org/training/webinar-abetting-batterers-police- prosecutors-courts.html AUDIO OPTIONS The audio component can be heard by VoiceoverIP (VoIP) or telephone: VoIP: Select "connect" to internet audio on the Start tab to get your audio streaming through your computer. Telephone: Select “I am dialed in” on the Start tab and dial in from you telephone. Your standard long distance charges will apply . Dial-in: 641-715-3670 Passcode: 732746 AUDIO TROUBLESHOOTING for VoIP Verify you selected “connect” to the internet audio If your computer & speaker volume are turned all the way up, & volume is too low, run the audio wizard under “Tools” at the top of your screen. If still low volume, try a headset (which is recommended). Lastly, if all your troubleshooting attempts have failed please dial in from a telephone. Your computer &/or network don’t have the requirements (bandwidth, memory, etc) for VoIP on this webinar. Abetting Batterers What Police, Prosecutors, and Courts Aren’t Doing to Protect America’s Women Andrew R. Klein and Jessica L. Klein

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Page 1: 5-9-17 webinar ppt · e.g. Ignoring New York sexual predators 1,200 Juvenile girls requesting protective orders for dating violence across New York State. 54 cases involved much older

5/8/2017

1

Where Do We Go From Here? Unfinished Business

May 9, 2017, 20172-3:30pm Central Time

Andrew Klein and Jessica Klein, authors of Abetting Batterers: What Police, Prosecutors and Courts Aren’t Doing

to Protect America’s Women.

This project was supported by Grant No. 2015‐TA‐AX‐K027 awarded by the Office on Violence Against Women, U.S. Department of Justice. The opinions, findings, conclusions, and recommendations expressed in this 

(document/program/exhibit) are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Department of Justice, Office on Violence Against Women.

Thank you for joining us today!

The materials are available on our website: http://www.bwjp.org/training/webinar-abetting-batterers-police-prosecutors-courts.html

AUDIO OPTIONS

The audio component can be heard by VoiceoverIP (VoIP) or telephone:

VoIP: Select "connect" to internet audio on the Start tab to get your audio streaming through your computer.

Telephone: Select “I am dialed in” on the Start tab and dial in from you telephone. Your standard long distance charges will apply .

Dial-in: 641-715-3670 Passcode: 732746

AUDIO TROUBLESHOOTING for VoIP

• Verify you selected “connect” to the internet audio

• If your computer & speaker volume are turned all the way up, & volume is too low, run the audio wizard under “Tools” at the top of your screen.

• If still low volume, try a headset (which is recommended).

• Lastly, if all your troubleshooting attempts have failed please dial in from a telephone. Your computer &/or network don’t have the requirements (bandwidth, memory, etc) for VoIP on this webinar.

Abetting BatterersWhat Police, Prosecutors, and Courts 

Aren’t Doing to ProtectAmerica’s Women

Andrew R. Klein and Jessica L. Klein

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2

Criminal Justice Response to DV: The Good, the Bad and the Downright Ugly

where we are and how we got there

→Prying Open Courthouse  (back) Doors→ → Making DV a REAL Crime→ → → Encouraging Arrests→ → → → Prosecuting Abusers→ → → → → Sentencing Abusers→ → → → → → Unfinished Business

and where we should go from here

→Prying Open Courthouse  (back) DoorsThru 1970s, police would not arrest, prosecutors would not prosecute and judges would not sentence DV abusers; marital rape was not a crime

1976: PA shelters and Philadelphia legal services lobby PA Legislature to enact Protective Order legislation, no enforcement or sanctions for non‐compliance included

1977: Advocates return to state legislature to add enforcement and sanctions for protective order violations.

Protective Order Problems Remain

→ Nonservice rate remains high

e.g.   22% Kentucky urban areas, 56% rural areas

BUT as low as 22% in some rural counties where they try harder

→Unenforced

e.g. Columbus, Ohio:  33% of orders violated, 40% of violations dismissed. Not much more happened to those prosecuted. 

80% of cases involving abusers with five (5) or more DV arrests, order violations prosecuted as misdemeanors notwithstanding statute enhancing penalty for repeat DV offenses.

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Unenforced Orders

e.g. 

Tulsa Oklahoma District Court: “If your abuser is convicted of a Protective Order violation, he will probably be placed on probation…If he violates it again, you may request his probation be revoked…  If you are not consistent with prosecution of violations, the effectiveness is reduced and you will again be in danger

Biggest Protective Order Problem

→Most orders that are maintained more than a ma er of days are violated. 

e.g. Massachusetts, research article in Journal: 173 of 1,000 orders violated (17.3%) w/in one year, 

BUT 

37% of petitioners did not return to court after first 15 days, so only 630 orders available to be violated. Further majority of orders issued for 6 months or less. So after the first six months, only 272 orders were available to be violated.

BOTTOM LINE 

True reabuse rate for petitioners was as high as 64%!

Good News: 

e.g. Massachusetts Probation Regulation:

If probationer has a protective order issued against him, probation must issue a warrant for his arrest and schedule a probation revocation hearing.

The legal standard for a probation violation is preponderance (more likely than not). The legal standard for a judge to issue a protective order is preponderance.  Therefore, any probationer/parolee who has an order against him is in violation of his probation/parole.

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Good News:

e.g. Police conduct random compliance checks

Pima County, Arizona sheriff’s department DV unit has taken onus off victim visit trailer where victim lives of abuser recently released from prison. See abuser in window, arrests suspect. 

According to Sheriff by the time most victims call 911 with the new abuse, someone is terrified, injured, or worse…

Protective Order Poison Pill

Helps to decriminalize DV, providing a “get out of jail” card for even the worst abusers. Don’t count in determining enhancements for repeat abuse offenses.

e.g. Ignoring New York sexual predators

1,200 Juvenile girls requesting protective orders for dating violence across New York State.

54 cases involved much older adult male abusers, up to age 50,  identified by victims for sexual abuse, all with extensive criminal histories, including sex offenses, and only court response was stay away and don’t do it again.

→ → Making DV a REAL Crimegetting abusers into the front door….

Police could not arrest unwitnessedmisdemeanors.

Most DV occurred inside, behind close doors.  By time police arrived, nothing to witness except a calm perp and distraught victims,

Only crime witnessed by police would be disorderly conduct, often by the victim!

Two contradictory but widely held myths about DV:

1) Most dangerous call police could go on

2) Not to be taken seriously as a real crime

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Police Response

Wasn’t until 2000 when Indiana made it unanimous reforming law to allow police to arrest unwitnessed misdemeanor crimes in cases of DV.

BUT

By exempting unwitnessed DV misdemeanors from bar on warrantless arrest, these laws perpetuated the branding of DV offenses, including injurious assaults, as misdemeanor, second class offenses.

Resulting in MAJOR repercussions in Criminal Justice Response‐

No detectives assigned to gather evidence, prosecutions in municipal or lower criminal courts with minimal penalties by least trained, equipped prosecutors, and unsupervised probation if perp actually sentenced….

DV as Crime

Many states made DV a specific crime, either DV Assault, or any crime with requisite parties involved,

Easier to track, identify chronic abusers….

BUT

Helped create “Perpetual First Offenders,” obscuring abuser danger in plain sight.

DV as a Crime

Defined abuser as “first offender” based on first DV conviction, ignoring rest of abusers’ criminal histories.

Like considering a bank robber as a first offender because his prior robberies were drug stores….

Most abusers brought to attention of police and courts have non‐DV as well as DV offenses.

Research is clear:  Abuser with prior criminal offense for any (non‐DV) crime is as high risk for re‐abuse as abuser with prior DV record.

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→ → → Encouraging Arrests

Changes in law proved insufficient to change police behavior.

→Ci es forced to pay to se le suits against police inaction

e.g. Thurman vs Torrington, 1994  $2.3m settlement

(1998 Charles “Buck” Thurman update)

→ → Milwaukee Arrest Study, L. Sherman, 1984

Claimed to have found “magic bullet,” called for mandatory arrest, joined by advocates

Most states now have some form of mandatory arrest for DV offenses, like protective order violations

DV Arrests Rose Dramatically

From 7 to 15% in the 70’s and 80’s to 35 to 50% a decade later.

e.g. Kansas: Arrest rate was 37% in 1992, by 2010, it was 60%.

Plateaued in 1990’s

e.g. Florida, 1998 64,446 arrests, mostly DV assaults,

2010, 65,107 arrests, BUT state population up by 4 million in interim.

Current arrest rates around the country hover around 50%. Slightly higher in states with mandatory arrest laws

e.g. Wisconsin 71% (with mandatory arrest) and Ohio 55% (preferred arrest policy), Tennessee, 46.5%, New Jersey 31%, Lancaster County, Nebraska 88%.

Good and Horrible in Wisconsin

e.g.  

Ugly: Brown Deer, Wisconsin 

Good: Milwaukee Police

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Remaining police problems

→ Police don’t chase

→ → Police fail to capture victim contact info

→ → → Police misconstrue stalking, strangulation

→ → → → Police confuse victims with perps, 

perplexed dealing with LGBTQ cases

→ → → → → Police don’t police police

→ → → → Prosecuting Abusers

Initially increase police brought more and more DV perps into the front door, prosecutors let them out the back…

Frustrated, Florida law (741.2901) makers enacted 1991 law promoting prosecution of DV arrests, mandating creating of DV prosecution Units:

Law declared:  “It is the intent of the Legislature that DV be treated as a criminal act rather than a private matter. For that reason, criminal prosecution shall be the favored method of enforcing compliance with

(DV law)…thus providing greater protection to victims and better accountability of perpetrators.”

Prosecuting Abusers

→ Law suits harder to pursue against non‐feasantprosecutors

→ → Cannot enact mandatory prosecution laws

→ → → Most people have no idea what prosecutors really do, corrupted by Law and Order vision of trials galore and “beyond a reasonable doubt” standard of guilt.

e.g. Maria Ventura, 15 year old, self defending DV victim imprisoned for life

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Prosecutors Responding to DV

→ Diversion: 1979 CA Law creating DV diversion offering batterer programs in lieu of prosecution, 

Diverted– OJ Simpson, in exchange for phone counseling

→ → 1984: US Civil Rights Commission: Diversion of DV constituted violation of victim civil rights

→ → → 1995: OJ found Not Guilty, CA Law repeals DV Diversion law

But….

Prosecutors Responding to DV

→2005 CA AG Task Force: Up to a third of DV cases s ll diverted in one of the state’s largest cities

→ → 2014:  Kern County, CA District A orney proudly announces a new DV Diversion program after consultation with the public defenders’ office. Motivated perversely by jury decision to impose the death penalty against Robert Fuller for killing his estranged wife and her mother.

→ → Connec cut s ll clings to a legisla vely created DV Diversion program, ironically created in the aftermath of Thurman vs Torrington settlement that also imposed mandatory DV arrests.

Connecticut DV Diversion Program

Claims 85% success for program completers…

(i.e. within one year of program completion, not arrested for DV)

But, also 15% don’t complete the program, so it is 85% of 85% or 28% rearrested for DV within one year.

What does this really mean?  Surveys document a 50% DV reporting rate to police by victims.  If only 50% report new DV, the DV reabuse rate is at least 56% within one year.

Further, research indicates another 20% more will be arrested in subsequent year, yielding reabuse rate of 76% of those assigned diversion over two years. Yet these 76% will be “first” offenders for next DV arrests, some to be diverted again.

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Prosecutors Responding to DV

→ →When not diver ng DV, downright dismissals

e.g. Arizona, between 2001 and 2010, most common DV case outcome was a dismissal

Toledo, Ohio, 2011: 80% dismissal rate

Worse: 2/3rds of the charged abusers were repeat offenders.

Toledo Advocate commenting on 13% DV conviction rate: “If the fire department were only putting out 13% of the fires…or the garbage was only being picked up 13% of the time, the community would be outraged.”

Prosecutors Responding to DV

→ → →If not diver ng, dismissing, then reducing DV charges, removing the “D” and the “V.”Routinely reducing DV assault to Disorderly Conduct, Felony to Misdemeanor or Ordinance ViolationConsequence:  Conviction yes, avoids trial strain for victim yes, but…→ Cancels out federal law prohibi ng firearms for DV assault convictions→ → Cancels out state enhancement statutes for increased penalties for repeat DV convictions→ → →Tells vic m that she is crazy to think DV a serious crime

Reducing DV Charges

e.g. 2015, Jefferson County, Colorado prosecutor got David Razey locked up for 30 days for harassment… good work for trivial misdemeanor offense!

But

Razey arrested for vicious assault and it was his third assault against same victim.  Prior two also pled down.

Further, this was the third intimate partner he had abused. Had 23 priors since 1987, including 4 protective order violations.

Further, in two months prior to sentence while out on bond, Razey skipped 3 drug tests, failed a 4th, was attending batterer program in another county for violation of a protective order.

All this, despite Colorado Habitual Offender Law calling for misdemeanor charge elevation to a felony after two priors.

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Prosecutors Respond to DV

Net effect of diversion, dismissals and charge reductions

Creating “perpetual first offenders.”

e.g. Scottye Miller, Seattle, WA.

From 2002 to murder in 2014, 20 plus DV arrests against at least two victims, 15 convictions and last offense prior to murder, he received a suspended sentence.

Didn’t receive his first DV Guilty until 3rd offense, but on first criminal offense, possession of marijuana, got a suspended sentence!

Prosecutors Responding to DV

The Good:

Statewide examples of DV prosecutions

MA Order Violations (2004): Average conviction rate 42%, dismissal 29.4%, diverted 20.2%, Not Guilty 3.3%

But

county by county, dismissal rates ran from just 18% to a high of 75%, including counties with identical demographics

Difference: Competence and commitment of county prosecutors

Can Do prosecutors find they can do!1990’s:  After adopting “No Drop” policies, conviction rates reached 96% in San Diego, 85% in Omaha, 78% in Klamath Falls, OR… 

Queens, NY convictions increased from 24% to 60%

In 2014, Lancaster, Nebraska conviction rate 63%, more than 3/4rds incarcerated vs 1996 when most given minimal fines if convicted.

Brooklyn Felony DV Court: Only 10% dropped, 94% convicted of those not dropped (84.5%)

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Can Do: Videoing

e.g. Across Minnesota, police body cameras increasing DV prosecutions, once defendants confronted with video, anxious to accept plea and keep video from judge.

New York City videoing suspects (2012): 40% vs 36% convictions

(Highest 48% when suspect admitted knowing about order of protection)

Defendants who made a substantive statement on video were either less knowledgeable about, or less concerned about, the increased risk of conviction.

Can Do: Phone calls from Jail

Jailing suspected abusers pre‐trial not only protects victims, but provides opportunities for suspects to incriminate themselves, obviating need for victim testimony.

2001, victim reported to Milwaukee prosecutors that abuser had threatened her from jail, had his buddies intimidate her at home and at her work.  Prosecutor checked jail tapes, found the abuser had solicited three friends to kill the victim. The new crime, solicitation to commit murder, carried greater penalty that the DV crime he was being held for. Milwaukee prosecutors launched routine surveillance of phone tapes for abusers.

But

2016, Seattle, Scotty Miller called victim multiple times from jail before release and murdering her within two weeks. At the time, had a protective order barring contact with his victim.

Can Do: Safeguarding Victim Pre‐Triale.g. Casa Grande, Arizona

Accused of strangling and assaulting girlfriend, suspect immediately released by bail commissioner at police station, with standard no contact order.

Meanwhile, police detectives driving terrified victim to shelter, when she received a call on her cell from suspect, demanding she drop charges. Police dropped her off, went back and arrested suspect for violating conditions of his release.  This time, held on $5,000 secured bond. 

Sheriff condemned first release by bail commissioner as endangering vulnerable victim.

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Pretrial Release

→No release at sta on, must appear before judge

→ →Cooling off period, suspects held 4 to 48 hours

→ → →Dangerousness hearings for pretrial detention

→ → → →Fast Track hearings, supervised release, including electric  monitoring

Action taken pre‐trial predicts sentence, those who arrive to court in handcuffs more likely to leave it in handcuffs

Prosecuting DV

→Vic m Refuses to Tes fy

→ →Vic m Tes fies Against Abuser

→ → →Vic m Recants, Tes fies for Abuser

→ → → → → Sentencing Abusers

The great divide, 

misdemeanor vs. felony

e.g. Arizona

Felony Conviction: 44% sentenced to state prison, 21.7% suspended sentence; 67.5% probation (excluding jail/pretrial jail 22%)

Misdemeanor Conviction: 2.4% prison, 11.7% suspended sentence; 85.2% probation (excluding jail/pre‐trial jail 51.5%)

0%

50%

Felony Misdemeanor

Substantial Incarceration

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Trivializing DV

‐Urban courts in 2002, only 19% of DV charged as a felony

‐2013, 1,500 DV felony convictions across entire state of Minnesota

‐2011, 20.3% of DV assaults charged as felonies across Vermont

‐2004‐2006, Washington, 87% misdemeanor, 13% felony

e.g. California: DV Assault in CA is felony, carrying presumptive sentence of 3 years probation, minimum of 52 weeks of batterer program

But

→ → → → → Sentencing Abusers

Almost half of CA abusers convicted, given probationary sentences of less than 2 years, almost half not required to go to batterer program

‐Washington: Mandatory 12 month batterer program upon DV conviction,ButOnly 26.7% sentenced to 12 month batterer program of the 41% convicted(10.9%! of those initially charged)As across the country, when it comes to DV as in California & Washington, courts are fairly lawless places

Importance of Sentencing Parity

Sentencing impact is cumulative and comparativebetween DV and non‐DV offenses.

Fact:  Most abusers who come to the attention of the law enforcement and the courts for DV have multiple arrests for DV and non‐DV offenses.

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Does DV Prosecution Deter Abusers?

YES

NO

Importance of Sentencing Parity

Sentenced MORE severely for DV than non‐DV

vs

2) Sentenced LESS severely for DV than non‐DV

controlling for risk factors, age at first offense &  gender

Comparison by Maximum DV vsNon‐DV Sentence

00.20.40.60.81

1.21.41.61.8

DV SentencesLess Severethan non‐DV

DV SentencesSame as  non‐

DV

DV SentencesMore Severethan non‐DV

Number New DV Arrests

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Sentencing DV

e.g. UGLY, Lansing, Michigan

2014, Judge announced creation of new dedicated DV court for

THIRD DV FELONY offenders, for “swift and sure sanctions”

“gives (abusers) an opportunity with some special funding to have paid‐for treatment, testing and accountability.”

If complete program, conviction record erased. 

Endorsed by head of local DC shelter because victims want to see their loved ones change…

Judge says research shows that abusers can change “profoundly” if kept in treatment 3 to 12 months.

Sentencing Abusers

Commented National Bulletin on DV Prevention:

“…must be the same research that shows dinosaurs and man roamed the earth together 6,000 years ago.”

Sentencing Abusers

If you build it, they will come,

Batterer Intervention programs 

&

Anger Management

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Sentencing Abusers

Battering is not a curable disease, an addiction, or a mental affliction.

No Magic bullets…..

Meta‐analysis: The 5% solution

But

Convinces women to stay with abuser

Serves as Dynamic Danger Barometer, separating completers from non‐completers

Treatment or suppression effect?

Probability of New Arrest for Lower RiskOffenders: Treatment v. Comparison

Rhode Island probation/bip study

Treatment Comparison Significance

Probability of New Arrest

.46 .60 P= 0.03

Percent of Caseload 52% 53.9%

→ → → → → → Unfinished Business• Intervention works… if you limit follow up period examined

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

2 years 10years

Re‐abuse

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→ → → → → → Unfinished Business

To be continued…..

Part IIAbetting Batterers

Unfinished Business

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1. Disarming Dangerous Abusers

The failure to disarm dangerous abusers make American women 11 times more likely to be murdered with guns than women in any other high‐income country around the world.

Majority of women murdered by intimate partner are shot, as high as 70% in Kentucky and Montana.

Role of Firearms

Each abuser imprisoned for DV Murder found “moment of time and window of opportunity…to kill.” Obsessed, access to firearm allowed them to seize the moment, before it passed (D. Adams, 2007).

Firearms also increase likelihood of multiple deaths, including children, by‐standers, good Samaritans, responding police officers, as well as abuser suicide.

Plethora of Firearm Prohibitions

Loosely enforced,

Honor System relied upon to disarm dangerous abusers.

e.g. Wake County, North Carolina

Judge issues protective order, including firearm prohibition against Nate Holden. Next day, deputies serve order and ask him for his pistol. He denies owning firearms. Police leave.  Shortly after, Hold shots wife, also shooting and killing her parents in from of the couple’s children. As chief explained to media, deputies instructed to take an abuser’s word regarding possession of firearm (2014).

Only a handful actually require police to retrieve the prohibited firearms from the abuser. 

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Firearm Threat Not Theoretical

Threat posed by armed abusers is not theoretical, representing greatly heightened threat to female intimate partners.

e.g. Nevada (high firearm state, few prohibitions): Half of women shot to death, were shot by intimate partners. 38% higher than national average.  But gun murders of men in Nevada are 3% lower than national average.

Between 1994 and 2012, 10% of firearm purchases prohibited by the feds were because would be purchaser had DV misdemeanor conviction or active final protective order against them.

e.g. In four Wisconsin counties between 2010 and 2011, over an one month period, 199 protective orders granted for DV or child abuse (both resulting in firearm prohibition by Wisconsin State Law).  20% of the abusers were armed.

Firearms Threats

Arizona, by 2015, 62% of DV murders committed with firearms prior five years, 45% higher than national average.

Why so many dangerous abusers armed?

Arizona failed to enter 40% of its protective orders into FBI system used to enforce federal firearm prohibitions.  30,000 orders issued in 2013, only 18,000 entered. 

Worse, Arizona state law leaves firearm prohibitions up to individual judges. Among seven victims shot to death with active protective orders, only one included a judicial order prohibiting abuser from possessing firearms… and that, tragically unenforced (2015).

Firearms and Stalkers

Convicted stalkers allowed to retain or purchase firearms.

A review of 20 states criminal files revealed at least 11,986 convicted stalkers permitted by federal and state law to retain or purchase firearms.

Majority of DV murder victims stalked before their murders.

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DV Firearm Prohibitions Not Self Enforcing

E.g. San Mateo, California

Once protective order issues, deputies contact victims to determine abuser firearm possessions, check data banks to check for purchases and firearm licenses. Serve order and demand weapon immediately. Deputies have search warrants in their possession if abuser denied having any firearms. In 2013, Sheriff collected 324 firearms from 81 court restrained abusers, 10% of all court restrained that year.

Enforcing Firearm Prohibitions Not Rocket Science

e.g. Maricopa Probation Department

Although police are supposed to confiscate firearms at arrest, probation follow up results in multiple firearm violations.

Searches with local police upon suspicion, tips from victims, victims’ children, family members.

Judges Have Wide Discretion to Remove Guns, it they choose to use it

e.g. New Jersey

After two DV convictions, four police calls, judges orders permanent forfeiture of all firearms at arrest.  Charges subsequently dropped (prosecutor says wife uninterested in pursuing charges). Wife asks firearms be returned as she not in fear. Husband admits prior behavior childish. Judge maintains order as firearm possession “would not be in the interest of public health, safety or welfare (NJ Law).”Appellate decision: “(Returning weapons” to a defendant who is a threat to the public‐ would be an invitation to a tragedy (March 4, 2014).”

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2. Abusers Just Don’t Make Good Dads

Holding children hostage on behalf of abuser, entraps and endangers families.

Holding Families Hostagee.g. New Jersey

New Jersey Judge, Prosecutor Fingerprints All Over DV Murder

New Jersey judge refuses to allow a terrified victim to flee from abusive her husband  she was divorcing so that he could have access to their children.  That and the Cumberland County prosecutor’s failure to pursue DV charges made it impossible for Tara O’Shea‐Watson to escape the escalating abuse and finally her death.

After years of victimization, she had finally filed for divorce and secured a protective order against husband. He violated the order, allegedly breaking into her house and assaulting her once again. Indicted for burglary and other DV, charges subsequently and inexplicitly dropped A month after the charges were dropped, her husband stabbed her repeatedly and killed her. The next day neighbors called police when the victim’s son knocked on their door and told them, “Mom’s dead.” Police did not find the husband to arrest him for two weeks and charged him with murder.

After her murder, prosecutors remained mum. The New Jersey State Police also refused to comment. Said victim relatives: “It was a living hell. He beat her. She was constantly on the run from him she wanted nothing more than to get out of there.”  She wanted to move to Tennessee, but she wouldn’t leave her children behind. And a judge, obviously oblivious to DV , ordered her children to stay put.

At a vigil held after her death, her mother, according to N.J.com, lamented: “It didn’t need to happen. People knew what was going on. The police department knew what was going on. The court system knew it was going on. Why? There’s no sense in it.”  

Court Custody Evaluators See What They BelieveUp to the 1990’s, up to 91% of custody evaluators failed to identify DV when present, and 40% dismissed it as relevant if present. 

Decade later, improved. But those who dismiss DV as mutual, situational violence, maintain it irrelevant to custody considerations, also likely to disbelieve victim, hold preservation of father‐child bond paramount, outweighing any concern for DV.

Those that understand DV to be part of chronic, coercive control express concern, find false allegations to be rare, and put victim safety over father‐child bond.

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States Still Struggling to Get Judges to Recognize DV in Making Custody/Visitation Decisions

20 states enacted new DV laws addressing custody and divorce in 2015, despite Model DV Code Rebuttable Presumption Against Abuser Custody Recommendations in 1994.

e.g. Texas

‐adoption evaluators must complete at least 8 hrs of DV education

‐requires courts to consider DV in determination of custody, must determine if party has history or pattern on DV or child abuse, whether protective order issued

Minnesota

‐ Court to determine best interest of child must consider DV; if DV found, friendly parent provision to be ignored, rebuttable presumption against joint custody of DV

Ambivalence Still Prevails

Nevada: 

Joint physical custody not in child’s best interest if DV found  by clear and convincing evidence.

But

Presumption affecting the burden of proof that joint custody is in the child’s best interest if parties agreed to it or if a parent has demonstrated, or has attempted to demonstrate but been frustrated by the other parent, an intent to establish a meaningful relationship with the child.

Further

Class D Felony to conceal or remove child from joint custody unless to protect child from imminent danger of abuse or protect self from imminent physical harm and reported the matter to law enforcement or child protective services within 24 hours or as soon as circumstances allow.

3. Criminal Justice Agencies Suffer Attention Deficit Disorder when it comes to DV 

History of exemplary criminal justice responses to DV finds rise and fall as agencies move on to tackle next perceived crisis, agency administrators revolve, resources ebb and flow.

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Rise and Fall of Police Response

e.g. Nashville, Tennessee (2001‐2010)From National Model with only 134 cases “exceptionally cleared” (victim refused to cooperate, prosecution declined) To 20053,866 exceptionally cleared in 2005, arresting only 1,352 out of more than 10,306 DV incidents, To 20105,600 exceptionally cleared, among lowest DV arrest rate in country(Shelby Sheriff: only 9.7% of DV offenses exceptionally cleared, 2010‐2014)

Nashville Decline

WHY?

→According to Tennessean, officers closing cases, not waiting for victims to get out of hospitals to contact them. 

→ A police report of a closed case failed to mention that husband threatened to stab his wife.  This only became public when the husband, in fact, proceeded to stabbed his wife, killing her two days later.

But this answer how, not why…

Nashville: The Fall and Rise….

WHY?

New Police Chief: “Mission One” 

(more lucrative traffic enforcement)

Good News (2014):  Turn around with review commission, more detectives, more prosecutors, dedicated DV Court

2015: 11,297 aggravated assaults, cleared 8,251 (73% for DV vs. 45.9% for non‐DV)

Statewide in 2015, 48% cleared by arrest, 12.1% exceptionally cleared

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Newest Innovations (Long may they last)What they teach us about CJ Response the DV

Lethality Assessment Programs (LAP)

Offender Accountability Programs

When the Systems Fails, Victims Actand suffer the consequencese.g. Kent County, Michigan

Bertram Lee convicted 3 times for DV assaults against wife. In concurrent protective order application after 3rd court conviction, wife wrote of stalking, threats to kill and then commit suicide. She got order but prosecutor reduced DV charges from DV to attempted DV. Lee got probation. Wife filed for divorce.

(MI has enhancement of 2 years imprisonment for 3rd DV conviction.)

After probationary period, Lee went back to victim’s house, fight ensued, week later Lee dies in hospital from stab wounds.

Because wife had prior retail fraud conviction, prosecuted as habitual offender.  Pleads to manslaughter to avoid 2nd degree murder charge. Sentenced to 22 ½ years in July, 2014.  

Needless to say, if Lee had been prosecuted as a habitual offender, he would be alive today and wife would be free.