. . a data network for direct action . .. . a media framework for social war . .

. . the refusal of fixed territory . .

“Even when he is not an anarchist, the criminal whoattacks a banker, a factory owner, a manufacturer, atreasury, a mail truck, etc., is sympathetic to thoseamongst the exploited who think that the wage slaves thatdefend the pennies and paper money of their boss,(whether private or state) are suck ups and snitches.”- EMILE ARMAND (1872 - 1962)

325@hush.ai325@hush.ai325@hush.ai325@hush.ai325@hush.ai#6 / 325collective.com

CONTENTS:

(7) International Resistance News

(14) From Autonomous Space to Liberated Space

(16) Thoughts on our meetings together

(19) Berlin : In Chaos (Autonomous Days of Action 2008)

(21) Notes from International Anti-Prison Gathering, Germany

(29) Letter from John Bowden: Return to Resistance

(30) Ronnie Easterbrook on Death Fast

(31) The Situation of Freddy, Marcelo and Andrea

(35) The European Silicon Valley

(40) Delinquency from ‘Cartles I’

(41) An overview of the hungerstrike in the German prisons

(46) Is the illegalist anarchist our comrade? by Emile Armand

(49) Belgian Chronology against the prison world

(50) Statement about the taking of hostages

(51) 3 Anarchists arrested in big kidnapping case

(52) Letter from Polikarpos Georgiadis

(53) Letter from Fenix Delgado

(53) On Struggle, Prison,and Social Control

(54) In the Shadow of the G8: Repression and Revolt in Japan

(55) The Festival is Over: Japan report 2008

(58) Interview with Christian S, Anti-Fascist

(56) Repression & Reports

(66) Notes on Ketamine

(67) Let’s block everything

*{ Pages (4, 5, 6, 33, 39, 40, 48) Sections from

“Considerations on Illegality by Alfredo M.Bonanno”}

Editorial. Jan 2009

And again we begin....

325 is an insurgent anti-prison zine of social war & anarchy,

published underground for the last 5 years. It is an irregular

platform for hidden news of the ongoing resistance against

capitalism and the state, and the situations of the prisoners,

who are imprisoned for their ideals. Prison is the feature that

unites all features of modern society. When you step outside

from the cells you are not free- the streets, the buses, trains,

supermarkets, libraries and workplaces are under

surveillance and controlled by a corrupt system of deadly

machinery. The agents of the system appear not to be living

beings, for they are anti-life. Inside them is only cogs, gears

and wheels, empty of emotion, empathy and beauty.

The cops can burn to death a 21 year old African man, Oury

Jalloh, strapped down in a holding cell of the police station of

Dessau, Sachsch-Anhalt, Germany, with impunity.

The cops can shoot down Alexandros Grigoropoulos, a 15

year old rebel in the public square of Athens, Greece, in front

of everyone. Without compassion, without remorse, without

any trace of what it takes to make our hearts human.

The cops can shoot down Jean Charles de Menezes, a 27

year old electrician on his way to work, in front of crowds of

people in plain day and escape even bourgeois ‘justice’.

All these killers are simply disposable tentacles of the

monstrous incompetence and bloated arrogance of the

entity known as the state. Unwilling or unable to think for

themselves they are animated by the machine, subjugated

minds and vital body of a vast living death stretching down

through the ages of humanity, like a gross sickness or

tumour. It is time to put out the existence of this horror and

transform our world beyond recognition.

mp

This magazine is an infrequent DIY printed project of incendiary

texts & images, involving the collaboration of a small network of

anarchists and anti-capitalists spread across Europe and the

World. Most of the information about current legal situations of

prisoners and anti-political struggles changes frequently, check out

our web pages for more information and links. Consider becoming a

contributor / distributor. ACN

R E P L I C A T E

O R G A N I S E

R E S I S T

A Storm approaches...

From our analysis of anarchist and

autonomous direct actions in the last 11

months since the last issue of 325 was

published, the social struggle (and also

state repression) has intensified to a

significant degree. There has been a

dramatic upsurge in rebellion against

the state and the corporations,

especially in Europe but also around the

world. Europol’s so-called ‘insurrectionist

triangle’ of Spain, Greece and Italy could

even now be said to have connected into

Mexico, Chile, Argentina, Germany,

France, Portugal and Canada. In a global

era of unfolding prison-society, rebels

exist everywhere and seek allies,

exchange and collaboration in the social

war.

State repression has likewise extended

and unilaterally co-operated, with the FBI

involved in raids against the ‘Tarnac 9’ in

France, and the recent admission by a

senior member of the Israeli foreign

secret service, Mossad, that they have

been conducting surveillance and

providing intelligence on the European

anarchist and autonomous movement

for France, UK and Germany since

shortly before the G8 in UK, 2005.

As a tiny DIY project we are not

able to cover in any satisfying way

the dramatic multiplication of

direct action resistance, but we

feel the turn of the seasons in our

bones and we want to take part in,

and deepen, this conflict. The

insurrectionary situation in Greece

came as we were putting together

this issue of the zine, and helped delay

the scheduled printing of December 08

for this issue.

We would have loved to have been able

to cover the unfolding events in more

depth, but our humble project must hit

the streets regardless, the events in

Greece would fill an entire magazine

themselves with critique and inspiration.

They pose serious questions about our

limitations of self-organisation and

methods of destructive attack.

How to widen the struggle? How to

move against the legion of police and

secret intelligence? How to broaden our

social circles and develop our face-to-

face relationships? How to deal with

social chaos and the strategy of

tension? How to seize and dismantle the

productive capabilities of capitalism?

It is clear to us that across Europe and

beyond, the global economic crisis

begins to appear and social war ignites

amongst the people. It is moving faster

than any of us could anticipate.

As the economy crumbles and prices

increase all over Europe, we too must

raise the price of what it costs to kill one

of us. This rising price of the cost of life

will be the spark of our rage and we

intend to leave only ashes of the old

world, not build new functions of political

administration of capital. For all those

people who ask where the front-lines

are, the insurrection is here, in our daily

life around us, hidden only by the depths

of ignorance, or fear; The state has

declared war on all who will not comply,

will you avert your eyes when people

start again to talk about revolution or will

you look for others to conspire with?

The anarchist movement

and the problem of secrecy

To say that the anarchist movement is by nature not a clandestine movement

is meaningless. A revolutionary movement as complex and rich in elements

for the radical transformation of society cannot fail to be thought of as

anything other than an intervention that is realised in the light of day so that

everyone has the chance to take its ideas into consideration.

The fact that the anarchist movement has at times been reduced to

clandestinity depended exclusively on altered historical and political conditions

in a given country.

But that does not prevent the anarchist movement from developing its

political and revolutionary activity with the caution mentioned earlier. It also

develops more specific activity that is not aimed at propaganda and

participation in social struggle, but has different objectives that are -

obviously - not in contrast with the first. In the first place, the problem of

finding the means necessary for the struggle. in the second, attacks against

objectives and individuals actively involved in exploitation, and so on.

This kind of activity cannot be considered as something

“different” or “separate” from the rest. The need for secrecy,

which seems out of the question as far as these aspects are

concerned, leads those who believe secrecy is impossible to

conclude that all such activity must be abandoned, thus

sacrificing a potential that continues to reduce everything to

simple declarations of principle and sad inadequacy of means.

Considerations on Illegality - Alfredo M. Bonanno

4

The broad concept of illegality

Simply spreading information that has been distorted or kept quiet by the

institutions and the media is “illegal”. It does not go against any precise law

(except in cases of information protected by “State secret”), but is contrary to

the State’s management of social control, of enforcing the law.

So a wide range of activity exists that attracts the attention of the State’s

repressive organisms to the same extent (if not more) as behaviour that

actually breaks a precise law.

At certain moments the circulation of information can be very damaging to

projects of State control, at least as much as (if not more) action considered

by the law as crime.

It derives from this that the difference between the “formal” line of illegality and

the “real” one fluctuates according to the repressive projects of power.

So State and capital both nationally and internationally determine levels of

illegality - or if you prefer a limit of ‘legality’ - fixed not so much through recourse

to precise laws (the law acts in given cases), but with an intricate practice

of control and dissuasion that only at certain moments becomes

actual repression as such.

Considerations on Illegality - Alfredo M. Bonanno

From work to leisure, from protest to

party, too many people drug themselves

with apathy, lust and greed; the spectacle

runs their lives, scared to finally attack the

conditions that make their lives miserable

they violently poison others with their

sickness of heart.

Depression and addiction to the market

claim the rest, we have had enough of

walking into the desert, pretending that

everything is fine, dying of thirst.

We are finished with activism and the

tired regime of leftist repression,

incestuous meetings, social centres, bar

management, tourism, it is just as much a

trap as drug addiction. We are sick of

feeling like our only hope is to resign

ourselves to hiding from the storm, we

want to the unleash the frenzy of our

compassion. We call others for

collaboration, we don’t wish for

supporters, only co-conspirators in the

struggle. Activist structures appear to be

highly vulnerable to manipulation by

individuals with a preset agenda that rest

on creating and leading a ‘consensus’ to

an already decided outcome and

trajectory. The main feature of these

models is usually noticeable in their

inflexibility, emphasis on production/

’efficiency’ and focus on ‘getting shit done’.

This is done under a facade of collective

decision making and ‘inclusion’. These

forms of ‘non-hierarchical

consensus decision making’ are

just as vulnerable to passive/

aggressive power dynamics as

other forms of organisation. The

power dynamic is suppressed but it

is diffused into the very form of the

structure itself, establishing

‘permitted’ limits of action and

dialogue on the ‘participants’.

It’s needed to challenge dominance

whenever it appears, and also the

various guises and models it

employs, to bring the point home to

people that we can see through

what they are doing, when they are

censoring people and limiting the

areas of potential debate and

activity. We have seen it dozens of

times where individuals have

manipulated events like regular

politicians. Even if these activists

might not be aware of what they

are doing, they play their role well.

If you are a true believer with a

prepackaged philosophy and

outlook, you will miss a great deal,

because you’re pre-programmed

to ignore what doesn’t fit into your

mold and it doesn’t matter what

your model is. If you are simply

open-minded to the edges where

your rationalism meets the ‘other’ and

accept the push beyond the limits of

what you know, put yourself in

situations extreme to your daily

routine, your job, your school, possibly

your partner, your identity, we find

ourselves at the place where the

barriers begin to dissolve and the

world begins to look like a very different

place. For us, we want to understand

what it is to be human, a rebel against

all God and law. This is the key to really

begin the activity of deconstructing not

only ourselves, but our society, which

rests on division, alienation and

authority.

Our investigation must run into the

veins. The condition of modern war is

not just global, it is in the heart of each

of us as we struggle to make the

decisions that will affect our whole

reality.

The economic system has not looked

so fragile in decades, oil war and

ecological collapse are hastening the

global crisis. The desperate ecological

meltdown as it hastens into certitude

provides a backdrop for global wars

over energy, land and other resources.

Religion, the zombie hand of the past

fights bitterly to prevent it’s imminent

demise and the tortured Middle East

cries for liberation. Earth responds to

the tremendous influences of industrial

civilisation, and again history moves

with tumult unseen since the last wave

of social resonance, which brought the

death camp, the atomic bomb,

cybernetics, Internet and LSD.

In the face of the apparent scarcity of

traditional resources, Capital and

State, in the forms of Science and

Technology, are manifesting their form

revealed, as self-aware militarised

robots, able to manufacture

themselves independent of human

beings. A totalising self-organised

sentient cybernetic material force

composed of artificial intelligence,

robotics, self-production, utilitarianism

and environmental exploitation.

An entire city in South Korean is being

built based around the production of

robotics and machine intelligence. Like

pools of water collecting together, ‘like

attracts like’, for this cybernetic

awareness appears to be attempting

to constitute all isolated aspects of the

industrialised totality into a singular

5

The function of secrecy

When we see that control is not just a repressive fact but is also, and often

essentially, participatory, it is possible to evaluate the problem of secrecy

differently.

Basically it is we ourselves who by “participating” could end up sanctioning

definitive real control. If we refuse to collaborate, if we obstruct the creation of

a ghetto culture with all possible means, a language for the exclusive use of

those who are and will be excluded from the technological management of

production, therefore of power, then real control will not be possible.

It is not so much the problem of considering today what margins the State

conserves from so-called “not applied control”, i.e of the capacity it could

employ - also preventively - but doesn’t, so as to give the impression that at

least there is an area that is devoid of control. In substance, this area might

exists, it might not. It is social control as a whole that is not yet total. Even that

which looms up before us - prisons for example - are still incomplete control. It

follows that it is not a question of the extent of control, but of the quality of

the control itself.

The function of secrecy in subversive behaviour could therefore

be that of denying this participation, avoiding interiorising

the values and language that the State is transmitting with the

aim of control.

Considerations on Illegality - Alfredo M.Bonanno

force capable of controlling even our

apparent reality itself, endlessly creating

itself dispersed in a relationship of

extraction, manipulation and social

control.

However the neo-liberal capitalist

economic system is disintegrating,

breaking down into tottering marionettes

of repression; Financial recession and

the spectre of a global banking collapse

haunt the corridors of power.

This tsunami brings a question of

continuity to the entire mass society. This

object of total disruption is coming into

our present, brought forth from the

future by the critical destruction wrecked

by this technocratic industrial civilisation,

breaking up not only the present

sociological world but also the ecological

sphere. The unstoppable shifts caused by

industrialism appear to be one of a sheer

scale and breadth that the crisis to come

is felt only as rain-drops to the storm that

approaches.

Everyone is paying attention. some

expecting more of the same steady

degradation that threatens not their

meaningless existence but only prolongs

it. All the solar/wind power, recycling

and permaculture in the world is not

going to stop the juggernaut response of

destructive environmental forces aching

to be released. As a concept, the ‘future’

itself is uncertain, and as anarchists we

spend every day not waiting for collapse

but organising for insurrection - we have

to train, prepare, heal and educate

ourselves about the emerging total

police-state, as it attempts at all cost to

preserve the rule of the elite.

We are some of the ones who have

chosen sides in this war, and we know

that the state is our enemy, it will kill,

torture and imprison anyone who

threatens its power. You do not need

barbed wire and bars to build a prison

camp - You just need dominion. The

social war is the modern warfare, the

urban war, the ‘quiet’ war. The conditions

of tension in the social terrain are a flash-

point for the subversion and destruction

of the entire mode of industrial capitalist

production and political economy. This is

what it will take to begin to repair the

damage, nothing less.

The key is to really start, to begin your

own rebellion. To say “No, I have had

enough!”, enough lies from the false

culture, enough of the abuse and

violence the system subjects us to

everyday. Everything that brings us

the deceit of the routine we declare

our foe, the world of the decaying lie,

the death world of the resurrected

politic.

All appears to be “up in the air”, how

can we ever return to our previous

lives? To struggle to find enough to

eat, to find a place to sleep, to know

you are something made of dreams

and hopes. To act with your fate to

be in your own hands and no other.

To be more than our enemies can

ever expect, and to die knowing you

lived a life that was your will, for

none other than the star of your

heart, our struggle that guides us

through the chaotic night to our

certain death.

Let’s organise to attack and destroy

this intolerable system with our

close friends and comrades, known

and unknown, in the areas we know

and understand, with the means

that are available to us - making

direct action, raising consciousness

and organising ourselves using

principles of mutual aid and

solidarity - it will make mass

imprisonment a thing of the past.

6

MUTUAL AID &

S O L I D A R I T Y

SELF-ORGANISATION

DECENTRALISATION

COGNITIVE LIBERTY

SEXUAL LIBERATION

I N S U R R E C T I O N

A N A R C H Y

International

Resistance

News

4 January, Berlin, Germany - Two upperclasscars torched in Berlin-Friedrichshain.

2 January, Berlin, Germany - An upperclasscar burned in Berlin

1 January, Berlin, Germany - In the night ofnew year the Police station in the Berlin district- Prenzlauer Berg - got attacked. A unknownnumber of Autonomen attacked the policestation from a group of 1000 people. After 3Cop cars in the front of the station gotsmashed they broke some windows on thebuilding and tried to shoot fireworks inside,which got stuck in the security fence behindthe windows. 1 Cop got injured by a flyingpiece of glass. Before this, the same group ofpeople thrown already fireworks at cop carspassing by and smashed the windows of atram.

1 January, Greece - Arson and other attackstook place in many cities after midnightsending a message for 2009. In Athens, 7banks, 3 car dealerships, 7 cars and 15garbage bins were set on fire. In Thessaloniki,bank offices, and a womens’ clothes storewere burned. During a demonstration, 23garbage bins (used as barricades) wereburned and the police fired teargas and flash-bangs. In another part of the city, municipalpolice cars and office were attacked andburned. In Larissa the city’s Christmas treewas half-burned. In Serres, the nationalist right-wing party offices were attacked, the windowswere smashed and paints were thrown.

1 January, London, UK - “.. 2 banksvandalized in the old street area and manypolitical slogans written all over ...with theseactions we mean to show solidarity with therevolt in Greece and bring together theanarchist movement in UK .. United we stand- Divided we fall.... vandals united @”

? December, Brighton, UK - “Direct aktion inBrighton. Solidarity with all those fightingback. Luxury SUV in flames and spray-paintslogans in some few places. We did this forgreece and all prisoners. @narchist greetingsto all those who want to fight back now - weare with you.”

31 December, Lisbon, Portugal - “Wilddemonstration by 17 individuals around theLisbon Prison (Estabelecimento Prisional deLisboa). We shouted against the police, theprison guards, the prisons and this society. Wehanded out leaflets to the prisoners’ visitorsand to passers-by; we made a lot of noise witha megaphone, whistles and football horns, and

read several times acommunique with themegaphone, at differentspots around the prisonwalls. For briefmoments we occupiedthe road, ignoring thecops nerves, and left afew banners in front ofthe main gate. Severalpolice reinforcementsarrived, which tried toidentify two comrades,but were prevented bythe others immediateresponse. However,some of the othercomrades ended up being surroundedand identified, but that didn’t ruin, norwill ever ruin, our party. We were thereto send our energy to the ones insidethe cells, to express our visceral desirethat not only the energy, but also theanger, the revolt and the joy, comingfrom both inside and outside, blow upthe walls of every prison. Solidarity withthe rebel comrades and the prisoners instruggle throughout the world. Insideand outside the walls, that insurrectionbegin!” Anarchists

30 December, Berlin, Germany - 7upperclass cars get torched in differentpart of the city.

29 December, Berlin - In the night twoupper class cars were put on fire inBerlin. The political police took over theinvestigations, as a political motive forthe arsons can not be excluded. Thisyear already more than 60 cars hadbeen burned in the capital, presumablyfor political reasons.

27 December, London, UK - “Saturdayaktion in solidarity with the greek revolt.today afternoon took aktion in london insolidarity with the revolt in greece andwe ask freedom to all the imprisoned ...2 cash points and 1 bank wasvandalized ....unknown persons set onfire 1 luxury car and 2 huge skips setalight .....just remember WE DONTFORGET WE DONT FORGIVE.....COMRADES FROM ALL THEWORLD UNITED WE STANDDIVIDED WE FALL SOLIDARITYMEANS ATTACK @”

23 December, Berlin, Germany - Threeupperclass cars torched in differentdistricts.

21 December, London, UK - Action insolidarity with the Greek revolt.“Solidarity with the greek revolt bringchaos in london. yesterday afternoonand night small actions took placearound the city and old street ...4 banksgot vandalized and many cashmachines destroyed ...many bins andskips got alight and 2 cars got flamesas well ..all this actions is in solidaritywith the greek revolt and to everybody

who stay in prison for direct actions ....WEDONT FORGET WE DONT FORGIVE ..thetime is now a.c.a.b”

20 December, Lisbon, Portugal - OnDecember 20, about 80 people got together inthe afternoon in a central square of Lisbon, in asolidarity concentration with the rebels inGreece. After a while, this concentrationturned into a spontaneous demonstrationthrough the rich part of downtown: along theway, the traffic was blocked, several messageswere spray painted in shops and banks and ona police car, which got caught in the middle ofa huge banner, scaring the shit out of themorons inside. In the end the banners were puton a statue of another central square. One ofthe banners read “Let’s occupy our lives withacts of insurrection. Here as in Greece, socialwar.” Also on December 20, international dayof action called by the occupied polytechnicassembly, in Athens, flyers were distributed inAmadora, and several messages were spraypainted throughout the city as well. Onebanner was placed on a fence, in solidaritywith the struggle in Greece. Back in December12, some spray painting in the entrance of theGreek consulate in Porto, in solidarity with therevolts in Greece. “Those who sow death,harvest tempests. @”.

20 December, Dublin, Ireland - GreekEmbassy smashed up with rocks and redpaint, solidarity demo followed in the day.

20 December, Ontario, Kanada - Action insolidarity with Greek rebellion. “On the night ofDecember 20th in a city near Toronto, Ontario,4 banks were attacked by anarchists. Thewindows and bank machines were brokenwith hammers. Messages against Capital werepainted on the wall. Banks pay for prisons. Weare against this prison-society and it’s finalconclusion; the lifeless prison structure.Solidarity with uncontrollables in Greece,native communities in struggle, and the self-organized struggles of prisoners; your fight isours! Spread the word.”

19 December, Berlin, Germany - Twoupperclass cars burned down. Moreover, about20 person dressed in dark clothes attacked aluxury condo building under construction inKreuzberg with stones and colour bags in thenight to Friday. In the Paul-Linke-Yards socalledCarlofts are being build, said the owner. Thismeans that the flats have their parking lot right

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7

in front of their door. The cars will be brought tothe respective floor by a lift. The condos in thescene district will cost up to 1.6 million Euro.This was not the first militant action happenedagainst this project.

16 December, Reykjavik, Iceland - Escalationof revolt over economic collapse, active blackbloc seen for first time in Iceland. From ananarchist comrade: “On The 16th between 100-200 people blocked the Ministers meeting placefor the second Tuesday in a row. Last time only20 or 30 people were there and were seriouslyheld back by the pigs, but this time the ministershad to scramble their way over the fence and goin through the backdoor. Yesterday around 80people walked from one Landsbanki office to theother shouting slogans and stomping around. Inthe computer department they forced their wayinto the office and protestedamong quite baffled employers.Today a group of 50 peoplesmashed their way into thefinancial management institutionof Iceland. “.

16 December, Berlin, Germany

- A police station got attacked inBerlin. “Release the anger whichhas no description!““In the latehours of the 16 of December2008 we attacked a policestation sited in the BulgarischeStrasse, Treptow district, and alsothe cars parked in front of it withstones and color.“We did this action in relationto the ongoing trial against alleged members ofthe Militante Gruppe, the arrest of Frenchactivists at the beginning of November, thepolice murder of Alexis happened on the 6 ofDecember in Athens and the acquittance of thecops responsible for the murder of Oury Jallohon the 8 of December.““Since the 25 ofSeptember 2008, a trial is going on in Berlinagainst Axel, Florian and Oliver. They aresupposed to be members of the MilitanteGruppe and have tried to torch some militarytrucks on the 31 of July in Brandenburg/Havel.“Our contribution to the worldwide actionday in solidarity with the three defendants of the13 of December.““we let our anger and sorrowspeak through the actions. ““Against cops, Stateand Capital!“

15 December, Setubal, Portugal - “In the nightof 15 of December, several recycle points wereburn down in different points of Setubal,Portugal. Also some solidarity messages withthe comrades in Greece were spray-painted.That the flame of rebellion spreads throughoutthe world!”.

? December, London, UK - “AKTION INLONDON. POLICE VANS VANDALIZED.BANKS VANDALIZED..CASH POINTSDESTROYED ...BINS SET ON FIRE ..BMWSET ON FIRE ....POLITICAL SLOGAN INMANY PLACES AROUND THE CITY....SOLIDARITY WITH GREEK REVOLT WEDONT FORGET WE DONT FORGIVE NOSURRENDER.”

15 December, Mexico City, Mexico - The“anarchist individualities for the destruction ofthe establishment” burned a police station in

Mexico DF in solidarity with theprisoners taken by the police in theuprising that took place there on the2nd of October this year. They alsodedicated their action to the freedomfighters in the Greek streets. In thewords of the old “anarquistasexpropiadores” (“expropiator/bankrobber anarchists”) “SOLIDARITYAMONG ANARCHISTS IS NOT JUSTWORDS.”

14 December, Lisbon, Portugal - GNR(Republican National Guard - thePortuguese militarized police) barracksin Loios, Lisbon, attacked. One windowsmashed and “NAO ESQUECEMOS.NAO PERDOAMOS. (A)” (“we don’tforget. we don’t forgive. (A)”) written onthe wall.

12 December, Cardiff, UK - Policestation attacked in solidarity with Greekrevolt. “In the early hours of thismorning (12/12/08) individuals visiteda police station in the Canton area ofCardiff. Slogans in support of the Greekrioters, in memory of Alexandros andanti police were painted on the front ofthe building. Two Police vans outsidethe station were also painted andcovered in paint stripper. We stand insolidarity with the rioters of Greece andwith the poor oppressed of the world.For every action they take to repress uswe will answer with a militant attack..We must fight to oppose this deathmachine. THE SOCIAL WARCONTINUES.”

10 December, Bristol, UK - Solidaritywith the Greek rioters. Police vehiclesdamaged in Bristol in response to killercops in Greece. “Over 30 policevehicles, both marked and unmarked,were attacked in Bristol last night byanarchists with catapults. 2 sites weretargeted, Broomhill Road in Brislingtonand Poplar Way in Avonmouth andextensive damage done. Seems like BigBrother can’t be watching everywhere.We will always turn our grief and tearsfor our murdered comrades into rageand attacks against the enemy. Fromthe banlieus of Paris to the streets ofLondon and Athens, police bullets andviolence against the poor and thosewho oppose them will always be thesame. They will get away with impunity

in the courts, but not on our streets. For everyattack a militant response, and for internationalsolidarity. Strength and respect to the rioters inGreece and everywhere. Against all authority.Find your own way to fight back, but do it now!”

9 December, New York, USA – Solidarity fromNew York with Greek uprising. “At 3:30 am lastnight the Greek Consulate in New York City gota surprise visit from anarchists in solidarity withcomrades in Greece. At 12 noon today aprotest was held at the Consulate in memory ofAlexis and in solidarity with the riots and thosearrested in the past few days. The GreekConsulate had windows broken and graffiti,including “Alexis was Here.”

7,8,9 December, Germany - “After the policemurder of a Greek comrade in Athens, solidarityactions widen in all Germany: from big city tosmall towns, many are taking the streets thesedays. Our solidarity does not know any border -ACAB everywhere!” Enraged individuals

Sunday 7.12

Berlin: spontaneous demonstration with 200people in the district of Kreuzberg. / Hamburg:spontaneous demonstration with over 100people. / Koln: Paintbombs against the Greekconsulate. / Dresden: a courthouse get itswindows smashed and graffitied in solidaritywith Greek comrades spray painted.

Monday 8.12

Berlin: occupation of the Greek consulate by agroup of 30 anarchists, a banner reading“Alexander Grigoropoulos, 16 years old,murdered by the State!” was hanged from theconsulate’s balcony, leaflets have been thrownon the streets and distributed, while about 70solidarious people held a rally in front of thebuilding. Nobody got stopped by the cops andthe action finished in the evening. / Dresden:50 people gather for a spontaneousdemonstration. / Bremen: about 100 peopledemonstrate. / Koln: 250 take the streetstowards the Greek consulate, speeches inGreek and German are made about thesituation, fireworks exploded against the cops,some chairs fly against some shop windows. /Potsdam: 60 people gather for a spontaneousdemonstration, distribute flyers and explodefireworks in front of the local police stationscreaming “police murders”. /Schnerverdingen: 25 people take the streetsand distribute flyers. / Dresden: 30 people takethe streets through the local Christmas market,creating chaos by pulling down trashbins andother material on the streets, when passing infront the police station they smashed one of thecop car parked on its front.

Tuesday 9.12

Leipzig: spontaneous demonstration with 200comrades, also in solidarity to Timo, a Germancomrade currently under trial in Thessaloniki andthe acquittance of the cops who burned theAfrican refugee Oury Jallo in Dessau in 2005,acquittance just happened on the 8.12, cops tryto stop the demo without succeeding. / Jena:30 anarchists take the streets and smash a

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bank. / Dortmund: 60 people take the streets. /Frankfurt: 150 take the streets towards theGreek consulate, some smashed banks on theend. / Rostock: 150 take the streets, thebanner reading “policemen are murders -Greece is everywhere - Genoa, Athens,Dessau”, several fireworks have been explodedagainst the police. / Konstanz: 30 people takethe streets. / Hannover: 70 people make aspontaneous demonstration to the Greekconsulate and distribute flyers. / Minden: 30people take the streets and throw paintbombsagainst some banks and a police car.

Wednesday 10.12

Düsseldorf: 150 comrades hold ademonstration to the greek consulate, which getblocked by the cops. Later on, despite massivepolice presence in front of the consulate, somepeople manage to spraypaint “assassins” and“acab” on the facade. / Oldenburg: 120 peopledemonstrate in the inner city, cops get atackedwith bottles, some people try afterwards to burna big christmas tree sited in the christmasmarket, sadly gets stopped by active citizens. /Jena: second solidarity demonstration, 60people demonstrate through the inner city andthe christmas market, as soon as the cops showup get attacked with stones. / Nürnberg:demonstration with 50 people. / Saarbrücken:spontaneous demonstration with 30 people. /Osnabrück: spontaneous demonstration with30 people. / Bielefeld: 80 people gather for aspontaneous demonstration. / Erlangen: 30-40people demonstrate through the inenr city.

Thursday 11.12

Frankfurt: demonstration to the greek consulatewith around 500 people. The cops try to stopthe demo afterwards, while some people buildbarricades, cops get attacked with stones andpaintbombs, some of their cars get damaged asalso the police station. / Magdeburg: 30masked up people gather for a spontaneousdemonstration through the inner city.

Kiel: spontaneous demonstration with 100people. / München: rally of 100 people in theinner city.

Friday 12.12

Berlin: A demonstration with about 1500walked through the district of Kreuzberg.Originally planned in solidarity with the MG-defendants and against State repression, itbecame another occasion to show our solidaritywith Greek revolters. During all thedemonstration people chanted anti-policeslogans; the demonstration was very strong,most of people walking in chains, but itremained peaceful, beside a few firecrackerthrown at the cops. The latter, unnormal forBerlin standards, kept relative distance,probably not wanting to escalate the situation. Itis reported that after the demonstration copshave been hit with stones. Several militantactions took place during the night: some trashbins have been set alight in Kreuzberg, aPorsche got burned in Friedrichshain, two banksgot smashed in solidarity with Alexis and graffitifor him left behind, also in Friedrichshain, while

one of the banks had been hit with amolotow cocktails.

Saturday 13.12

Bremen: demonstration of 300 peopleagainst repression and in solidarity withthe events in Greece: it got forbidden bythe cops, 150 remain in a police kettlefor several hours. / Hamburg: anantirepression demonstration takesplace for Mumia Abu-Jamal, 500 peopletake part, among them an antirepressionbloc of about 300 comrades, thedemonstration passes by the Greekconsulate and a speech gets donethere. / Magdeburg: 30 peopledemonstrate spontaneously in the innercity, graffitis have been made. /Hannover: 180 demonstrate againstrepression and police murder: of Alexis,or Oury Jalloh, of Halim Dener. Thedemonstration reaches the Greekconsulate, people get attacked whiletrying to get closer to it than what thecops wanted to. The latter attacked thedemonstration and wound someparticipants. During the week, thewindows of the greek consulate got hitby stones and color. / Würzburg: about100 people mostly masked updemonstrate carrying a banner reading“against police violence and state terror– murder remains murder!”. Cops are hitby several firecrackers and try to stopthe demonstration, a scuffle takes place,one police and a few demonstrators getwounded. / Weimar: 50 people take thestreet of the inner city, “armed” withsmoke bombs, fireworks andfirecrackers, distributing flyers. As soonas the first cops come, they getattacked with stones and bottles, thenthe people disperd,although a few getarrested afterwards. Münster: 60solidarious people take the streets foran unpermitted march.

Sunday 14.12

Glauchau: spontaneous demonstrationof 35 people carrying a banner reading:Europe or Athen, it will burn, you'll see!”,flyers and stickers for Alexis aredistributed to passer-byers.

Monday 15.12

Gera: 10 people take a protest on thelocal christmas market, dressed in whiteand with red stains on their dresses,with banners reading “Alexis, that wasmurder” and “stop police violence inAthen and everywhere else”, flyers havebeen distributed to passer-byers. Somebanners and graffitis have been alsodone aroud the city in solidarity withGreek revolters. / Minden: about 100 toa solidarity demonstration for Alexis andgreek revolters.

Saturday 20.12

Hamburg: under the motto “solidarity is aweapon, insurrection an argument!”, about1000 anarchists and autonomen walked theirway through the city, aiming to reach the Greekconsulate and then the inner city. However, alarge amount of riot police prevent the demo toget too close to the consulate and at all toreach the inner city with its christmas shopping.Two water cannons also blocked the peoplewith their treatening presence. About 2-300later found their way to the Greek consulate.

9 December, Bristol, UK - Bristol policestation attacked in rage over killing of Alexis, 16year old anarchist of Athens, Greece. “Aspolice repression in Greece escalates, we, afew of many anarchists in Bristol, feelcompelled to act in solidarity with Greekanarchists. We see those struggling againstpolice repression abroad as allies in the fightagainst state repression throughout the world.All repressive state institutions are targets. Lastnight, Newfoundland Road police station wasattacked. Missiles were launched at theirvehicle compound, damaging bodywork andwindscreens, rendering around eight policevehicles inoperable, at least for the day. Amessage of solidarity was sprayed on thestation. We urge anarchists who feel a senseof solidarity with Greek anarchists to takeimmediate action, by whatever meansnecessary.”

28 November, Berlin/Magdeburg, Germany -“You can’t control nuclear energy – you can’tcontrol us! In protest against a symposiumabout used nuclear waste dumps taking placein Berlin, and also as a contribution to themobilisation against Castor we put a hookclawinto the electrical power line of the railwaybetween Berlin and Magdeburg in the night of28th/29th November... Paralyse the nuclearstate Germany! Help capitalism to die!” - Anti

Castor Action Berlin

24 November, Ridley Park, PA, USA -Sabotage shut down assembly lines at aPhiladelphia area Boeing aircraft plant thatproduces military hardware. A foreign objectwas found lodged in the fuel line of a V-22Osprey fuselage on Friday. The incident wasthe second to cause concern at the plant thisyear. Last May a worker snipped wires in twoCH-47 Chinook Helicopters at the samefacility.

24 November, London, UK - In the evening theGreek Embassy is spray-painted again insolidarity with the prisoners on hunger-strike.“yesterday night the Greek embassy was spraypainted and same vandalism was done ....wewill not stop ......to the secret cops in the otherside of the road .........LOSERS” - anti

kapitalism crew

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17 November, Buenos Aires, Argentina -Freddy and Marcelo, political prisoners, start ahungerstrike and a train line is blocked insolidarity. “On the 17th of Novembercompaneros Freddy Fuentevilla and MarceloVillarroel, politically persecuted in the Chileanstate and held kidnapped in the U11 ofNeuken prison by the Argentinean State,started a hunger strike ... Extending theirstruggle and accompanying their decision,some companeros expressed active solidaritythe same morning by cutting train passage onthe red line that goes between City Bell andCill Elisa. “We hung a sign (Freedom NowFor Freddy and Marcelo) that was illuminatedby the fire of burning tires. Keep open thedoor to extend rebellion! “SOLIDARITY IS AWEAPON!! USE IT!!! ONLY STRUGGLEWILL MAKE US FREE!! WE ARE AT WAR!!!Salud y Anarkia.”

17 November, Lima, Perú - Embassyintervention in solidarity with Chilean andMapuche Prisoners. “Around 1 o’clock agroup of around twenty people appeared inthe door of the Chilean embassy in Peruhanging banners and giving out fliers (NOREBEL IN THE CLAWS OF THE STATE/FIRE TO THE PRISONS/ BRING CHILEANAND MAPUCHE PRISONERS HOME) Aftersome slogans were shouted and somedeclarations read the group began to paintthe walls of embassy and hence confrontingthe guards from the enclosure; Minutesbefore the cops showed up the groupdisappeared...”

16 November, Lisbon, Portugal - “Sundaynight anarchists attacked the Greekembassy in Lisbon (Portugal) withblack paint-bombs. Greetings to thecomrades. Solidarity to the prisonersin struggle!”

15 December, Berlin, Germany -Anti-militarist sabotage in Magdeburg.claimed by 'commando black saltcellar': "On Sunday night we did asabotage action on an area of theBundeswehr in Magdeburg/Diesdorf.We damaged the vehicles parked onan unprotected area of theBundeswehr (a truck, a van and acar). Tyres were slashed, locks gluedand the walls sprayed with several slogans,like "soldiers are murderers". The vehiclestook a lot of paint as well. This was done insolidarity with the anti-militarists arrested inBerlin. Direct actions against military facilitiesand other institutions of state violence arelegitimate and necessary in the struggle for asociety free of masters. Aren't we all a bitmilitant group?"

14 November, Vancouver, Coast Salish,

Kanada – Sabotage of 5 Cop & ProbationOffices. “Over the night of November, 14th,2008 we sabotaged a total of five CommunityPolicing Centres and Probation Offices.Probation offices on Burrard St. and onCommercial Drive had their locks glued andwire placed in the locks to make it more

difficult to repair. The windows of theCommunity Policing Centre onCommercial Drive were smashed yetagain and the locks glued at two moreCommunity Policing Centres on EastHastings and on Keefer St. Fuck thePolice!”

12 November, Barcelona, Catalonia -Violent manifestation of Nissan workersin Barcelona. More than thousandworkers of the Japanese automobilecompany Nissan carried out amanifestation that finished violentlyoutside of the company in Barcelona inprotest by a plan of dismissals thatNissan anticipated to finish with 1,680dismissals.

10 November Berlin, Germany - EarlyMonday morning two vehicles of theDeutsch Bahn were demolished througharson at Schmollerplatz in Treptow. Aresident noticed the fire and called thefire brigade, police said. One car gotheavily damaged, the fire spread toanother one parked nearby. TheProvincial Criminal Police examineswhether the arson has a political motive.

10 November, London, UK - Greekembassy attacked again by anarchists,spray painted, windows smashed, cartyres slashed. “IF THEY GIVE USREPRESSION WE GIVE THEMDESTRUCTION”.

9 November, London, UK - On Sundaynight the Greek embassy was spraypainted with political slogans insolidarity with the prisoners in Greeceand some windows got smashed. It wasalso done in solidarity with 3 animalliberation militants arrested in Swedeninvolved in a campaign to close a furshop.

8 November, France - In a coordinatedattack metal rods were jammed againstoverhead power cables, taking outtrains on lines north, east and south ofthe capital, causing chaos to the Frenchrail network. The French policesubsequently raided several locations inFrance, with the village of Tarnac being

particularly targeted. Two people are still beingheld and a total of nine people are being chargedwith criminal association with the aim of terrorismand sabotage, and one of the defendants ischarged with being the leader of a terroristgroup. Police claim that the group has hadcontact with people across Europe in countriessuch as Germany, Greece, Belgium and the UK,the cops are investigating these links. The grouphad been under heavy police surveillance sinceApril after the French police were alerted by theFBI after some members had tried to cross theUS border illegally. Details of the ‘Tarnac 9’ casecan be found in the Repression & Reportssection at the back of the zine.

7 November, Madisonville, TN, USA – Arsonattack at Police Chief’s home. An arson heavilydamaged the home of Vonore Police Chief JohnHines. The blaze broke out Monday night atHines’ house, the fire was set outside the house.

6 November, Thessaloniki, Greece - Arsonagainst New Democracy (ruling party) offices insolidarity with Greek prisoners in struggle :”Weclaim responsibility for the symbolic attack at thelocal offices of New Democracy onKompotheklas 8 in Analipsi, Thessaloniki, early inthe dawn of Thursday 6-11-08. With a minimumact of solidarity we care for the prisoners angryvoices to reach every corner of this city. In thisstruggle held in every prison of the country thesedays, where the damned souls put in front theirlives, our solidarity is not just granted and self-evident, it is practical. We “warm up” ourembraces to welcome again in the gulfs ofresistance our comrades I. Nikolaou, D.Syrianou, K. Halazas.” - Cells of aggressive

solidarity to prisoners

4 November, Abadino, Euskadi -Blockade against TAV high-speed trainlines being built across Europe. A group of20 people against the project of the TAVoccupied an area important to the projectand made lock-ons. They were controlledby police and security. With this action,they have denounced the destruction thatis causing works in the district of Mendiola(Abadino), making clear that they will notstop fighting until stopping this madnessand that they will continue. “OBRAKGELDITU! MAKINAK KANPORA! AHTrikEZ eta KITTO!”

6 November, Undisclosed location, UK -Control freak Jacqui Smith, the UK HomeSecretary, had her fingerprints stolen from awater glass taken from a Social MarketFoundation event where she was speaking.Earlier this year activist anti-ID group ‘No2ID’offered a reward of £1,000, to be paid for thefingerprints of Jacqui Smith and Gordon Brown.Once the group has both sets of fingerprints, itintends to make them public, as Berlin’s ChaosComputer Club did with the fingerprints ofGerman Interior Minister Wolfgang Schauble.

24 October, Thessaloniki, Greece - From themass-media: ‘A group of unknown persons

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attacked with Molotovs late-night at 23:50 asubsidiary of Piraeus bank, in the center ofThessaloniki The group, five to seven persons,broke down the glass window of the bank onVasileos Irakliou street, 1, and hurled twomolotovs inside, causing material damages.Communique sent via e-mail: “The night ofFriday October 24, we set on fire the subsidiaryof Piraeusbank on 1, Vasileos Irakliou street,wrecking it, as a minimum contribution to theproclaimed war against authority. A war thatbreaks out everyday, against state and capitaland consciously unsettling the established orderof social peace and harmony. The bank, as akeystone of the economy will always be a targetof ours. We negate submission to the existentsystem of exploitation and thus we select to setthe time and the place that our rage will bematerialized. Every lost hour in this society oftorpor, apathy and willful servitude is a defeat.Every assault is a victory. We call the flames ofnegation of the existent to intensify therevolutionary action. The capitalist society won’tfall apart due to its economic contradictions anddisruptions. We thus dedicate this attack tothree of those. To Dimitra Syrianou, KostasHalazas and Ilias Nikolaou, accused witharsonist attacks realised in Thessaloniki andhaving gone underground, denying to givethemselves in, to the hands of the judges.Solidarity to all imprisoned revolutionaries. ‘tillthe next time...” - Cells of creative rupture

23 October, Berlin, Germany - Slogans spraypainted on prison-memorial: “On Thursday the23rd October we visited the former prison ofMoabit (1875-1989) and decorated it withcolor. Especially during the nazi-times, thehistory of this place had been shaped by thepersecution, torture and homicide of politicalprisoners and partisans. Considering thatnowadays the outside walls of this place shouldremind visitors about its horrible past, we foundimportant to pay a visit here in order to sensitizevisitors about the present situation in thiscountry. Since antifascists are still a target ofstate repression and are getting imprisonedbecause of their political convictions, we leftbehind the words “...and still, antifascists aregetting criminalized and imprisoned“, “Freedomfor Andrea and Christian”, “Make an hole out ofprisons” as well as the internet addresses of thesoli-websites for the prisoners.(www.freeandrea.de.vu /

www.freechristian.de.vu). Freedom for all!”

15 October, Santiago, Chile - Explosive attackagainst Social Club of Police by rebels: “Weattack the Social Club of the Police ofInvestigations ... Another blow, one more. Againwe remembered to them that we followedmoving here to us under its noses, that we willnever disappear. We become to rise against themonotonous excrement which they turn ourlives. To produce, to work to fatten their bankaccounts, so that they can arrive at old age andenjoying their club, where they meet tocelebrate the triumph of their class. They havewon over us long ago, hundreds of years, buttoday we stopped resisting and happened toattack, the offensive is ours. The dayWednesday 15 of October we deposited anexplosive device in the parking lot of the club of

the police of investigations, located inthe Brazil place. Professional branch ofthe repression we have not forgottenyou, our attacks will be more and moreaccurate and incessant. There where wesee its’ benefit, there we will leave ourgift, remembering at that moment thehundreds of thousand of comrades andcompanions who succumbed beforetheir power. With this action we want toremember the murders of the State inthese last months: Jhonny Cariqueo andMarcelo Gonzales, who died by thepolice beating of the 29 of March and11 of September respectively. And with

special dedication to the last ones kidnapped bythe power: Axel Osorio, Esteban Huiniguir,Marcelo Dotte, Pablo Morals between so manymore. We affectionately greeted them with thenoise of the explosions, demonstrating that ourbetter form to support is the combat against thepower in all forms. THE MATERIALS TOATTACK CAPITAL FROM ALL SIDES, THEOBJECTIVES ALSO. NOR A MINUTE OFSILENCE, ALL A LIFE BATTLE” - Fracción

autónoma de ataque Leon Czolgosz

COMMUNIQUE

FROM THE

BARRICADES

Yesterday, the 15th of July,

around about 1.30pm in the

UMCE, a meeting was held for

the liberation of all political

prisoners. The meeting met

first in the interior of the

university to incite the people,

and afterwards it was brought to the street-the place where all popular combat should be,

cutting off Macul with barricades.

The students had the whole street on incited, calling for the the liberation of every dissident

who has been kidnapped by the State and Capital, having to explain their motive to the

motorists and bus drivers that didn't want to respect the barricades, who, unconsciously,

didn't know that their kids or themselves could find themselves as prisoners for simply

thinking differently.

The group of students, made up of about 30 youth, continued to shout slogans of freedom

in the street, when far off appeared the first radio patrols of the pigs of Capital, who only

see discontent. After a few minutes there appeared a group of masked youth, whose petrol

can, molotov cocktails and flame, set fire to the barricade made by comrades (note that

the relation between the student and the masked is alive more than ever and they are

complementary).

Faced with this presence, the minds were excited still more, and all the people in the street

called for the presence of those responsible for kidnapping and fighting on behalf of the

State and Capital, the dogs in green. From the other side of the meeting, appeared another

radio patrol and some motorbikes, who attempted some sort of enclosure but whose

cowardice prevented any further action.

After this, another group of masked youth numbering around 30, made their presence

known in the street. After some long minutes, there appeared a van that came from

Irrarrazaval and not Grecia as is customary, which was received by a barrage of molotovs,

stones, paint bombs and empty bottles.

One doesn't have to wait around for repression and a squad soon disembarked and fired

their gas bombs into the crowd. The combat was then brought inside the University, from

where the students launched all types of objects at the pigs, who demonstrated their

ignorance by continuing to fire chemical bombs at the crowd, some of which were made of

a red gas (this type of bomb are for use by the military and are made to kill not to

disperse).

The combat lasted 1 hour, even though the actions of the pigs was destined to fill the

university full of gas, above all with the red gas. In one moment, the masked youth stoned a

radio patrol, one that was abandoned., together with two mobile patrols, one if which was

on the receiving end of a molotov just as a pig was preparing to fire his shotgun

(lamentably this molotov went out just above him). By 3 in the afternoon most of the

students had to abandon the university, to avoid continuing to breath the shit, every day

more intense, of the chemical bombs.

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positive and desirable.. The actionagainst Haeflting is made in solidaritywith the accused anarchists andindigenous in New Zealand and alsowith prisoners everywhere. For a worldwithout racism, sexism, kolonialism, andrepression. Smash prisons intonothing!”

30 August, Berlin, Germany - An arsonattack against a police station. As thecops report, unknown persons threwtwo incendiary devices against the front-part of a police station located in theEberswalderstraße, Berlin-Pankow(Prenzlauerberg), which got slightlydamaged. Nobody got arrested.

21 August, Elorrio, Euskadi -Sabotage to Exbasa constructor (TAV).“The past Thursday 21 of August we setfire to a work house of constructorEXBASA located in Elorrio (Bizkaia). Inthis company one is integratedAMENABAR, one of the companiesthat construct the High Speed Train.With this action we want to leave tothem well clearly that we will not stopuntil they remove its dirty hands fromAmalurra. AMALURRA DOES NOTHAVE VOICE BUT FIRE! SOLE ETABALENO GOGOAN ZAITUZTEGU!SABOTAIA ETA EKINTZA ZUZENA!”

21 August, Hamburg, Germany –Autonomen devastated a district officeof the immigration department. Theydestroyed with hammers nine glass-doors, smashed computers and spraypainted everywhere red colour:yesterday, mid-day, 30 masked-uppeople assaulted the immigration office-department, located in the Hamburg-Nord district-office, Eppendorf. The

criminal police looks for possibleconnection with the “climate” and “anti-racist camp”, the inner senator, from theCDU, asked the police to survey alldistrict-offices by now on. Around12.35am the devastators began: theystormed the immigration-officedepartment, where by that momentthere wasn’t any public attending. Theyused a prepared fire-extinguisher full ofred colour to damage the interior, theythrew the files on the ground, destroyedtelephones and computers. The

spokesperson of the district-office Hansen: “aworker has been slightly injured by the pieces ofglass. All the five workers are totally under shockand have been send home. One does not exactlyknow when the department will be able to openup again, the damages are supposed to be higherthan 20.000 euros”. The cops intervened with alarge presence and arrested two Italians (26/40) –they are supposed to have taken part in thedestruction. The other authors escaped on bikes.The arrested 26 year-old man is already known inrelation to “violent-political acts”. (update: the 40year old person got out fast, the other one cameout the day after and will face serious charges.)

August 11, Farellones, Chile - High tensionelectrical tower bombed in Chile, claimed byanarchist group. The group, in an e-mail sent tovarious media outlets, took responsibility for abomb attack on a high tension electrical tower onthe road at Farellones, where one of the major skicenters of the Metropolitan Region is located. Themessage said, “Sabotage the centers of diversionof the rich” and “prepare a subversive September”.The revindication also mentioned Johnny CariqueoYanez, a youth who died March 31 from a heart-attack after he was arrested and jailed on the nightof the “Day of the Young Combatant.” The sameanarchist group claimed responsibility for the May18 bombing of the same police station the youthwas jailed at.

8 August, Berlin, Germany - Arson attacksagainst company vehicles, on of which is done insolidarity with German prisoners on hungerstrike.Within two hours unknown people set up twocompany cars on flame on Friday night, in Treptowand Mitte, the cars belong to the companySiemens. Already on Tuesday two heavy goodsvehicles had been torched in the north of Berlin,Oranienburg, belonging to a sister-company of theMetro-group. The fact that police suspect left-radical extremists to be behind the attacks, it isalso shown by a communique in regard to thislast action. The group “FFA“ took responsibility forthe arson against the company C+C Shaper,

referring to the then currenthungerstrike of over 500 prisonershappening in the German prisons.

August 6th, Coast Salish Territories

(Vancouver), Kanada - SolidarityAction with Hunger Strike August 1-7,Kanada. “Sheriff Van and PoliceCruiser Firebombed August 6th,2008 Coast Salish Territories(Vancouver), Kanada. In plain daylightin the afternoon of August 6th, wefirebombed two vehicles belonging to

the police. One was a sheriff van parked in frontof the courthouse on Main st, located south ofPowell st. The other was a police cruiser parkedon the south-east corner of Main and Hastings st,it was empty because the pigs were in the middleof conducting an arrest. That afternoon’s gossip inthe downtown east side was one of sheerhappiness found in the shared appreciation ofseeing a sheriff van burn in front of thecourthouse doors. What bliss must have been feltby the people locked inside awaiting their trials inthat despicable house of injustice. Those who livein the downtown east side struggle together daily

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14 October, Berlin, Germany – Prison visited.Part of the communique: “On the 14.10 weinterfered with the order and the security ofPankow prison by using fruits and vegetables,which we threw inside the inner yard, as wealso decorated the sad and grey prison wallswith slogans. We chose the Pankow prisonsince by now Andrea (Antifascist prisoner) isimprisoned there, although we want also toexpress our solidarity to all prisoners. Theaction took place daytime, because we are notinterested in hiding as the cops will do at thecoming trial against Andrea ... The slogan“Freedom for Andrea, Christian and the RAF!Death to the cops” now decorates the prisonwalls. Death to the cops since they defendcapitalism and capital actively by any meansnecessary. Freedom for Andrea, Christian andthe RAF prisoners! Make an hole out ofprisons! Destroy the prison system!” - Ali

baba and the forty thieves

13 October, Crawley, UK - An arson attacksaw 19 cars destroyed in the early hours of themorning. The burning cars were parked in a carpark of a Volkswagen garage.

13 October, Ontario, Kanada – Sabotage ofCP train lines in attack against the capitalistsystem, colonialism and the 2010 WinterOlympics. Here is part of the revindication : “Inan attempt to cause a shitload of economicdamage to the infrastructure of the CP railmain-line, we cut down two telephone polesacross the tracks just to the north of their mainintermodal yard outside Toronto. A pile offallen trees was ignited with gasoline acrossthe tracks, and we molotov’d one of thoseweird grey box things that look prettyimportant and are full of electrical shit. Wealso tied copper wire across the tracks tosignal the blockage so no one would get hurt..... Every train- stopped, every track- untied,every jail- destroyed!”

1 September, Minneapolis, USA - Inresistance to the Republican NationalConvention there was a large mobilisation ofanti-capitalist groups and individuals, includingthe black bloc. The results were brokenwindows, smashed cop cars, blockades, andcops and right-wing vigilantes beaten to theground by anarchists. Many people werearrested and beaten by cops, some inextensive pre-planned raids which had usedinflitators and high-tech surveillance teams on

the dissidents.

1 September, Berlin, Germany – Prisonlabour shop defaced. “In the night to Monday1st September we have improved thewindows of the Haeftlingshop with stones andbottles of colour. Haeftling (this means‘prisoner’) is a yuppie clothing company inBerlin who directly profits from prisoners andjails. It gets rich from people who areimprisoned (all the products are made in jails)and promotes the idea of jail as something

to survive beneath the booming developmentwhich continues to exclude them to anexistence of poverty and prison. Along with thepolice and private security; the courts, sheriffs,and judges continue to enforce the orderlyand lawful circulation of commodities andmoney with limitless social control. Theircomplicity is present in the example ofdevelopment, police repression and prison.They should expect no less than burningvehicles and creative expressions of ourcontempt. We hope this act will sparkcommunication and create new relationshipsof collaboration in struggle. Our choices movebeyond run, hide and prison. There areendless possibilities to be found in theconspiracy of attack. We chose to act betweenthe days of August 1st-7th because of the callfor solidarity by 500+ prisoners in Germanprisons and around Europe who are on hungerstrike. Our love is sent to the comrades whocontinue to refuse the life of passivity andsilence, inside and outside the walls of prison.For the freedom of Amadeu Casellas Ramon,Gabriel Pombo Da Silva, Marcos Camenish,Jose Fernandez Delgado! Freedom for allPrisoners! May our willingness to revolt spreadour crimes of passion through their quiet citiesand into the solitude of prison! We are boundto annihilate their prison-world!” - Solidarity

15 June, Bristol, UK - Group 4 Securityattacked. “Late on Sunday 15th June, G4S(Group 4 Security) depot in Portland Square,Bristol, was attacked by dedicated individuals.3 vehicles were beaten up withsledgehammers in revenge for the beatingsG4S give out to innocent migrants every day,in the course of their ‘business’. G4S pridethemselves on doing evil cheaply andefficiently, just like fascist lackys in other timesand places. Anything that can be done to costthem money and time is effective and worththe effort. This beating goes out as a warningto all those who abuse power, and as anincentive to people who fight whatever side ofthe fence they are caught on.”

14 June, Campsfield Detention Centre, UK -Riot at immigration detention centre overimprisonment. A disturbance kicked off ataround lunch time, people were angry becausethey are detained for a long time and so on, sothey began messing up the dining hall,smashing windows, lighting fires. The library/education was badly damaged by fire. Around30 detainees climbed the roof. Others werejumping down walls in panic. Firefighters werecalled. Riot Police and a specialist PrisonGuard unit used dogs and batons to suppressthe uprising and forced the people back totheir cells. This is the latest in a series ofdisturbances at the facility. In August last year,26 immigrants managed to escape. Prior tothat in March, an Algerian man attempted toforcefully resist efforts by immigrationauthorities to remove him. When fellowdetainees attempted to help him a riot ensuedin which 2 detainees and 7 staff staff werehospitalised.

13-14 June, Paris, France - Incendiaryattacks against the state. Here is theclaim : “In the framework of theinternational week of solidarity with Isaand the others, many vehicles wereburned simultaneously on the night ofFriday the 13th to Saturday the 14th inParis: a diplomatic car on rue Weiss(13th arrondissement) outside theeconomic ministry (and a BMW wassmashed), a very new van of theForclum business (which belongs to theEiffage group that build prisons) on ruede Charenton (12th arrondissement),and a truck belonging to the city hall ofParis on rue de Coriolis (12tharrondissement) that strives like itspredecessors to hunt the poor of thecity. Fire to all the prisons! Freedom forall the prisoners, with or without papers,with or without chlorate!”

? June, Sheffield, UK - Part of ananonymous communique: “ ... SomeSUVs at a garage on Ecclesall Rd,Sheffield, needed their paintworkredoing after a little redecoration inred...Free Jeff Luers!”

9 June, Stoke Holy Cross, UK - Carsattacked during British National Partymeeting. Several members of a far-rightpolitical party had their cars vandalisedwhilst the group held a meeting in avillage near Norwich, windscreens weresmashed, paint was sprayed acrossvehicles and paint stripper was pouredover three cars parked at the Stoke MillConference Centre and Restaurant inStoke Holy Cross. Around 100supporters and members of the BritishNationalist Party (BNP) had gathered atthe venue for a meeting on Mondayevening. But whilst the meeting wasgoing on, anti-fascists went into the carpark and carried out the attack.

7 June, Kendal, UK - Police stationattacked with device. The blaze, in astore room at the station in Kendal, inthe early hours of 7 June, was quicklyextinguished, and no-one was injured,the investigation was still ongoing.

3 June, Charlotte, USA - $3.5 millionmansion destroyed by fire. 16 partially orrecently constructed luxury homes havebeen intentionally burned down insoutheast Charlotte, western UnionCounty, and Lancaster County, SouthCarolina since 2001. The fire at 8407Winged Bourne Drive, south Charlotte,started about 7:30 p.m. in a second floorhallway and spread quickly, shootingflames hundreds of feet into the air. Thethree-story mansion off Gleneagles Roadnear Quail Hollow Club was about 60%complete. By Tuesday investigators hadruled out all possible accidental causes.Viva the ELF.

10 May, St Leonards, UK - More than£100,000 of damage was caused to carsparked outside a showroom in after fourvehicles were set on fire and destroyed andanother 3 more cars were damaged duringthe blaze. One of the cars was an E-plateFord Escort, which is a collectors’ item.

1 May, Hamburg, Germany - 1,000 Nazismarched through Barmbek district, protectedby the police, while 10,000 anti-fascistsattempted to stop the Nazi demonstration.The police violence against peacefulblockades sparked the heaviest riotsHamburg has seen since the 80’s. A entiretyre depot was set on fire causing a majorincident and 2 buses used by Nazis to enterthe city were also set on fire. The anti-Naziactions consisted of rallies, concerts,barricades on the street and on railroadtracks (which actually delayed the arrival ofthe Neo-Nazis), and a protest march. Whenabout 8000 people blocked the startingpoint of the Neo-Nazi demonstration, thepolice decided to attack the blockade withwater cannons, pepper spray andtruncheons. Right afterwards, thedemonstration was attacked again by thecops. A number of later skirmishes onsubways and train stations were reported.On the way back from Hamburg, 200 Neo-Nazis assaulted everybody at the train stationwho looked remotely left-wing. The policewatched and did nothing for a long time. asthe finally decided to arrest one of thefascists, they were attacked by his comrades.Stones, bottles and firecrackers flew throughthe air, and the cops decided to let thearrestee go. Later that night, in front of theautonomous cultural center Rote Flora, afight between youths and the police brokeout. 4 people were arrested. These Quarrelsare common, especially after bigdemonstrations, and have been morefrequent since the G8 protests last year.

9 April, Athens & Saloniki, Greece - Greekanarchists attack Italian interests in solidaritywith imprisoned comrades in Italy who areaccused of being members of ‘F.A.I’ (InformalAnarchist Federation). Here is thecommunique - “On Wednesday April 9 wespotted and torched agencies of Italianinterests (Car agencies, Greco-Iralian schoolbus). By this movement, we send to theimprisoned Italian comrades accused formembership in F.A.I. (Informal AnarchistFederation) our salutation with fire. This ishow we re-activate vigorously theinternationalist revolutionary solidarity. TheItalian comrades of F.A.I. form a federationthat through its offensive actions, as the oneof 21/12/2003 setting of explosive devicesoutside the house of -the president of E.U. atthe time- Romano Prodi, or of the 3/3/2005,with their triple bomb attack outsidecarabinieri barracks, at Genova and Milano,claiming: “...We consider essential that everyperson that isn’t tamed by the fake prosperitythat democracy provides, must express his/her rage with his/her action and by everymeans, we will keep on intruding your

13

dreams, your economic interests and your peace.It won’t take you much time to understand theconsequences of your indifference (abstract of aF.A.I. Communique). In this tough route theyselected, there were also losses. Arrest warrants,imprisonments, juridical farces. The last years,the Italian state attacks brutally the insurrectionalpart among the Italian anarchists. Apart fromperennial captivities, certain other comrades asMassari, Rosa, Fantazzini, aren’t accompanyingus anymore in this dangerous route to the wildrebellion, since they were murdered by the Italianstate. But neither death is able to erase the ragefrom the eyes of the insurgents. The cells of F.A.I.and not only them, strike back and attempt tocreate a condition of omnipresent conflict, wherethere is no place for compromise. In itsdeclaration, F.A.I. mentions: “Strike and destroythe responsible for the repression andexploitation. Strike and destroy the prisons, thebanks, the court-houses, the barracks...”Accomplices in the crime of direct revolutionaryaction, we seek, through our attacks, to form arange of dislocation of the uneventful socialpeace. To commit the crime of ending the silence,to overcome the postponements and thehesitations, to live beyond the laws that enslaveand the conventions that shoot in the back. Andthe only precise way to achieve this, is toparticipate in the revolutionary war, declaredsince the beginning. This is our way to spreadthe fire of conscience, in this combatantcondition that we selected for ourselves. Wedon’t abandon any imprisoned comrade, neitherin Greece, nor in Italy, nor anywhere.Revolutionary salutations to the imprisoned Italiancomrades, accused for membership in F.A.I.Freedom for all imprisoned Italian comradesaccused for subversive practices. It all continues,we’ll be back soon.” - Conspiracy of Cells of

Fire (Athens Cell)

“Within the context of actions of offensivesolidarity to the Italian comrades of FAI, we alsoattacked (same day and same hour with thecomrades in Athens) 2 targets of Italian interest:An Italian brand commercial store in the center ofThessaloniki and a Benetton subsidiary inKalamaria.” Solidarity to the prosecuted for theFAI” - Conspiracy of Cells of Fire (Thessaloniki

Cell)

March 18, Santiago, Chile - An explosive deviceexploded on Tuesday in a branch of the Creditand Investment Bank in Chile’s capital ofSantiago, severely damaging the first floor of thebuilding but injuring no one. The explosion whichoccurred at 1 am. also smashed windows inbuildings close to the branch. “We havewitnesses that say one or two dark vehiclescarried the attackers,” said Ronald Casanueva, anarmed police commander. “A significant amountof damage has occurred,” said Juan Alarcon, fromthe eighth Fire Brigade company. Chilean radiosaid a self-described anarchist group had calledto claim responsibility for the attack.

March 16, Montreal, Canada - Anti-police demoof around 200 people sees 32 people arrestedon charges of mischief, assault, assault on apolice officer and theft, after riot breaks out.Dozens of downtown corporate windows weresmashed, a Molotov was used against a policevehicle and many slogans were painted against

the police and the capitalist system.Luxury cars were smashed.

March 13, Montreal, Canada - Policevehicles set on fire at police station,here is part of the claim - “Fire set at apolice station on Hochlaga, MontrealNight of March 13-14 2008. 6 policecars were burned at the police station23 on the corner of Hochlaga-Aird.Action against oppression thatintensifies in the neighborhood as wellas everywhere exploitation isreproduced. We act in solidarity withthe politically detained natives ofAmerica that continue to fight for theirfreedom and autonomy. We call onevery population to re appropriate time,space, the streets, the city, and to putfire to everything that representsauthority. The city is us, it is not a prisonthat belongs to capitalists. We are notslaves, yet we built their houses, theirbanks, their roads, we take care of theirchildren while we serve them coffeeevery morning, we pick the fruits andvegetables that they eat....... The leastwe can do is to burn their cars, SUV,police vehicles, their new housingdevelopments, their big mansions, theirhotels, expose them for who theyare....... The most we can do is to makethem inexistent!! Similarly, we need tospecify that we support every armedstruggle that seeks autonomy and weinvite everyone to act and question theirpast and role so that we can get closerto communities that subsist, and tostruggle against all forms of oppression.Fire to the capitalist system, creator ofcadavers! “ - Collectif Ton Pere

March 14, South London, UK - Twoteenage lads aged 14 & 15 acquired acar and used it to mow down severalarmed police officers. One officer wasdragged with the car for five to six feet;the other went over the bonnet. As thecar fled the scene it collided with astationary Armed Response Vehicle,injuring three other officers who sufferedimpact injuries. Unfortunately the ladswere arrested.

March 13, Edinburgh, Scotland - “Thisis Fuck the War Coalition, and we wantto bring the war home to those whoprofit from imperialism. This morning weattacked 4 targets around Edinburgh onthe 5th anniversary of the start of thewar in Iraq. We attacked the USconsulate with paint-bombs and paintstripper; smashed the ArmyRecruitment office on Shandwick Place;vandalised the corrupt chancellorAlistair Darlings office; and the armscompany SELEX had its windowssmashed.”

March 6, New York, USA - A small explosioncaused minor damage to a U.S. military recruitingcenter in New York’s Times Square area in theearly hours, there were no injuries. Low-gradeexplosives packed in an ammunition box crackedthe recruiting station’s thick glass door andtwisted its metal framing. The blast also shattereda window encasing the classic poster of UncleSam saying “I Want You.” Pigs are linking theblast to explosive attacks against the Mexican(2007) and British Consulates (2005). The 2007October 26th attack against the MexicanConsulate was in solidarity with the rebellion inOaxaca State and in memory of Brad Will,anarchist murdered by Mexican governmentforces. No-one has been arrested for any of theactions. Police are searching for a hoodedbicyclist seen on a surveillance video pedalingaway.

March 3, Navasota, Texas, USA - Prisoners takedirect action against surveillance cameras. “On orabout March, 3 groups of prisoners carried out ajoint and coordinated direct action at the Lutherunit Texas Department of Criminal Justice,located in Navasota TX. The 3 groups ofprisoners in 3 of the 4 dorms in C-Hall maskedthemselves in homemade balaclavas andcompletely destroyed the $2000 dollarsurveillance cameras that had recently beeninstalled in the dorms. Despite intense pressurefrom prison administration all 54 men in each ofthe 3 dorms (162 men in total) maintained theirsolidarity in the face of harsh collectivepunishment and refused to inform on any of theirfellow prisoners who carried out the action. ... Letus hope that the spirit of rebellion continues andgrows.” - El Insurgente, unembedded in Texas

prison.

February 27, Montevideo, Uruguay - On themorning of February 27, 2008, there was anattack on the Goethe Institute of Montevideo, anorganization connected to the German state,resulting in all of its windows being totallydestroyed. This attack represents a show ofsupport and solidarity with the hunger strike thatis taking place from February 18 to 29 byinsurgent and anarchist prisoners in diversecountries of the world, between Germany, Spain,Switzerland and Argentina. This hunger strikeinvolves a mobilization against prisons andrepression, the isolation regimes, torture andperpetual imprisonment, and for the freedom of allsick prisoners. Those behind this initiative ofstruggle are the anarchist prisoners MarcoCamenish (Switzerland), Rafa Martinez Zea “JonBala” (Puerto III, Spain), Joaquin Garces (CPCastellon, Spain), Gabriel Pombo “Musta” andJose Fernandez (Germany), Petrissans(Argentina) and Thomas Meyer Falk (Germany).Solidarity with the prisoners in struggle in everypart of the world. Down with the walls of theprisons.

14

“All of the models and structures inwhich we’ve taken refuge must befiercely examined and criticallydismantled, and we must learn todepend on ourselves. If we do notwish to find ourselves in a worldwhere no one really lives, where noone really knows anyone else,where everyone has become amere cog in a machine meshingwith other cogs but remaining trulyalone, then we must have thestrength to attack alienation in everyway we can. Otherwise, we mayjust find there is no place left wherewe can meet face to face”. KillingKillingKillingKillingKillingKing AbacusKing AbacusKing AbacusKing AbacusKing Abacus

The gathering of people from acrossEurope around “Autonomous"Space has encouraged us tocommit our experiences and ideasto paper. We have decided topresent our common thoughts withthe hope of sparking debate andfinding affinity. These are not staticwords conceived of in the dry desertof opinion or in the hope offurthering an ideology, but ratherthey are forged through our sharedexperiences and projects ascomrades and our desire forunlimited revolt.

Our lives in and around spacesconsidered autonomous havegiven us many things;friendship, escape, smallglimpses of the world to be builtand not least the critique that iswritten here. Our desire is notto abandon the project of socialcentres, communes and squatsper se, but rather to go beyondthem in order to further ourprojects of experimentation andrevolt that we have seen hintsof in "Autonomous" spaces.We ask ourselves; can an“Autonomous” space be createdwithin the domain of capital?What does it mean to beautonomous? Liberated?

We should begin with ourproposal to move from“Autonomous" Spaces towardsLiberated Space. We conceivethe “Autonomous” Space as apotential that has lostsignificance, direction and poweras a weapon for destruction ofthe existent and as a tool ofthings yet to come.“Autonomous" spaces still havethe potential for genuine face toface interaction between people,experimentation of relationships,

music, art, rebellion etc. but arefrequently limited to ritualizedrelationships and codified behaviour.

It is important for us to acknowledgethat there are no “Autonomous” Spaceswithin Capital. We cannot simply stepover the border of Capital intoAutonomy regardless of how comfortingthat sounds. Capital seems to us asocial relationship as well as a materialforce. It enforces its domination overall terrain be it the streets of Moscow,the plains of Africa or the wilderness ofAntarctica. Every space is acommodity to be consumed orcapitalised upon. We believe for aspace to be truly autonomous it mustfirst be liberated. Liberated in oursense doesn't just mean takingsomething out of the hands ofcapitalists (the mere re appropriation ofa building) but rather taking space andfinding ways to use it as a weaponagainst the state and capitalthemselves.

Put simply, liberated space would notlook like taking over a building andfilling it full of barricades that block outany light that the outside worldpotentially has to offer, but beginningto reconceptualise space and see thesubversive qualities in the architecture

From AutonomousFrom AutonomousFrom AutonomousFrom AutonomousFrom AutonomousSpace towardsSpace towardsSpace towardsSpace towardsSpace towardsLiberated Space:Liberated Space:Liberated Space:Liberated Space:Liberated Space:Some Points for Discussionand Debate

15

16

and space that surrounds us. A marketbecomes a point of interaction, a parkbecomes a training space, a carbecomes a torch of solidarity, a fieldbecomes a hideout, a roof a lookout, aprison a target.

We don't mean to imply that in orderfor a space to be truly liberated itsparticipants need to be "militant", farfrom it. We only suggest it needs to bebased on the logic of attacking thearteries and veins of domination, fromsocial relationships (includingcapitalism) to military barracks, powerlines, banks etc. For us an increase inmilitancy would be completely uselessand would mean an increase inspecialization, sacrifice and alienation.The aim of the militant is to pressurethe state and its institutions intogranting his/her “demands”. The ideaof constant attack is significantlydifferent to this logic. Constant attackrequires a refusal of the existent, itsroles (including that of the militant) andits willfull destruction with the aims andmeans of unlimited freedom.

Others when questioned on thepossibility of liberated space havespoken eloquently on the necessity ofattack. We also suggest that anyspace that is given to us is a poisonedapple given by the hand of ourenemies with the hope of distractingand neutralizing our energies. Everything that is given -even throughstruggle- is always a double edgedsword. Space which is taken and timewhich is stolen, turn the enemy's giftsinto mere absurdities. The take, is ofcourse, a bone of contention and is therealm where the stale breath ofideologues is ever present. Taking forus is a methodology which is opposedto any ideology be it that of the activistor the reactionary. We can only saythat the act of taking is limitless andwould serve to open up furtherpossibilities.

A recent example which highlights thedifferences in the mentality betweenattack and militancy and the unlimitedtaking of the revolutionary vs theacceptance of concessions is the case

of the struggle forUngdomshuset. We do notmean for this example to sparkan endless debate around theseevents,but rather to try anddraw out the differencesbetween theseconceptualizations of space andstruggle.

The riots for Ungdomshuset,which, for a brief moment oftime turned normalcy on itshead, succeeded in creatingsmall liberated zones wherecommodities value wassubverted from useless junk in astore to burning barricades.People took control of their rageand self organized their hatredtoward a world that had robbedthem of already so much. Theseexperiences became nullified,tamed and recuperated by thevery activism that was complicitin organizing the revolt. Insteadof broadening the struggleacross the social terrain theypushed it into the cage of thesingle issue activist campaign,striving only for one limited goal.

This struggle did open up cracksin the facade of capitalistconsensus where members ofthe excluded met face to face;finally with a real reason tocommunicate and a real reasonto act! However the prevalenceof the activist mentality in themovement to saveUngdomshuset meant that eachbrick hurled through a bankwindow with a genuine disgustand aimed at uprooting thewhole rotten system,transformed mid flight into aballot in the box for complicityand negotiations with the statefurthering its (the states/capitals) project of consensusand dialogue.

We seem to only be able to saywhat a liberated space is not.How can we go from the merenegation of a thing into the lived

experience of what we desire? This isa fundamental question which there isseemingly no answer to, only processand experimentation. A tensionbetween the existent and our wildestdreams. We feel the pressing needto realize our dreams here and now.In order for this to happen discussion,communication and finding affinitywith others are of the utmostimportance.

How could we conceive of a liberatedspace in a world that is dogged bythe absolutes of the economy? Or,how could one talk of freedom whenone is not free? Perhaps we couldonly perceive the expansion ofliberated space when we actuallybegin to liberate space. This seemsobvious but it is a fleeting idea thatcan be obscured by the trivialdemands of running an autonomousspace. Creating liberated space is nota surgical operation whereby we cutone part of reality (that part beingspace) from the totality of everydayexistence and doctor it accordingly.Our creation maybe relies on ourunderstanding of this totality; that itreproduces itself in every aspect ofour lives. So, our Liberated spacecould be crafted from a recognizationof the totality and the need to attackit. And the creation would be anattack in itself. Our means and endsbecome inseparable as does ourtheory and our practice.

The social centre, squatted or notcontinues to provide a quarter wherewe can passionately debate anddiscuss our next move. Sometimesthey afford us a momentary glance atthe possibility of a life self-determinedand of full enjoyment. Mostly they areracked by informal hierarchy andinsipid ideology. In our experience,when we begin to liberate space orwhen we embrace the possibility ofunlimited revolt the social centreregains its potential and its subversivequalities.

Thoughts on our

meetings together ...Reflections on the Interspace Meeting. May 24-26, 2008.

Kesselberg, Berlin. [This is not a summary of the content

of the meeting. Content can be found in the minutes that

have been typed-up elsewhere on the net. For us, it is

more relevant to print this text and we think it should

receive a much broader reading]

“Nothing more can come to us from assemblies than

what each of us as individuals strives to put into

them…When there is no openness to listening, that is to

say, to paying attention to new realms of thought, of

one’s own thought, we will always find ourselves saying

the same things, whatever the topic of discussion may

be. Anchored to our faith like in a church…we repeat our

rituals in order to go back to our houses with little

questioned as always. Until the next discussion.”

- Massimo Passamani- Massimo Passamani- Massimo Passamani- Massimo Passamani- Massimo Passamani

Passamini imagines the assembly to be a “known and

hospitable place” but one where “one always remains a

bit frustrated”. Sure enough, rare are the moments when

people leave a meeting of one hundred people, that has

lasted three hours, feeling positive and inspired. This

sense of frustration is often an outcome that is widely

predicted and often resigned to as some sort of

inevitability. But it should not be inevitable. And we should

not be able to predict outcomes from what have become

riualistic and comfortable processes. To avoid this

predictability questions must be asked. Where does this

frustration from meeting come from? Why do we continue

to replicate the structures that foster this frustration? And,

what alternatives are there?

The general assembly, agenda setting, feedback and

evaluations are now intrinsical to the frameworks that

structure the ways that meetings are held. Perhaps it is

these very structures that are the source of our

frustration. Is it possible that, as a result of a lack of

imagination to create anything better, we are relying upon

structures of discussion and reflection that in their very

essence contradict the theoretical content of these

discussions?

Increasingly, certain communication tools are dominating

our meetings. Flip charts, power-point, multi-hand

signalling systems, moderation, rigid agendas, feed-back,

mixing-up, breaking-down… the list goes on. These are

tools that have emerged from the board room and that

are intended to facilitate productivity, efficiency and

expedient results. They serve not to enrich or deepen our

conversations and relations but to further sharpen our

utility. Through these methods we are further isolated and

distanced from each other while the real contact we have

is gradually erased. These structures have not only lead

to a deterioration in the form of our communication but

also in our approach to it.

From these structures an approach has been bred that is

far from the rhetoric of DIY and self-organisation that

punctuates our discourse. We have become agenda

slaves and feedback fetishists and all too often we

willingly and gratefully submit to the dominance of the

‘impartial’ moderator. Rather than freeing us from

hierarchy and lack of representation the participatory

structures that we implement permit a level of

disengagement which gives rise to a dynamic based on

production and consumption. Instead of reflecting

individually on what our aims, questions or objectives may

be in a meeting we look to moderators and agendas for

this direction. These structures or tools are not, however,

intended to replace our participation in meetings but to

facilitate it. Consequently, when our participation or

engagement no longer presides in a meeting these tools

are granted powers of determination. As a result, the tools

often fail to meet the demands being made of them thus

impeding the progress of the meeting. What can also

occur is that this power of determination is accepted and

even embraced by the tools (the moderator or the agenda

for example) which leads to the creation of undesirable

hierarchies. Either way, we find ourselves once again

sitting in a meeting feeling frustrated.

Perhaps, then, our frustration arises from the structures

that frame the way we meet; from tools that ultimately

take us away from theories of self-organisation, process

(over product), quality, and embracing the unknown. We

are frustrated, perhaps, because our praxis is finding itself

increasingly disjointed from our theory.

Is it also possible that the grounds on which we meet

contribute to this frustration?

When we meet we do so with some form of over-arching

and unifying purpose of presence. On a logistical and

practical level it is necessary to find this common purpose

to meet. And of course, this search for affinity is a primary

motivating factor for why we have the meetings in the first

17

place! The frustration arises, however, when there is

an assumption that this affinity will be comprehensively

shared by all meeting attendees. Let us say,

frustration occurs when the meeting adopts an identity

and we all become identifiers. It occurs when there is

the expectation that the grounds on which we meet

should symbolise a set of definable identifiers that will

lead to affinity.

Rather than succumbing to the temptation to attribute

the meeting with an identity it is perhaps less

frustrating to see it as the convergence point for many

individual subjectivities that are creating the potential

to be drawn closer together. It should also be

emphasised that underpinning this search for affinity,

which provides the grounds on which we meet, must

be the will to find affinity and solidarity through action.

When we meet we do so not to theorise infinitely in a

tail-chasing vacuum but to use and apply this theory in

and to our actions.

It is also possible that part of the frustration that is felt

from meeting arises from the structures of valuation

that we use to gauge success. There is a tendency to

assess the value of a meeting according to its

productivity rather than its quality. Without concrete

conclusions, fixed dates and specific targets a lack of

achievement is felt that often expands into a sense of

failure. Experiencing a feeling of either collective or

individual achievement is not only desirable but also

necessary if our struggle is to be sustainable. That is

not the question here. The question is asking from

where or what we get this sense of accomplishment.

By reassessing the parameters of what we consider to

be of worth in a meeting we will, perhaps, be less likely

to get frustrated by a failure to achieve expectations of

productivity that are created and reinforced by

capitalist logic. It is not being suggested that we

should lower the levels of what we hope to achieve but

instead to challenge the exisiting structures according

to which we attribute quality.

It was asked earlier, why, we insist on replicating

meetings that we continue to be frustrated by and that

consistently fail to generate enriching and inspiring

interactions. One of the reasons that we continue to

recreate these structures is because they have

become the principal context in which we are able to

have certain interactions with large numbers of people.

We create these occasions in order to meet and to

communicate face to face, to add spoken word to what

has become a cacophony of cyber voices and to have

real-time connections that have the potential to be

both immediate and reflectively delayed in a way that

the internet can never replicate. Quite simply, all we

want sometimes is to talk more freely and to feel some

distance from the omnipresent spectre of surveillance

and security.

There are undoubtedly many positive reasons for

meeting with each other. In order to find alternative

structures that reduce our frustration it is maybe a

good idea to reflect on what the underlying motivations

are for the interactions and exchanges mentionned

above. Are we trying to build networks that function in a

practical and coordinated way? Or are we trying to

broaden our understanding of different contexts and

experiences? Are we working towards coordinated

action? Or are we actually looking to strengthen

personal links and affinities? By asking these questions

we will also find ourselves better prepared for meetings.

We will understand our own, personal reasons for

attending a gathering and have a better sense of what

we desire from it. We will be ready, when we find

ourselves unmotivated to participate in a discussion, to

ask ourselves why and whether we can act to change

it. We will be ready to identify when we are unsatisfied

with the structure of something and to question that

structure and find alternatives.

When we have the answers to these questions it will

perhaps be easier to find the most effective and

fullfilling structures and contexts in which to meet. We

can begin to examine the appropriateness of what now

seem to be tired and overused formulas. We can

question whether an agenda is really necessary in a

discussion and if we actually need to allocate time slots

to every possible topic that might arise in a gathering.

We can challenge the rigidity of timing and timetables

and instead invite fluidity and flexibility. We can resist

the impulsive need to minute and feedback everything

that is said in all contexts.

By stripping away the appendages of our meetings and

fully dissassembling their mechanisms we can begin to

reduce our frustrations by identifying and building

different ways of meeting in order to find affinity and act

together and in solidarity with one another. In doing

this, hopefully, we will find ourselves less frustrated and

less often at meetings that we couldn’t care less

about...

18

19

A personal report from thisyears action days forautonomous spaces inBerlin. This report reflectsthe thoughts and opinionsof the authors, not of anycampaign, although theseopinions may be shared byothers.

Berlin-Berlin-Berlin-Berlin-Berlin-

InChaos!InChaos!InChaos!InChaos!InChaos!

Last week, anarchists set their owndates for a confrontation with the Stateand Capital. Not prepared to becrushed by increasing repressionagainst the spaces in which we live,plot and fight from, the Action Days forAutonomous Spaces put Berlin inchaos.

Following the three-day 'Interspace'meeting in Kesselberg (a previouslysquatted land project outside Berlin)from May 24-27, many peopleheaded into Berlin to put theory intopractise and to join forces on thestreets with those already preparing forthe Action Days. An info-point was setup at the Kopi, radical left projectsprovided voku (people's kitchen) forthe week as well as hosting theoreticaland practical workshops.

But, most importantly, hundreds ofpeople from Berlin and from elsewherewent on the offensive and instigated 6charged days of diverse and oftenmilitant action. In a city which has oneof the harshest anti-squatting policiesin Europe - the Berlin Line - wheresquats can be evicted immediately andbrutally, people showed they wereundaunted and defiant.

The focus of these action days inmany ways remains the defence ofcertain threatened physical structures.However, as the diversity of actionsthat took place demonstrates, whatwas being fought for is not confined toor by the walls of such buildings. Byexpanding the definition of what weunderstand by 'free space' we areable to broaden our attack beyondthese physical spaces to an attack

(brief Report from)(brief Report from)(brief Report from)(brief Report from)(brief Report from)

Action Days forAction Days forAction Days forAction Days forAction Days for

Autonomous Space,Autonomous Space,Autonomous Space,Autonomous Space,Autonomous Space,

Berlin,germanyBerlin,germanyBerlin,germanyBerlin,germanyBerlin,germany

May 27 to June 1/08

against social control as acornerstone of capitalist logic -from autonomous space toliberated space.-

Highlights of the week:Highlights of the week:Highlights of the week:Highlights of the week:Highlights of the week:

- 4 cars burnt and caltrops (bent-nail devices used to puncturetyres) left on the surroundingstreets to deter cops and the firebrigade from getting there in orderto put the fires out.

- Construction crane burnt.

- A truck and four more cars burn.

- Squatting of building on Michael-

- Offices of estate agent Oliver Rohr whoworks for Rigaer94/Liebig14 landlordBeulker attacked with graffiti, paint bombsand glue in the locks.

- O2 advertising screen at WarschauerStrasse attacked with paint bombs.

- McDonalds in Kreutzberg- trashed.

- 2 unfinished lofthouses have theirwindows smashed- one attack takes placein broad daylight.

- Cop car windows smashed by MauerPark.

- 18 windows of SAP, a softwarecompany connected to arms trade,smashed.

Kirch Platz.

- 8 cars burnt as a response toeviction of Michael-Kirch Platz andin solidarity with those arrested.

- Anti-Gentrification Rally atBethanien.

- Parts of Rigaer 84 squatted andopened to public.

- Luxury apartment attacked withpaint bombs and stones.

- Bike Tour of Media Spreebuildings, the company responsiblefor much redevelopment in Berlin.

- A Mercedes, a rental car and 2cars from a telecommunications/security company burnt out.

- Windows of bank Sparkassesmashed.

- 8 luxury cars, 2 bins andbillboards burnt or destroyed.

- Windows of Verdi Hotel by Kopismashed.

- Cops attacked with stones and bottlesoutside Kopi.

- Banner drop in support of Rigaer94from the roof of the cathedral BerlinerDom.

- Barricades built in Friedrichshain,Kreuzberg and Wedding.

There was also a pirate radio (originallyset up for the April Days of Action inDefence of Free Spaces) and a web-based real time info-ticker which providedup-to-the-minute information on everythingfrom demos, actions, arrests, policelocations and detailed descriptions ofundercover cops and their vehicles.

The constant prowling of undercover copcars and a rumoured 250 civil police (aswell the politically motivated crime unit)deployed in Kreuzberg did not deter

>>>> ---------@-------

people from taking action, and nor didbrutal attacks on crowds ofdemonstrators or the imposition of"Platzverweise" or "banning orders"from particular areas on anyone wholooked 'autonomous' - the use of thesewas ruled illegal by a judge later in theweek. Despite beatings and arrests, thecops were finally unable to contain,control and crush the spirit, energy anddaring of the week-long revolt.

After years of simply responding to datesset by institutions, governments andtrade fairs etc, those acting to resist therepression of free space - which extendsto the totality of what we conceive asfreedom - are left with a revived feelingof strength and energy. Discussions andanalyses have been sparked; creative,autonomous participation has been

inspired and face to face affinitiesbuilt on. Above all, what hasemerged from and what underpinsthese elements is the offensiveaction that people have takenwhich has let loose the reins ofour imaginations and ourresistance.

We hope it does not stop here,and that the quality and diversity ofattacks, as well as a deepeningunderstanding of what it means toliberate space in lives held hard inthe velvet claw of capitalism,continues everywhere.

Put Berlin in Chaos! PutPut Berlin in Chaos! PutPut Berlin in Chaos! PutPut Berlin in Chaos! PutPut Berlin in Chaos! PutEverywhere in Chaos! ...Everywhere in Chaos! ...Everywhere in Chaos! ...Everywhere in Chaos! ...Everywhere in Chaos! ...

One note of sadness and anger fromlast week is the state-murder of an18 year old boy in custody on May29. Not known to be connected tothe autonomous scene, he wasarrested with two friends afterattacking traffic lights and a car andwas found hanged in his cell at1.20am, only 3 hours after the timeof his arrest. It is unlikely that it wassuicide - as the cops have stated -because of the design of the cells inTemplehof nick and the short amountof time that would have beenavailable to him while being driven tothe police station and processed.

For more information on the freespaces campaign in Berlin, go towba.blogsport.dewba.blogsport.dewba.blogsport.dewba.blogsport.dewba.blogsport.de

communiques:communiques:communiques:communiques:communiques:

Here we document some of the communiques for the actions during

the week:

Construction machine set on fireConstruction machine set on fireConstruction machine set on fireConstruction machine set on fireConstruction machine set on fire

"As open-up for the action days for autonomous spaces, on the

night to tuesday 27 we set ablaze a construction machine in the

Diestelmeyerstr. (Friedrichshain), which was partecipating in the

building of luxurious townhouses. Stop the neoliberal city-plans!

Against Capitalism!"

SAP attackedSAP attackedSAP attackedSAP attackedSAP attacked

"18 windows are not enough! On the 28.5.8 we smashed the windows

of SAP in the Rosenthalerstr. SAP is worldwide on the frontline for

what concerns business-software. They develop software for

repressive/security authorities and organizations involved in war

businesses, also for the NATO and the German army. SAP is about

logistic to personal management. So that the companies involved in

the war can work good together, SAP provide them software for

connecting among each other. SAP is one very important global-

player within inner and foreign army and surveillance industries.

Such a security is for the rich ones, who have to secure themselves

from the growing impoverishment of people around the world,

through war, exploitation, exclusion and oppression. Our action is in

the context of the action days for autonomous spaces, because

freespaces mean to us a life free from capitalist exploitation,

repression and war. No peace with the war!!! Destroy militarism!!"

Housekeeper of Rigaer94 and Liebig14 attackedHousekeeper of Rigaer94 and Liebig14 attackedHousekeeper of Rigaer94 and Liebig14 attackedHousekeeper of Rigaer94 and Liebig14 attackedHousekeeper of Rigaer94 and Liebig14 attacked

"In order to support the ongoing struggle of Rigaer94 against its

eviction, we visited last night the offices of Rohr-

immobilienverwaltung, glued the locks, threw color and left the

graffiti "fingers off the R94 and L14". Rohr manage all of the

houses owned by Beulker, landlord of Rigaer94 and Liebig14,

therefore he is directly responsible in the case of an eviction. Fight

and defend autonomous spaces!"

Surveillance company cars set ablazeSurveillance company cars set ablazeSurveillance company cars set ablazeSurveillance company cars set ablazeSurveillance company cars set ablaze

"End with Big Sister! Two cars of the company Lipinsky have been

torched on 29.5 night. Lipinsky is a company involved in

telecommunication and surveillance issues. They offer advices,

projectizing, installation, care-taking from surveillance systems: video

surveillance, remote control, alarm systems, mobile surveillance-robots

and more. All such small or bigger playgames for capitalists make us

puking during our daily life. We attacked Lipinsky because we do not

want a society where each movement is going to be under control. Towards

a borderless freedom of movement and against the controlwahn and

exclusion poliic of capitalists. No control! No surveillance! Freespaces in all

the world! Smash all cameras everywhere!!! No secure house for the

dominants!"

O2-Screen made nicerO2-Screen made nicerO2-Screen made nicerO2-Screen made nicerO2-Screen made nicer

"The „O2 screen“ at the Wahrschauer Bridge has been made nicer by some

paintbombs, exactly on its inauguration date!“

Loft-complex got attackedLoft-complex got attackedLoft-complex got attackedLoft-complex got attackedLoft-complex got attacked

“Such a thing comes from such a thing! Again it happened to the windows

of a luxury-complex in construction, this time "Carloft" in the

Liegtnitzerstr. (Kreuzberg). "It was very easy", decidely affirms Carlo from

the group "bonzenpack wegscheppern", "they have so much fear about

their cars, that they even want to lift them up with a lift directly into

their apartments (ndt. in this loft one can bring his/her own car up in

front of the apartment...)".

You can imagine, who has some spare money for such a thing. "In the case

that they will win space here around, we can soon prepare our luggages

and we are not ready for this at all!". We stay all! Freedom instead of

capitalism!”

Surveillance company cars set alightSurveillance company cars set alightSurveillance company cars set alightSurveillance company cars set alightSurveillance company cars set alight

"End with Big Sister! Two cars of the company Lipinsky have been

torched on 29.5 night. Lipinsky is a company involved in

telecommunication and surveillance issues. They offer advices, project

management, installation, care-taking of surveillance systems:

videosurveillance, remote kontrolle, alarm systems and mobile

surveillance-robots. All such small or bigger playgames for capitalists

make us puking during our daily life. We attacked Lipinsky because we

do not want a society where each movement is going to be under control.

Towards a borderless freedom of movement and against the controlwahn

and exclusion poliic of capitalists. No control! No surveillance! Freespaces

in all the world! Smash all cameras everywhere!!!

No secure house for the dominants!"

20

20

In any gathering of this nature where thediscussion has to be translated into severallanguages and lasts many hours, any notestaken are bound to contain mistakes anderrors. We have tried to keep the essentiallystrategic comments and open-ended dialogintact for easy reading, whilst removingrepetition. Due to the length of the text, wecould not print all the notes from theindividual presentations, but this is materialwidespread on the internet. We invite you tocorrect any inaccuracy or omissions,contributions are welcome. A lot of theinformation here is specific to the situation inGermany, we hope it can inform and inspire.Everyone finds and takes away a differentexperience and the debate is still open -break the prisons down!!!

Some of the participants who came withprojects:-

Autonomous Prison Project Koln, ABC Kiel,ABC Berlin, 325, Soli group of Christian,“Prison and Justice” Radio Transmission fromHamburg, “GefangenenInfo” from Hamburg,Balaklava crew (anarchist newspaper fromWien) and more. -

Day 1

Warning to expect controls by cops & nazisin the area. Introduction “Why antiprison” +Discussion about establishing commonground + Critique of the publicity materialFilm - Russian prisons

Day 2

Presentations – Autonomous Prison ProjectKoln. Sound Demo outside the Koln prisonwith spontaneous street-protest.Presentations – Austria Animal Liberationraids and Limits of the solidarity work &presentation about UK, one movie aboutMumia’s situation and prisons in USA as wellabout Transgender persons in USA prisonswere shown.

Day 3

Ending Discussion – closing remarks –summary – feedback

—

Day 1 : Friday 26/9

Over the last two or three years peoplein the movement have become moreinterested in this topic, not from anyorganised groups, but they got moreconnected and organised so now theythink it will continue and there will bemore structure. The weekend isintended to exchange basic thoughtsfrom our combined understanding andpresent different situations of countries.

Our personal communications outsidethe discussions are just as important.The idea behind the weekend is thatthe anti-prison movement is weak at themoment, and we want to start theproject again, specifically against thestate and the capitalist system, not justprisons. Everyday life is connected tothe prison, because it is what enforcesthe system of private property, theprison is the microcosm of the state.For growing numbers of people, life ismore dangerous and criminalised.Looking at the society which leads thetrajectory of imprisonment, and makinga wider denouncement from aperspective of being at war with thepresent rule of the financial market willtake time and energy.

The gathering was also open to non-anarchists, as people to suggest or givepresentations.

The modern anti-prison movementstarted in the 1960’s in Europe fromthe Southern European areas, from theprisoners themselves. The social

struggle was very high, and the socialmovements were strong, but they wererepressed. In the last few years the movementstarted to grow again, in the last 2-3 years inGermany there was certainly a larger interest inthis topic, and there has been a widespreadhunger-strike by German prisoners, there is aGreek hunger-strike ongoing as this is beingwritten, and an Italian hunger protest is plannedfor December... The question is how we can beon the ‘outside’ and smash the walls in, the stateborders that keep us prisoner in the ‘homelandnation-state’, and those walls which separate thecontradictions of the capitalist way of life fromthe broader population.

The internet is the dominant way tocommunicate and it is important to meet face-to-face, we shouldn’t be surprised if ourrelationships and affinities naturally withdraw orwither if we spend too much time in cyberspace,the instantaneous exchange of information thereis useful, but let’s not forget the informationhorizon never ends, we can put all this effort intooverground international info-tech structures butit means absolutely nothing without itmanifesting in the streets. Real, validconnections come from the networks ofresistance and friendship which define ourstruggle and our methods of organisation :mutual aid and solidarity. The underground cells,the individuals who make the decentraliseddirect-actions of solidarity and attack, unknownto each other, are together as unknowncollaborators in the compulsion of the excludedto resist oppression.

The previous European anti-prison structurecame mainly out of anarchists from France, Italy,Spain and Swiss back in the mid of 2003 andthe last meeting of parts of this structure met inBarcelona in 2004 (See “Notes taken at theinternational gathering against prison society”, in325 #1, or 325 online). This structure cameunder a lot of repression and surveillance fromthe authorities, and eventually fragmented aspeople felt it had come to the end of it’susefulness. Certain realities which are not to thetaste of the system had regrouped and it wasviewed as a threat. People were tracked,

Notes from

International

Anti-Prison

Gathering

Kiel, Germany26-28 September, ‘08.

HHHHH

21

Hamburg

watched, harassed, threatened, beatened up, atthe same time there was the beginning of awave of repression, arrests, imprisonment asthe EU and Europol attempted to deal with the“Mediterranean Triangle” of “anarchistterrorism”. Now Barcelona, which was identifiedas a centre of anarchist and anti-system activityby the Europol has been under repression forthe last 3 years, it is a specific outcome fromthe investigations into infrastructure,communication and friendship networks. It wasseen as a place where the autonomous squats,social centres, anarchist activity was getting toomuch, it had to be attacked and repressed, andthis is what the Catalan state police, theMossos D’Esquadra have done for the past 3years, they have had a Carte Blanche to evict,arrest and terrorise.

Comrades in Italy and Spain took the brunt ofthis wave of repression, across Italy from 2003anarchists were arrested and centres shutdown and yet this wave has not yet stopped...The specific police unit to target anarchists setup by Europol was mainly organised by theItalian Carabinieri, the paramilitary police,notorious torturers, manipulators and killers,largely responsible for the brutal terrorisation ofthe demonstrators in Genoa, G8 2001.

The opening evening was very informal, approx80 people, and around 200 people participatedin the entire 3 days of events including thedemo, which was attended by around 100people. At the demo, which was outside of theprison and courthouse of Kiel, there was aSound demo with statements read out againstthe jail, there were slogans and banners,including an improvised street-protest invadingthe roads around the prison, also it was noticedthat some windows of the courthouse had beensmashed earlier before the demo arrived. In theevening there was a banner drop from amotorway bridge near the autonomous projectwhich housed the gathering, earlier in the daythe people had held the banners there for thepeople travelling in the cars to see, with a fewpeople sounding their horns to support us.

To begin the discussion, the program wasstated and people were asked if they alsowanted to respond to any feature of theevents. So this meeting is for comingtogether face-to-face and to gain acommon understanding of what weall feel about the theme of prison. Itwas discussed at one pointwhether we should split intosmaller groups but it was felt thatwe needed to have a commondiscussion amongst all of uspresent.

So, the discussion was opened tolet people say anything they had tosay, because it was not the time tohear a long presentation ormonologue because some peoplehad travelled a long way, so it wasasked if people attending wantedto bring in any points or raisequestions if they had any, to shareideas about “Why anti-prison?”.

One early point raised was that the

only people there at the meeting werethose from “our-small corner” and thatdespite the invitation not manyautonomous groups showed up whowere not linked in some small way withthe organisers. It was not usual that a 2-3 day anti-prison meeting happensorganised by anarchists, but it wastotally open to autonomous left radicalsand this was made very clear from thebeginning.

Since we start from small situations, it’snot so important, as the process isabout development. The organisers areanarchists and autonomous people.There was a second hand criticism thatthe promotional material and the text ofthe underground press-release wasarrogant and confrontational, in that wejust want to stage an event for “ourpeople”, just among us and no-one else,and very critical towards the efforts ofother people in the left movement.

It was reported that some people felt“scared” by the promo flyer/text/image,probably being “too anti-prison andanarchist”, that if we wanted morepeople to show up we should make itmore open to others, less threatening.There is a clear anarchist connection tothis meeting, but there is also not manypeople for example from the morecommunist direction, they were notenthusiastic to participate for thesereasons. For this process it is reallyimportant that as many peopleparticipate, and it was responded tothat if people feel so attacked by suchmaterial they should just show up hereand discuss their points. The gatheringwas open to those who were willing tocollaborate but that the purpose was to

concentrate on some specificrealities and meet

together

for the first time around these topics. Thetitle of the gathering is really important for itis not simply about anti-repression activitiesbut about a wider anti-prison and anti-statecritique, because the society we live in is anopen prison, and it does not end with theprison, it is about the dismantling of societyitself, and the eradication of the capitalistsystem.

Really it is quite clear that if those groupsare not saying they are for prison abolition,that is their position, and it is clear, theymight want to be involved and that is okay,but what is more interesting is how tobroaden this discussion into the prisonsthemselves amongst the prisoners,and how we exchange this information withthem. In a text within the booklet for theweekend Christian Summermann (Anti-Fascist prisoner in Germany) raises thispoint and it is his main concern with what ishappening in Germany, because it is nothappening, and it involves a lack ofinformation getting into prisons and amongstprisoners. Those are the people who wewould like to see more involved in thesediscussions, than other groups who havealready said what their position is, what theirpurpose is, and what they are going to do.

The discussion on the outside of the walls ofthe prisons is low within Northern Europe.Anti-prison is a minor topic and few toopeople are aware, or feel they can doanything against the totality of the repressiveapparatus of the state.

Despite this a big hunger strike justhappened within the jails of Germany, thereis organisation amongst the prisoners tovarying degrees, there are revolutionaryprisoners, there are direct actions happeningin solidarity... The last big prisondisturbances happened in the 1990’s, andthis is the first time such things areoccurring again, there are certainly manyprisoners who are close to rebelling and amovement outside is important in sustaining

the ideas and heart of those inside. It is animportant point to recognise thecentrality of the decisions of theprisoners themselves in the directionof the struggle. The recent hungerstrike was a positive start andconnecting point for many peopleinside and outside, and links weremade that are growing, but we needmore direct contacts with peoplelocked inside.

There is a magazine for prisonerswithout political censorship, called“Lichtblick” and based in Tegel prison,Berlin, where even Nazis sometimescontribute, but this stresses theimportance of making reading materialthat challenges this and spreadslibertarian concepts. It was felt that weshould really know what we are talkingabout before we talk about destroyingthe prison because when we make thedemonstration in the street, when weorganise and agitate we need to be

22

able to explain to the people who ask “whatabout the Nazi, the child molester, the rapistetc.” How to know to react and talk withpeople about the emotions raised, “the socialquestion”.

There was a proposal from an autonomouscommander from Spain 30 years ago- firstthe Nazis and these people come out of theprison, then we kill them. This was not aconcrete proposal we made an agreementon. Short of shooting people, whichundoubtedly would happen to the classenemy in a revolutionary situation, we have tofind ways to resolve the problems of violenceand hatred, this is the challenge.

The prisons themselves don’t appear not tobe able to fall tomorrow and if the timecomes when we are in a position as a socialmovement to destroy them, we would havealso a wider social movement which dealswith problems and conflicts in a completelydifferent way rather than just brutalisepeople. A movement that has the power tooverturn the ruling class through self-organisation will be strong enough to carrythe release of the prisons. This would go along way to removing the background factorsof anti-social crime and it can be hard toexplain to people, as it is the concept of ananarchist or libertarian communist society,and this has been deliberately obscured anddiscredited by the authoritarian forces.

It is not the case that the people in theprison are serial killers only, everyone knowson the street you should not be in the prisonfor selling marijuana, stealing from thesupermarket and defrauding the governmenttax and so on. For us, there is no differencebetween social and political prisoners, this isthe difference between anti-prison organisingand solidarity work that only involves onlysupporting specific political prisoners.

It was thought that many people in societyknew why more prisons were not a goodthing, and that an increasing number of themwhen in contact with the judicial and penalsystem had a negative reaction towards it.So it was thought that it wasn’t so importantto stress the activity of convincingthe “person-on-the-street”, as pretty soon youcan be sure that they already know it, as theprison population is growing and that isbecause people are jailed for smaller crimes.There is a growing prison labour industry inEurope which adds to the trend and aparticularly repressive atmosphere which isgrowing, you are criminal if you do notaccept every last law to regulate everything,the anti-social behaviour laws of UK, the“citizenism” of Spain, no drinking in thesquares, no smoking, do not gather, do notcongregate. This is what the state hasalways done - prevent the people frommeeting together, clear the streets androads, suppress, jail and murder those whorebel. Everyone knows the truth but followsthe lie in their own way.

We need to ask ourselves what this societywould look like without the prisons, to

imagine what would constitute thebasis of our means to deal withconflicts. The society needs to change,our problem is we cannot visiblypropose a reality, we are in a grey-zone,what should it look like? That which wewish to create and take part in andthink about, together, that is what it willlook like.

We shouldn’t make such a bigdifference between ourselves andprisoners anyway, we are all beingwatched and recorded all the time andsubject to the police, it is not like weare in this complete freedom and theprisoners come out and, “wow, they arefree”, there is no ‘free’. How we shouldtalk about prisons should take that intoaccount.

For some people at the gathering, thesituation after the prisons come downis not as important as the fact they existright now. Forced medication was seenas a particularly bad problem in theUSA and UK, but looking at situationson-the-ground was a focus of concern.

Others did not agree that it should be amain point to focus on these topics, theconditions inside the prisons, the factthey are being drugged, or if they arebeing beaten up everyday, or how theconditions are. It was very importantthat the prison be destroyed right now.The question that everyone asks,whatdo we do with the rapists, murderers,fascists- It does not just stand on itself,it is not just tear down the walls andthings are over, it is the whole prisonsociety, it is part of a bigger world thatkeeps humiliating, locking up andpunishing people, that is the thing youhave to get rid of.

It is not just physically knocking downthese buildings but it is also destroyingthis whole system which creates it.Once this system which creates its ownprisoners, this system which humiliatespeople, is gone, there would not betons of people filling these places!

The justice system prevents victim andoffender from having contact with eachother, and denies the community fromgetting involved, the justice isbourgeoisie. Nothing is resolved.

An interjection was made that inRwanda there are community mediationinitiatives to deal with the effects ofgenocide based on communitymediation and discussion. It is true thatsometimes the community kills andperpetrator of serious crimes, but theaim is to find new ways of dealing withviolence. Certainly bourgeoisie justiceis about punishment, not rehabilitation.

It is not just about punishment, it isabout discipline, societies of controland so on. For certain the surveillance

cameras which we can find everywhere are notas important to the authorities as manufacturingthe actual fear of being watched. You do notsteal, you do not make actions, you are scaredand isolated. Both need to be fought against,the punishment, the blow, and also the terror,the control.

All this needs to sink in, to be brought into thesociety. The main anarchist ideas are solidarityand mutual aid, that is what happens when thewalls come down and we abolish prison society.It isn’t thought of that we can abolish all conflict,and it’s not desirable to end all conflict,because it is creative, how you deal with thatconflict. Our position as anarchists is -mutualaid and solidarity-, we can’t look for theseguarantees and promise to people that we aregoing to be able to deal with all conflict, sexoffenders, Nazis; the only thing we can say isthat we have this idea of solidarity between us,that if society came down, then this is how wedeal with the problems that arise.

—

Day 2 – Saturday 27/9

Starting from the 70s’ one group present hadcontact with the prisoners of the Red ArmyFaction (RAF), they squatted a house for a livingproject, many other people were involved, someof them went to prison, from this a prisonproject evolved, making contacts, visiting etc.Making newspaper for prisoners etc. In the 70’s& 80’s there was not just the RevolutionaryCells, there was many other undergroundautonomous groups, there was also a lot ofoverground public work for the people of theRAF. The Rote Hilfe, (Red Help) in Germany atone point was connected so closely to thesituation of the RAF (Red Army Faction)prisoners. From ’72 there was a book of articlesabout militant resistance, communism etc. Thefact that political prisoners receive isolation andtorture as an answer to their political militantintervention is the reality. Now there is a movieabout the RAF coming out, it is interestingbecause the RAF are still sitting there in prison,in isolation conditions which didn’t disappear,there is a trial ongoing for 5 people accused ofterrorist association, because of burning aTurkish commerce centre, in Berlin there is thetrial against the supposed Militant Group (MG)people. Modern isolation conditions were bornin the United States but have been perfectedhere in Germany, at the end of the 70’s thepractice came to Hamburg and have beendeveloped. The anti-terrorist laws andcriminalization of the movement, backed up withimprisonment, isolation, torture and murder havealways been tools for the state to use againstthe social movement. Certain tortures are ‘whitetortures’, psychological tortures, constant lightsetc to affect the concentration, destroy themind.

In the prison if you kept your political identityyou would be subject to this, and not only thepolitical prisoners but it was widening. Therewas a group called ‘Black Help’ for prisoners,an anti-prisons group, they made a paper whichwas important for the struggle, it included thewritings of some June 2nd Movement prisoners

23

Brad WillBrad WillBrad WillBrad WillBrad Will

(an underground autonomous/anarchist directaction group), and also other social prisoners, itwas an important project for the prisoners andthe people outside, it was not just for itself, butfor people to take action.

At one point there was a big discussion aboutthe question “destroy prisons” or simply“support our political prisoners”. The RAFalways defined themselves as politicalprisoners, different to social prisoners. TheBlack Help defined all social prisoners aspolitical prisoners, there is no distinctionbetween social and political prisoners, that wasthe statement.

The prison of course is widening outside thewalls, so even in the bar you are in a kind ofprison, prison is a situation in society.

In ’82 an autonomous anti-prison projectstarted, in a squatted factory, involving ex-prisoners, it was involved in the left-radicalmovement. Also a book was published whichhad a lot of impact on the movement and thedirection taken between those inside andoutside, there was much activity.

We need to understand the basic conditionsand possibilities for resistance in the prisonsand outside, what constitutes the reality.

At the beginning there was not so muchcollective action, but a lot of contact withprisoners, making written material for thepublic, having a concentrated approach, at thetime there was a lack of medical care, so therewere a few actions. The attempt to make aprisoners newspaper ran into problems withcensorship and disruption by the authorities.

One German anarchist from the AutonomousPrison group from Köln had been in prison intotal for 10 years from the 70’s, 4 years for 5gram hashish, 6 years for bank robbery,assorted ‘crimes’ associated with themovement. He’d been involved with theunderground groups and now was organisingwith the autonomous-left prisoner supportorganisations, he also always thought thingsshould be taken in a stronger direction againstthe government and capitalists.

He had suffered isolation and torture, he madethe situation public, alongside with the otherpolitical and social prisoners through thepublications of the movement.

It was very hard conditions, there were manyrestrictions and a stituation of socialrepression. He went on hunger strike, like manypeople, but during the hunger-strike theprisoners called it off and decided it would bebetter to make a collective action and occupythe roof, it was hard to organise, 40 people.During the decision making process questionslike, “how to defend against the guards? howto defend this room?”. About one or two hoursbefore the action started, the riot vansappeared to the prisons, the state hadprepared, he was deported to another prison,in isolation, in a section of the wing alone.

In this prison there was a comrade whowas not a revolutionary but a reformist,he would try to deal with the situation ina different way, but for everyone it washard, your ideas are challenged, there islittle potential because the conditionsare not in your favour at all.

In his opinion, it is important not to startfrom zero, but learn from how theradical generation before the one youare in has conducted itself, for thecontinuity of the struggle.

Written material is important in thisregard, making an exchange withprisoners, how to get prisoners involvedin this discussion, phone-ins to groupmeetings if possible and personalcontact, the visibility is needed when inprison, as communication breaks theisolation and creates bonds andsolidarity.

It seems a little clearer that the anti-prison movement now has less of adivide between social and politicalprisoners. Contact with relatives andfamily is very important, there has to beresponsibility, try to raise awareness, soon the inside the prisoners feel that it isworth the struggle, that they do not actalone. In this way it is really crucial tobe able to carry the struggle forward inharsh conditions, despite the low-levelat present.

Another anarchist present talked aboutsome of the projects he was involved insuch as writing letters to prisoners, hebegan writing in a fake name then afterused his real name as he becameoverground, making publications andcirculating letters, it has evolved into an80 prisoner project. He thought thatthere was a lack of structure in the anti-prison movement, just a handful ofgroups, existing in the 80’s & 90’s untilnow. The newspaper they produce getsread by many prisoners and is called“Mauerfall” and also people likeanarchist prisoner Thomas Meyer-Falkare involved.

Prison work must continue over themonths and years, if it disappearsprisoners cannot have hope in it, it hasto be consistent. Very important tocollect this experience between us andthe prisoners, we are the same, andwiden the discussion, make networks ofaffinity. Letters are of course onlypart of the story, there are many waysto support the prisoners. In publicationsprisoners can get a voice ordinarilydenied them, so comrades abroad ornearby can hear their thoughts.

Contacts must be established to makefirm these relationships, so prisonerscan ask of what they want from thesupport organisations in coordinationwith the relatives.

If you know the visiting hours of the localprison, go to the area and talk with the friendsand relatives of the prison, start a discussionthere. By going to prison every week, always inthe visiting room, approach and explain yourpoint of view. Many people wish to talk abouttheir experiences and those of their loved onesand know what the situation is clearly inside theprison, many times there are people who wantto tell what is going on, but don’t know how orwho to say it to. It is an effective way ofkeeping contact and knowing the communityaffected by the incarceration.

There has also been many changes since the70’s & 80’s, there are now more fascists inprison with more organised structures thanbefore. It can be difficult to build support forour prisoners, the fascists have built contactswith many social prisoners so the access to ourpublications is under threat, like the prisonersthemselves who come into contact with theextreme-right inside. It is important tounderstand this. Many social prisoners, drugusers, thieves, fraudsters, minor criminals, theirfirst point of reference was the counter-culture,the left and alternative. Now many Nazi &fascist perspectives are making a return, andthey are not so previously disorganised as thelast two decades.

Recently there was a fight outside a courtbetween Nazis and Hells Angels bike gang,they both had prisoners in conflict in the jailand outside, at the court where the trial wastaking place. It is important that prisoners cansee something different than fascist materialand ideas, to know that there is an expressionof rebellion unlike reactionary and racistideology. Everybody is potentially at risk ofprison, where the Nazis will attack you and killyou, and the outside resembles an open prisonmore and more.

This discussion which is part of our Europeananti-prison activity is intended to strengthen thenetworks of resistance so we are better able tocounter the extreme-right and their clumsyhandlers, the state.

It is simple to understand that if you want toact, you can make your own decisions, youstart to resist and take your life for yourself.Importantly, it is also about getting used to theidea that if you are in the movement, prison is athreat, by making contact with prisoners andcreating solidarity with prisons we step towardsovercoming this threat.

“What can I do to prepare for prison?”, “How isit in prison?” many people want this informationbadly, and more will end up there as massimprisonment unfolds. Again, publicinformation, newspaper projects and continuityare the key towards a sustained process ofagitation. Not just to talk about prisons, but tobring in much more to broaden the perspective,it touches on many themes.

It is important for some to define themselves aspolitical prisoners, those who had taken armsand so, it is for them to decide, but puttingaside differences in the face of adversity is alsoneeded, for example there is few connections

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between the migrant struggle againstdetention centres and the anarchist &autonomous prisoner struggle, even thesocial prisoners struggle which is buildingand has already had some serious momentsin Germany, Greece, Belgium, Italy andSpain recently.

Except there is contradictions in thesolidarity work, and conflicts over approach,specialisations, etc. If militants are expectedto go to jail, it is a situation worth thinkingabout to prepare the solidarity group, toknow the appropriate direction and level ofactivity before-hand to prevent timedelay in responding to political repression.

If solidarity groups are created theyshouldn’t be focused simply onfighting one persons case, or onewave of repression, they should targetthe entire system that maintainsdomination and exploitation.

In Austria with the raids against animalliberationists the whole topic is very‘hot’, the solidarity groups of courseare for the liberation and continuationof the animalists demands. Themovement is defensive and paranoidfrom the paramilitary raids whichoccurred in such an extensive manner.

It is needed to work in smallconcentrated groups on the topic andthe communications between thegroups need to be improved. There isa lot of information but not enoughdiscussion, or even activity, happeningin many places in Europe. A mass oflittle groups networked together, butnow there needs to be more activity inthe face of the crackdown.

—

Day 3 – Sunday 28/9

For this gathering, some of the participantsfelt that there could have been another day,the schedule was tight and twopresentations did not happen, the soli-partytook place on the Saturday night, leading tosore heads and a delayed discussion onSunday, this is to be reflected upon. Thediscussions & presentations started at 2 inthe afternoon going until 8 at night, a‘tough’ program for sure, it is a point forreflection, maybe more space fordiscussions after the talks/presentationsnext time. There was a high-level ofdiscussion amongst the people outside thestructured talks, small groups of peopletalking and finding affinities, during the nightand day, and this is the important thing.

The face-to-face conversations going onbetween the people were of a really highquality, and the way people were relating toeach other was very interesting and fresh,there was a lot of things happening outsidethe main discussion. It is obviously very

difficult when many people are comingto an event like this with differentexpectations, different levels ofunderstanding. The days were very full,and this was the first gathering of itstype for some time, so it’s to beexpected that it is just the start. Therewere comments that it wasdisappointing that more people fromthe left-radical movement in Kiel did notcome, and that there were a fewinternationals who had travelledspecifically for it, but it is anotherencounter and networking point fromwhere we can push things forward.

We have to think about how wecommunicate better, when we are inour everyday fight sometimes you are

isolated from the communications ofthe internationals and what ishappening around the world. It is onlyfrom personal contact we establishthese relationships, so it is moredifficult than relying on the internet, butit has to be done. Perhaps we can usethis meeting for trying to have bettercommunications, making moretranslations, building on theserelationships of solidarity.

There was a little disappointmentvoiced about the lack of concreteinitiatives that came from the weekend,there doesn’t seem to be a materialanti-prison struggle now, but a lot ofdispersed activity. We have had a lot ofdiscussions, but we have not talkedabout what it would look like. Thequality of information, relationships andexchange very good, but sometimes itwas more anti-repression, rather thananti-prison. If what we are here for isanti-prison then what we are here to

talk about is how we concretely improve thecommunication between ourselves and theprisoners, then possibly a structure forcommunication between internationals.

We have to understand what these new prisonsand technologically developed prison states aregoing to look like, it is key to fighting againstthem.

Talks about attacking the structures of the prisonstate, what this would look like was missing fromour discussions, talks about other autonomousgroups like ‘Os Cangaceiros’, who wouldconcentrate on the architects of the prison, theconstruction, the people behind the prisons andthe avenue of activity that is open to you onceyou comprehend their role, so this is the kind of

information we should be talking about,not the hypothetical discussion over whatwe would do with the Nazis, or theseother sitautions.

By building a dossier on the prisonprojects we can see how they work andwhat they need to function. There was abrief campaign in UK called CAGE, at theturn of the century, which occupied aprison being built and made sometrashing, sabotage, before leaving. Interms of attacking a specific industry, ofcourse from the UK there is the situationof the Animal Liberation Front, they havesystematically taken on companies andbrought them down, how they have donethis is by attacking the many smallercompanies that they need to survive, it isa case of a single issue being pushed toit’s limits, for this as anarchists we don’twant to separate it from the revolutionarystruggle against all domination, but it is anexample to learn from in terms of acampaign.

In Germany, the Anti-Fascist movement,the amount of research they put into whatthey are doing, they have good skills,there should be more cross-over into this

area. In Berlin they want to make a new jail, halfprivately owned, the architect is from Austria, in2012 it will be built, in Großbeeren, which is inBrandenburg, Berlin’s region.

It is good to act against the prisons, but also inan information way, against the idea of their“perfect world”, where prisons serve theirpurpose for the “good of society”, this is part ofthe counter-information struggle. It would havebeen good to have more discussions about thesethemes, but it is a problem that you cannot losefrom sight that in different countries you have adifferent kind of repression, like to discuss thesearguments, there is another certain sense ofrepression in other countries, and we have to finda balance.

In a bigger meeting we have to understand aboutthese things, but when talking about a history, oftactics, of methodology, it is for everyone todecide.

It is not the case that these things were notdiscussed though. It was a case that the people

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who brought it up are internationals, there arenot many people who would bring it up in thiscontext here. Just because this specific work,very few groups are making activities, aseverybody knows, repression concentrates onthese people. There is stress, paranoia, fromoutside, it is to you to understand when todiscuss, what to discuss and so on. Inregards to illegal direct action, I think a lot ofpeople do not know how to talk about thesethings, they talk too much or not enough.

We can however speak about what is done,what is in the past, what everyone knows ishappening, and the theoretical.

The concrete solidarity, it exists, but when welook at the different countries, there is adifferent level of action, in Germany, for theprisoner who has a soli-group, etc there issomething happening, but the groups, theindividuals they sometimes feel very alone.When the prisoners who are spending a longtime in jail, it is hard, for everyone, and youhave to be strong, and we must have moreconsciousness about what happens when yougo to the demonstrations and you go to jail.

Every time people make the slogan “SmashCapitalism”, “Smash the Nazi” we have tothink about ourselves as potential prisoners,because this is the future they want for us, sowe had better be prepared to refuse this role,and that comes from being prepared. Thesolidarity group, it must be active not just forone month, one year, but all the time, andconscious. For example the 1st of May inGermany, there should be more time andeffort for the prisoners.

It has to be more serious, when you write aposter, make an action, make the demo, youhave to be prepared for arrests already. Youmust continue the solidarity work in anorganised way, it is not right to forget aboutthe prisoners from the demonstrations, it isabout our political cohesion.

It is also not just about after the demo, it isabout how to develop the idea that prison is abrutalising totality, if a few people from themovement enter the jail, it is a good point tobegin, but it is not all. Our goal is to widen theperspective, not just support the prisonersfrom our circles. A consciousness and widerknowledge on the whole topic, a possibility tomeet and discuss on a level of understandingnot yet totally present.

This gathering has been good for the peopleto meet each other and exchange views,contacts, ideas, make a visible space forthese topics and open this debate. Hopefullyit will go further on, there is more people thanexpected really, a lot to improve, lesspresentations, more discussions, this will bethe second process.

Despite the recognition that massimprisonment is a reality, it is not our wish tofind a new ‘revolutionary subject’ in theprisoner, the proletarian is not this, we don’t

have to make this mistake, that thesepeople have a ‘special role’, they arepeople like us, who happen to be in adifferent situation, but are not ‘better’ ormore ‘revolutionary’. It is very difficult asit is outside, with all the social problemsto work with people, so ‘inside’ it is notreally easy at all. It is not any differentthan the work with migrantcommunities, there are points ofmisunderstanding, points of clarity andso on. None of the people are perfect,the difference is that the people insidegot caught. Which are the ways to raiseawareness and take actions, to make adebate, it can go good, it can go verywrong.

There are a lot of questions and adiscontinuity.

More and more, the real thing is thateveryday life becomes more like theprison, from the time you wake up to goto sleep, outside is a prison, Europe isa prison, so many people here in Kielare left-wing, anti-fascist,but they arenot here, they are fighting Nazis on thestreet, 800 people at the demonstrationagainst a neonazi club 30km away fromKiel (taking place the Saturday of themeeting – St.Pauli vs Rostock, 150people were arrested, some inhospital).

Everyday in Europe it is like this. Dog-fights when we should be going afterthe owner, we should be aware that theprison riots are in a place of weakness,that it suits the guards to murder theprisoners and so on, watching themfight with each other, it is endless likethat way. They use the conflicts andgang-fights for themselves, settingthem up and taking bets on thewinners. They deliver the left-wingpeople to the fascists in jail to preventorganising or even just doing their time.

A German anarchist of the oldergeneration who had spent time in jailgave his respect for any rebels trying toclimb the roof in prison and bring somecollective actions, this was possible inthe ‘80’s and ‘90’s, - that is not reallythe situation right now in Germany. Hecommented that for him it wasproblematic to organise a demo in frontof Kiel prison which is an old buildingarranged as a 5-pointed star, where allthe cell wings are not-visible to eachother and face only into the inner court-yard. The prisoners couldn’t see thedemonstration, but they could haveheard it. We must engage with openhearts and ask the meaningfulquestions, explore and begin thehealing process, rejecting the endlessviolence. It makes no sense to turn theyoung people on to something‘romantic’, with ‘excitement’ aboutprison and spread illusions, it is aserious situation when we have to fight.

No answers, more questions.

All the people out of prison is threatening forthe ‘normal people’ it is a question of changingthe reality, that they understand that the prisonis the threat, that it doesn’t make theircommunities secure.

For the last German hunger-strike recently, thegovernment did everything it could to keep itout of the newspapers, and of course themedia complied. They knew that one spark orincident could get out of control, because thereis this image of the nice German jail, the“human rights” which is nothing but lies. Wesee how the media and state function, they saynothing about the hunger protest. Theauthorities have a strategy and makeinformation against us immediately there is asituation to their advantage, this shows theimportance of the counter-information work.

The right-wing makes politics from the situationof the child-abuser in prison, “no you can’t getrid of the prison”, but whilst in the jail, the child-abuser is a ‘downcast’, he is hated, the momentthere is a riot, he is killed. The violence andabuse will not end until there is a profoundtransformation of society.

There are simply more Nazis in jail thananarchists or other left-radicals, it was aGermany situation for years, despite ThomasMeyer-Falk and the RAF, there were very few of‘our’ prisoners inside. The fascists have made alot of effort and been rewarded, it is hardwithout having many people inside to have acounter-force force against the Nazis, based onsolidarity. From the autonomous scene very fewpeople get in contact with prison, this is whyNazis are there, they are much more involvedwith criminal activities and come into contactwith the prison system more from this.

For many years this topic has been sinking, butfrom the past few years, from Thomas Meyer-Falk, from Gabriel Pombo da Silva, the debatehas been deepened and slowly more peopleare confronting this reality. More and moreactions are happening and for sure therepression is also growing, but essentially thepower dynamic in prison is not going to be inour favour, and neither is it ‘outside’. There is alimit to our activity due to the physical nature ofthe walls, well, attack the prison industry, butinside, it is another story, another world.

There are a lot of riots here in Europe, from theanarchists and autonomous, but there are stillbasic problems with racism and reactionaryright-wing tendancies in the broaderpopulation. In many places, we struggle but weare marginal. So it is not a miracle that thereare a lot of right-wing people in the jail, they areeverywhere. In other countries where there ismore left-wing types and anarchists, there aremore of us in jail.

A prisoners work strike is a good idea for thesituation here in German jails with the forcedlabour and cell-renting system (prisoners areforced to pay cell ‘rent’ in Germany). A goodpoint underpinning the next hunger-strike, a

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mconcrete point for attacking the prison labour, which is simply a system of forced production and repression.

As more of the already fragile economy begins to be dependent on large warehouse style prison labour facilities, it becomes moreessential to organise against them, as it is also an attack on workers ‘outside’. Prisoners unions, prisoners leagues, strikes, sabotage, it isimportant.

This struggle however should not be separate from the broader revolutionary struggle, and there should be a recognition of the limits of thebodies, to concentrate on the prisons yes, but we should be for total liberation.

It is the risk of specialisation, always when there is only a few groups working on this topic, there is a risk that things becomecompartmentalised, other threads within the topic need to be widened, and connected to the different parts of the struggle- no borders,anti-psychiatry + ‘cognitive liberty’, youth jails, and anti-terror laws. To work on different levels and not get stuck in a very particular activity.Prison of course is this productive process so we agree that this is also an area worthy of inquiry as it is essentially a concrete expressionof the class struggle, it is the government of poverty.

In closing.. “Silence is also an answer”.

Afterword - A few thoughts...by ABC Berlin & ABC Orkan

It is a month since the anti prison gathering and all of us went back home with goodfeelings. Since we live in different cities, it took us a bit to gather as "organiser-crew" forhaving an exchange and discussion about how we felt that those days went. As foreverything we organize as anarchists, we believe that there can not be a simple "blackand white" analysis or evaluation: if we are critical when talking about initiativesorganized by others, than even more when it is about ours, in order for us all to learnfrom our limits and try to cross them even better the next time.After all, we are not the ones who like to rest on one's laurels.But let's proceed with order.

Our goals for this weekend...

As a premise, one should say that those days have been organized by a very smallamount of people. We came across the very idea of these days already a few monthsago, planning the event for May 2008, but then things took another direction and theidea remained there, but its date unconcrete. Finally, after the hunger strike in Germanprisons, August this year, we sat together again and felt the necessity of re proposingthis idea out of different reasons. To have a moment where the different groups andindividualities living in Germany who work actively against prison (and its society) couldmeet, discuss, share experiences, build affinities, plan further moments of the struggle,get connected: this was perhaps one of the major reasons. Also, to host three dayswould have offer the possibility for "non-experts" to participate in discussions, formaland informal ones, and hopefully get involved in the struggle or at least going back homewith a few more critical ideas. Moreover, the idea to have international companionsgiving a presentation about the situation in their countries, what struggles arehappening, how do people react, how can we learn and support each other, what are, if,the common perspectives.

...and what really came out on the end...

As said, we encountered many limits while organizing this event. At first, we have been asmall group of people organizing these days. Secondly, most of us never took part inorganizing such a gathering: indeed, this has been the first time in Germany such anevent was hosted.

We have been in general overwhelmed from what our plan was: simply, too many thingsat once. We recognized the impossibility, in regards to the present situation of an antiprison/anarchist movement in Germany, to organize a gathering where all the threeaforementioned aims we had, could produce positive results when coming together atthe same time.

Surely, one of the most positive results has been the possibility for many people whowork on these themes and feel affinity with each other, to physically gather together forthe first time.

This means the possibility to discuss criticallytogether about the present situation, findingways to get connected with other and launchingquestions about how to widen the strugglehere.

In regards to this, we definitely came back homewith a good feeling for the future: severalindividualities and groups from Germany andAustria began a common, prolific discussionwhich could produce interesting moment ofstruggle; also some dates have been set for thefuture where we will work together, to cementsuch affinity, while hopefully discovering newones on our path (to name a few occasions ofcommon struggle: the anti repression weekendin November in Wien, the hunger strike byItalian life prisoners from December (2008), thenew year's eve demonstration to the prison inBerlin...).

This, considering the situation here, can beseen as a very important step: we had to beganfrom almost point zero, since anti prison themeshave been dormant for some time, whencompared to countries like Spain or Italy.However, it is extremely hard to try to reachsuch a goal and at the same time to involve newaccomplices on our way.

Indeed, it is surely challenging but at the samerather difficult to hold common discussionsamong people who come with different

experiences, desires and expectations, whoare on "different levels" in a way, where thedivision between "experts" and "non-experts" strongly arises, especially whenchallenging a theme like prison which, assaid before, for a lot of people here isunknown and awkward, not mentioning thefact that is often the most difficult to tacklewithin one's personal path, exactly in relationto the usual question "what if there is noprison?".

We do not mean here at all that we arehappy to belong to the "specialized" circle.What we mean is that we have beenoverwhelmed by the disparity ofexpectations and perhaps our naivety in notdealing with this beforehand.

For an example, the opening discussion, ageneral one about why we do what we do,why we are anti prison, has been quite amess, because when we talked we madethe mistake of not considering enough thefact that for many of the attendants, prisonand related topics are rather new andtherefore one can not begin straight todiscuss on a certain, high and complicatelevel, even though for us it might seemnormal.

Indeed, one of its results has been that manyones did not show up again the followingday, since they got overwhelmed exactly bysuch a level, as we heard from some locals.By distributing a pamphlet to everyone,where few texts introducing to "anti prison"(two of signed by prisoners) wherecontained and the few text publishedbeforehand on our websites, we tried toraise awareness beforehand for people tocome a little bit prepared. But this has beenclearly only a small drop. We are still unsurehow we could possibly combine thesedifferent levels.

Perhaps by spreading more textsbeforehand, perhaps hosting suchdiscussion at the end of the weekend, afterpeople had time to chew, by different means,the themes proposed. Also probably bydiscussing rather concrete initiatives andmoment of struggle rather than giving morespace to presentations and slightlytheoretical confrontations.

A well done critic made at the final plenarytackled the absence – beside the informaldiscussions – of discussion about practicalsolidarity, what we mean by this, how do weconceive it, how we can share experiencesof struggle taking place in differentcountries, under different conditions, howwe can effectively attack the prison systemand where are such examples, in the historyas in the present...

Moreover, we never thought when organizingthis meeting in the form it had, that a fewpeople who are not strictly connected to the"scene" would attend these days; therefore,we have not been surprised by such a lackof, as much as we were not really impressedby the absence of other collectives who

work on anti repression and politicalprisoners, but are not outspokenlyanarchist: probably for a few of them,the character of the event was tooinformal and anarchist indeed (a thingwe are of course happy of!). For sure amissed chance for having a perhapsheated, but surely interesting andworthwhile debate.

Another point of self-critic would be theinternational character we aimed to giveto this gathering.

Some people from abroad came andgave a presentation about several topic(we want to excuse us again with theones for who we were not ableanymore to find a place in the schedule,although it was planned...), but one cannot speak neither of a high participationfrom foreigners, neither of any so called"concrete" results.

For the latter we can say that, asmentioned already, even if the weekendlacked in general of any discussionabout concrete moments and ways forstruggles to come (despite networkingamong already active groups andindividuals from Germany and Austria)and therefore nothing "concrete" cameout with our foreigner comrades, stillwe ought to mention the positive inputsthese very presentations gave onpeople attending (we could name theone about the affirm of prison society inEngland, which raised awareness aboutpossible, scary scenarios in regards toa development of social control here)and the very fact we had anotherchance to meet face to face besidesthe inhuman Internet communication;for the former, we see the short timepreparation and invitation as a majorreason for it.

We can not pretend that people, eventhough interested, might decide to popup in northern Germany when they getto know about such event only a fewweeks in advance (the call came outsometime in August).

We are sure that many ones morecould/would have attend wheninformed in time.

And, when speaking of foreignattendance, we noticed how wepersonally havebeen overwhelmedby the issue oftranslating: nexttime we have towork better in orderto improve this,even though oneshould also say thatGerman, becauseof its verysentence-structure,remains one of the

most difficult (European) language to translatewhen this is done simultaneously (in Germanone put the verb on the end of thesubordinate clause, phrases are extremelylong...).

On top of this, some other elements playedagainst us, such like Kiel being not the mosteasy reachable town, being far north, anantifascist demonstration taking place on theSaturday 30km away from Kiel, which hasbeen seen an high participation...

And what to say about the future?

We wanted to keep it short and we can notsay we reached this aim! We do not own theanswers and we are aware that the problemsaroused during the weekend are yet notunknown to many ones of you reading thistext.

We throw some questions, the answers cangenerate only by a choral debate among usall.

That is why we hope there will be some otherreactions by people who attended theweekend, or from people who read this text ortook part in organizing similar gatherings, inorder for us to improve the organization ofsuch days, the next time we will organizethem, by being inspired from your critics.As we mentioned already, there have beensome really good things which made our mindvery positive after these days, having a feelingthat we are in the process of buildingsomething, with different other people whoalso hate this prison society and want to fightagainst it, locally as much as internationally.Despite its limits, this weekend has been agood experience, especially to learn how wecan do it better next time.

By this we actually mean that we are quitedecided to host a second gathering next year,again in Germany.

As soon as we will be more clear about it welet you all know, this time a bit more in time.For sure, we are not able to guarantee yousun and beach.

Until that moment, we hope to cross your pathsomewhere during the next year, whilestruggling against prison society andcapitalism, for the total liberation.

ABC Berlin and ABC Orkan

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Organizationally, the prison system interms of methods of control, prisonarchitecture and design, etc, hasdeveloped significantly since the lastmajor prison uprising at Strangewaysin 1990. Before the Strangewaysrevolt the physical space of most largeprisons was more or less controlled bythe prisoners themselves and scrutinyand close supervision of that space bythe jailers was difficult and haphazard.Apart from punishment/segregationunits, most prisoners were housed inlarge wings where they were allowedto circulate freely and create a certaindegree of autonomy of physical space;complete oversight and surveillancewas impossible and control oftentenuous, and where incidents of

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What has become of prison revolts in theBritish prison system? Where now are theopen expressions of collective anger andsolidarity that fueled the uprisings and jailriots of the 1960s, 1970s and 1980sand created the iconic images of Hull1976 and Strangeways 1990? Whathappened to the spirit of revolt that usedto periodically shake the British long-termprison system and engender a philosophyof prisoner empowerment and solidarity, aphilosophy that situated the struggle ofprisoners at the very forefront of theuniversal struggle for human rights andeven social revolution?

Has the British prison system nowbecome so responsive to and

"ringleaders" and containing and isolating conflictwhen it occurs. By transforming the physical spaceand design of jails institutional power has shiftedback in favour of guards and removed the spectreof mass prison uprisings.

In and of itself building methods of control into thephysical fabric of prisons does not eradicatecompletely the possibility and existence ofrebellion, and when trying to understand thereasons for such a radical downturn in the prisonstruggle the wider social and cultural context isequally relevant.

The term "millennium prisoner" is now often usedas a derogatory label by prisoners themselves for

Letter from John Bowden:

“““““Return to Resistance”Return to Resistance”Return to Resistance”Return to Resistance”Return to Resistance”

protest were sparked off they tendedto spread without containment,developing a momentum that reachedinto most areas of the prison. Largegroup solidarity was a common featureof life in the long-term prisons and wasreflected in the balance of institutionalpower which dictated that the co-operation and good will of prisonerswas a vital and necessary prerequisiteof relative control.

Changing the physical architecture ofprisons was to become a keycomponent in the state's strategy oferadicating large scale protest andseizing back control of physical space.The new-generation of prisonarchitecture and the extensive re-design of prison space started in theearly 1990s, purpose-built for smallgroup control, new wing lay-outs wonback completely the control of spacefrom prisoners.

In Scotland, where bloody revolts hadconvulsed the prison system during the1970s and 1980s, a massive buildingprogramme transformed the old open-plan halls and galleries into new"super wings", enormous structureswhere space is divided and sub-divided into small self-contained unitsholding under 50 prisoners, all closelymonitored and observed in smallmanageable groups. This separationand concentration of prisoners intosmall groups under almost microscopicsurveillance effectively prevents andundermines the potential for large-scale disturbances by quicklyidentifying and weeding out

accommodating of the rights of prisonersthat revolt and protest has been renderedunnecessary and redundant? I think not.In fact British jails are now morechronically overcrowded than ever beforeand inmates virtually warehoused inconditions and under regimes probablyworst than they were twenty years ago.The despair and misery created by suchconditions is reflected in rates of self-harm and suicide that are inexorablygrowing, along with the length ofsentences now dished out. And like neverbefore the treatment of prisoners isincreasingly influenced by a politicalclimate and manipulated public moodsupportive of even greater repression andrevenge. Yet nowhere, apparently, isthere the spirit of solidarity and organisedresistance amongst prisoners that was soevident twenty years ago, no-where thereadiness to fight back and literally raisethe roof in protest. Instead of defiancethere seems now only passiveacquiescence and an acceptance ofconditions and forms of treatment thatpreviously would have mobilizeddisobedience and revolt.

Silence in the face of intolerableoppression is a disturbing phenomenon;in conditions of extreme cruelty the will toresist is inherently human and whollycharacteristic of a healthy and intacthuman spirit possessing an integrityunique to our species.

Why then has the militancy that seemedto characterize the behavior of long-termprisoners, especially, towards the prisonsystem been replaced by conformity andsubmission?

the current generation of prisoners who seemon the whole to have reconciled themselveswith the institutional interests of the prisonsystem and possess absolutely no memory ofa time when prisoner culture was imbued witha spirit and attitude of resistance. This is notjust a generational phenomenon but a socialand political one also and reflects afundamental change in the nature of the widerworking class community from which mostprisoners are drawn. On the whole, theprisoners who revolted and fought the systemduring the most turbulent decades of prisonprotest, the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, wereproducts of close knit industrial working classcommunities with strong traditions of tradeunion organization and militancy; solidarity andmutual support were the lifeblood of thesecommunities and informed the instincts of eventhose on the wrong side of the law. Thegeneration of prisoners who riot and fought atPankhurst in 1969, Hull in 1976 andStrangeways in 1990 were from communitiesstill nourished by class consciousness and a"them and us" attitude, as well as anunderstanding that sticking together andshowing solidarity was the most effective wayof securing collective benefits and rights.

During the 1980s and 1990s the Thatcheriteonslaught tore the heart and soul out ofworking class communities and transformedthem into wastelands of depression,hopelessness and defeat, and bred ageneration of young people saturated withcynicism, alienation and absolutely no memoryof a time when principles like solidarity,community and mutual support defined workingclass identity. Even the more proletariat formsof property-related crime, which in a wayrepresented a sort of elemental form of classwarfare, gave way to a more viciouslyentrepreneurial drug crime based on crudecapitalist principles and a contempt for poor

30

communities and those who inhabit them.Drug dealing is a uniquely capitalist of crimeinvolving massive profit for the few andimmense misery for the many, and is informedby a rejection of the sort of values or codes ofthe old criminal fraternity - never grass, resistauthority and never hurt "one's own". Moderndrug dealers in attitude and mentality are theabsolute antithesis of what were working classvillains and their way or strategy of doingprison time is also radically different; collusionand co-operation with prison regimes hasreplaced defiance and resistance, and thefighting spirit that sometimes gave rise to anoble vision of positive change and reform;from the flames of revolts like Strangewayscame manifestos of radical reform and anunderstanding and imperative that prisonersare as deserving of full human rights as anyother human being. Today those sort of nobleaspirations seem to have given way to a moodof defeat and conformity.

As microcosms of society prisons, in an oftenbrutally exaggerated way, reflect the socialcondition and reality of life of the poorgenerally, and also the level of political activityand struggle of that group. When the poor aresubdued and disorganized and kept under theheel so are those in prison; the reproductionof a junkie culture amongst prisonersaccurately reflects what has taken hold in mostpoor and working class communities anddistricts on the outside.

What then are the chances of defiance andmilitancy re-emerging amongst large groups ofprisoners and re-defining their currentrelationship with prison authority? The

Editors note: 7 / 1 / 09

Update: Brighton ABC are aware that accordingto the prison hospital, Ronnie may only have oneweek to live in his present condition. Free RonnieNOW!

Ronnie, from south London, was convicted in1988 of the attempted murder of a policemanduring an armed robbery that was set up by thepolice and in which the only person who diedwas his fellow would-be robber who was shotdead by the police. Through information froman informant, Police had lain in wait, with a TVcamera crew in-tow and ambushed the gang.The man shot dead by the Police, Tony Ash, wasunarmed and already surrendering to them.

Ronnie has campaigned relentlessly since thenfor his conviction to be overturned, refusing tobecome involved in applications for parole orearly release. He had wanted to mount apolitical defence at his trial, arguing that theinfamous 'shoot to kill' policy adopted by theBritish state in Northern Ireland had now beentaken up by the Met. Police in pursuit ofcriminal gangs. However his barrister at the timerefused to follow his instructions and Ronniehimself refused a prosecution deal, so he wasforced to defend himself in court, without legal

representation. Handed down a Lifesentence (originally with a whole-lifetariff, itself highly unusual given thecircumstances of his case), Ronnie heldone of the longest dirty protests in theBritish prison system and undertook a60 day hunger strike 10 years ago to tryto force the authorities to review hiscase.Now at 78 years old this hunger strike,after 20 years fighting the system, islikely to be his final act of resistance tothe unfair trial and unjust treatment hehas received. Physically weakened byprevious protests and in ill health (heonly has one lung), Ronnie has made anadvance directive/living will to refuseany medical intervention in this hungerstrike. He writes:

"Many will say: ' Well he is only acriminal.' True but if the protectiveaspects of the law do not apply to me, itfollows that there is no law. Hitlerstarted by excluding sections of theGerman populations from protection ofthe law. State evil can always find'reasons' disguised as righteousness."After 20 years inside, I have been held

Ronnie Easterbrook - "Britain's oldest political prisoner" - on Death Fast

a political prisoner, or a prisoner of politics.I refuse to go through a parole process.Why should I when the authorities, HomeOffice and Judiciary, know they are holdingme illegally?"

It's vital that all efforts are made to get theauthorities to re-open Ronnie's case so thecallous indifference shown by the powerfulto one of the powerless is reversed.

Write to him at:

Ronnie Easterbrook

(B58459)HMP GartreeGallow Field RoadMarket HarboroughLeicestershireLE16 7RP

Jacqui Smith, MPSecretary of State for the Home Office3rd Floor, Peel Buildings2 Marsham StreetLondonSW1P 4DFFax: 020 8760 3132e-mail: smithjj@parliament.uk

inexorable drive towards greaterincarceration and the construction ofvirtual penal cities in the form ofmassive "Titan jails", will eventuallyresult in whole chunks of the poor anddisadvantaged population being walledinto factories of repression; sooner orlater that repression, no matter howsophisticated and well-organised, willmeet with resistance. There hasalways been a cyclical quality aboutprotest, revolt and resistance, both inprison or outside in the wider world,and periods of quiescence andabsolute social control are alwaysfragile and essentially dependent onpeople co-operating in their ownsubjugation as opposed to controlbeing imposed by force and coercionalone. As the South African BlackConsciousness activist Steve Bikoonce said, "The greatest weapon inthe hands of the oppressor is theminds of the oppressed themselves".Those who administer the prisonsystem equate a good prison with awell-controlled prison; the primefunction of prison is to imprisonefficiently and maintain absolutecontrol over the imprisoned. Issues ofhuman rights and respecting theinherent human dignity of the prisonerdo not register in the mentality of thepenal operator and ground has neverbeen conceded on these issuesunless prisoners themselves haveforced them onto the agenda. Thereis a direct relationship between thelimited liberalization of prison regimes

in the British long-term jails during the1970s and 1980s and the protests anddemonstrations of that period that forced thesystem to concede ground. No significantreform of the prison system has ever beenachieved by anyone other than prisonersthemselves, usually as a result of collectivedirect action, and the progressive erosion ofthose reforms over the last 20 years is as adirect result and consequence of the changein prisoner culture and the diminution ofcollective struggle amongst prisoners. Unlessthe spirit of struggle is re-discovered,therefore, nothing will prevent a nightmarishvision of the prison world coming to pass;the mass imprisonment of social problemand poor people in huge privately-controlledjails where human rights are abandonedcompletely in the interests of profit and thetotal and absolute control over theimprisoned. It's maybe in all our interestsultimately that we see the return of a militantand unmanageable prison population.

John BowdenJohn BowdenJohn BowdenJohn BowdenJohn Bowden6729HM Prison GlenochilKing O'Muir RoadTullibodyClackmannanshireFK10 3ADUK

The dictators of yesterday and theirinhumane methods remain alive in LatinAmerica.

We are not all here, we are missing theprisoners! Only struggle will make usand them free!!

“Today, from this prison and its wallsthat attempt to silence and bury us, wescream our greetings to all those instruggle inside and outside prison. Afraternal hug that never ends, we

continue on foot, never begging orkneeling. To attack our mostintimate and close spaces is onlypart of the dirty war in this socialwar of the classes.”

Freddy and Marcelo

26 Sept. 2008Unidad de detención provincialNº11 Neuquén, PatagoniaArgentina

Letter from Marcelo Villaroel U11Neuken 21 November 2008:

“Having passed 5 days on hunger strikewe want to slatue, by means of thesewords, all our companeros in Argentina,Chile, Peru, Espana and different placesin this world. We give a huge hug andrevolutionary energy to animate you tocontinue in active solidarity with allrevolutionary priosners that fight dailyagainst Capital’s prison system thatwipes out thousands of people the worldover...

Our struggle, is without doubt for theabolition of prisons, for the liberation ofall prisoners and for the definitiveelimination of capital, an omnipresentsystem, naturalised daily within a deathmachine.

Our struggle is for a new and better life,for a society without classes, for a freeand happy life, and to deliver the onlything we have: our own lives...

We hug all and give a brotherly kiss too,with the certainty that we are unitedwith all those without a name and facebut that travel free in a world full withrepression...

While Misery Exists::We ChooseRebellion”

support network of ourcompaneros. On the 19th ofSeptember, Andrea Urzua, wasarrested on a border pass,accused of attempting toingest and pass on a“substance” to the imprisonedcomrades. According to thepress, in a matter of hours,said “substance” underwent amutation: first it was sleepingpills, then after it was drugsuntil finally it becamedangerous explosives.

Andrea had gone to visitFreddy and Marcelo in theNeuquen jail where they areheld, but on second day sheattempted entry she wasdenied because they hadsupposedly discovered this“substance” in her vagina. Themessage that power is tryingto give is clear, any form ofsolidarity will be repressed. Ofcourse this is an incredibleset-up. Today she is faced withfifteen years in jail. As well asthat, in Chile, Pablo Morales,the spokesperson for thefamilies and friends of thecomrades in Argentina, wasarrested. In conjunction withother comrades, Pablo, hadparticipated in forums andother acts which clarifiedbeyond doubt the set-upMarcelo and Freddy aresubject to. Nobody doubtedsome excuse for his arrestwould appear sooner or later.They revoked his freedombecause of an ongoing casefrom 1992 that falls outsidethe law that allowed Moralesto walk free in 2003 after 11years of imprisonmentalongside Villarroel.

The situationof Freddy,Marcelo andAndrea.

Since the 14th of March FreddyFuentevilla and Marcelo Villarroelhave been locked up inArgentina, accused of theillegal transport of weapons, forwhich they have been judgedand sentenced to three yearsand six months in prison. Theyentered illegally into Argentinabecause the Chileangovernment, their police forceand the mass media accusethem (without evidence) of anattack on a bank in Chilewhich left one cop dead. TheChilean Diplomats inArgentina want Freddy andMarcelo expelled to Chile,where they will be judged andsentenced for the crimes they areaccused of.

On the margin of these accusations,the margin of whether they areinnocent or guilty, it is necessary tosay what are the real motives of thespectacular persecution embarkedupon by the Chilean government ofMichelle Bachellet: that both areknown social fighters and popularcombatants. Marcelo has spent morethan eleven years in prison accusedof diverse actions carried out whenhe was a militant in the LautaroMovement. Moreover because hewas under-age he suffered tortureand incarceration in the youngestpolitical prison in Latin America.While inside he was part of theCamina Libre collective, anorganisation that fought for apermanent end to the politicalprison, without bowing to theFACTICOS powers that sought hisrepentance and colloboration withthe new order. Freddy becamemilitant in MIR, and formed part ofa generation that did not believe thedictatorship had ended, and thatsee in Democracy only a new face ofeconomic dictatorship.

But that is not all, today we mustlament the criminalisation of the

31

18/11/08

To the Argentinian people and their

organisations

To the Chilean people and their

organisations

To the Mapuche people and their

organisations

To the Network of Support, spaces of

counter information, nucleus,

companeros, families and sister

organisations across the world

From the provincial detention unit 11 inNeuquén, Chilean Political PrisonersFreddy Fuentevilla Saa and MarceloVillaroel Sepulveda want tocommunicate to everyone:

That from 12 O’clock midday today,Monday the 17th of November we arestarting an indefinite liquid and hungerstrike with the following demands:

1. LIBERATION OF ALLCOMBATANTS IN POPULARSTRUGGLE

With particular attention paid to thesituation of companeros today inChilean, Argentinian and Brazilianprisons. The most advanceddemocracies of Latin America based onsystems of control and punishment inorder to exterminate politicaldissidence: we cannot remain silent.

2. POLITICAL REFUGE INARGENTINA

We seek the annulment of the expulsionorder served to us. We seek a revision ofthe speedy and irregular denial that wasgiven in our cases. In Chile there are noguarantees of any type of due process inthe cases against us. They have arrestedand incriminated us under false

evidence. They persecute us undermilitary and civil judges, theytorture and incarcerate to kill

3. DIGNIFIED TREATMENT INPRISON

No to the continuing torture oftheir high security regimes. Weseek equality of work and rightsthat are given to every detainedperson, and the end of more than5 months confined in a containerof people called “BUZÓN”.

These are the motives and reasonsthat guide us today. We cannotremain silent or be spectators tothe daily struggle against theentire prison network thatannihilates thousands of poorpeople in Latin America and theworld.

Our decision is a cry to all thoseconscious sectors of people andcommunities that fight toemancipate themselves. It is alsoa cry to look at reality knowingthat there are prisoners that havethroughout history continuallyrepresented a human force andcollective that is clearlyrevolutionary; libertarians thathave not ceased their efforts tolive free, dignified and happy.

In Chile it is the police state thatbrutality forces the views andpatience of the complicit majority.The high security prisons, thepolice set-ups, the constantfollowing and harassment, themicrophones in house and placesof meeting, the torture, are fired atus daily by Miss Bachelet.

Kirchner’s Argentina, a democraticand generous one, which just expelledour Paraguayan farmer companeros,leaving them before the Paraguayanpolitical class (that serves Yankeeinterests for judgement). A class thatmaintains thousands of people inprisons and units of detention wherethey are subject to unacceptableconditions and treatment.

The Brazil of Lula and the PT is acountry with prisons known as“Lunatic Factories” where they havekept Mauricio Hernandez the last sixyears who today fights to keep himselfalive and lucid somewhere in thedeath machine of “the democraticgovernment of the working classpresident”.

Today with a closeness and fraternity,we make a call to articulate, diffuse,organise, ask, inform, propose andarm; the most effective form, webelieve, to contribute from differentpoints of struggle where there is anticapitalist opinion present.

To construct the networks ofsolidarity, that is the permanentchallenge for the victoriousconstruction of this mobilisation.

Prisoners in struggle: To the street,

alive and free!!

Political Asylum in Argentina: No

to the Expulsion!!

Only the Struggle sets us free!!!

Marcelo Villaroel SepulvedaMarcelo Villaroel SepulvedaMarcelo Villaroel SepulvedaMarcelo Villaroel SepulvedaMarcelo Villaroel Sepulveda

Freddy Fuentevilla SaaFreddy Fuentevilla SaaFreddy Fuentevilla SaaFreddy Fuentevilla SaaFreddy Fuentevilla Saa

32

Letter from Freddy Fuentevilla

after 25 days on Hunger Strike

A brotherly hug and salute to all those that have shown solidarity and support; weknow that we are not alone, in fact we are many. To our families, the individuals,the popular/social/revolutionary organisations, the support networks: ourgreetings.

After nearly 6 months of being held in confinement, in isolation, withoutcommunication and without sun, we say that SOLIDARTY is our only weapon. Itcreates a front to fight from within these walls; this solidarity knows no bordersand bowls us over, it only knows internationalism and quality.

This solidarity that emanates from you is that which has allowed us at the sametime, to define part of this path, to nourish the dreams of freed people andstrengthen us.

And it is precisely this that capitalism and its bulls will never understand, or thatbetween men and women there can exist communities of resistance with collectivevalues not mediated by commercial transactions by means of money andexploitation. However, we also know that they are not interestedin comprehending such a reality, only annihilating it in whatever from it takes.To be in possession of solidarity is a serious offence, it is a precious humancharacteristic, it is not metal, it doesn't generate revenue moreover it runscompletely contrary, a sister to peoples and townships, it creates communal rationsand helps create consciousness of this political and class reality, it unites theobjectives we have in common against the enemy we have in common, and itsdanger is its virtue: a virtue that generates rebellion and subversion in the differentexpression within the struggle of people in all parts. It is a weapon that we allpossess! To summon it you only have to open your eyes.

After 25 days of this hunger strike we continue to feel the solidarity, neverthelessthe police have already commenced repressive measures, sanctioning us inridiculous ways, making total use of their impunity and abusive power that isgifted to them by the State and the Walls around us. This is no surprise, moreoverit demonstrates that the external pressure is being felt. The police only try tojustify the injustifiable, accusing me of contempt of court and initiating rebellion.

Now, although the charges appear attractive, I should mention that I amsurrounded by 12 policemen, between them riot police and prison wardens. I findmyself alone and I have been on hunger strike for three weeks which meanscontempt of court is not viable not least inciting the police to rebel.

We greet every one who fights in a forest or on a street with the dreams of thefallen, all of the prisoners of the Capitalist System across the world and inparticular those prisoners in struggle. To all those who open this struggle to others

and make it their own.

While Misery Exists We

Choose Rebellion

Freddy FuentevillaFreddy FuentevillaFreddy FuentevillaFreddy FuentevillaFreddy Fuentevilla

SaaSaaSaaSaaSaa

The politics/legality

relationship

Basically, all political critique

is within the terms of legality.

In fact, it strengthens the

institutional fabric by allowing it to

overcome defects and delays

determined by the contradictions

of capital and some excessively

rigid aspects of the State.

But no political critique can go as

far as to reach the absolute

negation of the State and capital. If it

were to do so - as happens with anarchist

critique - it would be a question of social critique,

so would not be considered a constructive

contribution to the institutional fabric and

consequently become - in fact - “illegal”.

Social and political situations can arise in which

greater equilibrium between the political and

economic forces make it easy for a social

critique, even a radical, anarchist one, to be

recuperated. But that does not alter the

substantially “illegal” content of this critique.

On the other hand, even behaviour that falls

quite outside the law can be considered

differently in the light of determined political

situations. For example, the armed struggle of a

combatant party is undoubtedly illegal behaviour,

but at a given moment it can turn out to be

functional to the project of recuperation and

restructuring of the State and capital, an

eventual agreement between combatant party

and the State is not impossible (the latter in its

guise of guarantor of the privileges of

capitalism).

This is not as absurd as it seems in that the

combatant party places itself in the logic of

destabalising the ruling power in order to

construct a power structure that is different in

form but identical in substance. In this kind of

project, as soon as it is realised that the military

confrontation cannot proceed because there is

no outlet in the medium term they come to

some agreement. The amnesty being discussed

in the Italian 1970s movement is one of these

possible agreements. other forms can be

imagined in the light of the recuperation by

social democracy. A cohabitation as a result of

the military defeat that seems the only possible

solution to those who yesterday were convinced

they could take over the old power structure and

manage it completely.

As you can see, whereas simple anarchist

critique - radical and absolute - is always “illegal”,

even the armed struggle of the combatant

parties can sometimes enter the domain of

“legality”. That proves once again the “fluctuating”

concept of legality and the State’s intention to

adapt this to the conditions of control.

Considerations on Illegality - Alfredo M. Bonanno

Freddy and Marcelo ended their

hungerstrike after 46 days on 3

January, 2009, They were moved to

a better prison with different

conditions.

33

35

THE

EUROPEAN

SILICON

VALLEYThis article is a translation from the Italian eco-anarchist paper “Terra Selvaggia”. >>

Why C.E.A. Grenoble, the largest centre oftechnological research that has been

producing eco and social disasters for

military purposes for 50 years in Rhone-Alps

must be closed down.

We have already extensively talked aboutnanotechnologies and biotechnologies inprevious issues of Terra Selvaggia by alsopublishing writings from America, where suchtechnologies are quite advanced. This contextappeared so unfamiliar to many Europeancountries that some of our readers pointed outhow certain sceneries were improbable even inthe field of the new technological-scientificdominion. These considerations come out of anunderestimation of the situation: thetechnological developments we talk about donot arrive out of the blue. If they are comparedto the technological progress of the pastcenturies, these new experiments are very fastand can deeply transform our society. Moreoverthey are not carried out in secret undergroundlaboratories protected by barbed wire.Certainly such laboratories do exist but they arenot the only ones. Global dominiondecentralizes its death creations in numerousresearch structures, be they private or public(universities, national research centres, etc). Itis not that a single structure is responsible forthe realisation of lethal weapons orsophisticated instruments of control; on thecontrary many centres work on such projectseach contributing to parts of them. Non-strictlyscientific disciplines are not excluded from thescientific devastation as they participate tosome particular aspects, secondary butindispensable, of it. Nano and biotechnologiesare more and more successful in universitieswhere courses, master, doctorates, etc, arecreated. The link between industry andresearch is strengthening through investments,collaborations, and common projectsconcerning universities, research centres andcompanies…but in order to create what? Whydo these technologies proliferate? Notechnological development can exist without atenacious work of persuasion that makes itpossible. Fomenting fear is crucial in thiscontext: security reasons, threat of possible‘terrorist attacks’ with biological weapons,defence of national borders create the rightatmosphere of consensus to shamelesstechnologies of death and security systems

that suppress freedom. Perhaps thetime of the cold war is not so distantand perhaps it has never ended. Isthere anything more devastating thannuclear weapons to be used againstneighbouring countries? Prestigiousscientists all over the world are workingon that, especially inside the ‘harmless’public research structures that do noneed any barbed wire…

The history of C.E.A. and of Minatecshows how the distinction betweenpublic research that is supposed to beunder the control of the population andmilitary research has no sense. Thisdistinction is one of the mystificationsof power. What is then this ‘publicresearch’ so acclaimed by sinceredemocrats? It is based on mereeconomic considerations: to provide adefence against private speculators.They fix their attention on meaninglessdetails and completely ignore the heartof the question. After all, what can weexpect by those who consider therainforest, the biggest lung of the earthby now reduced to its minimum termsthanks to deforestation, an economicresource that is falling apart? Evenclimate change and its devastatingconsequences on life are quantified inAmerican dollars.

Nevertheless mechanisms are underway, which will soon change the face ofthe planet as we have always seen it.More and more advanced technologiescannot resolve global problems butthey can certainly resolve otherproblems, those that the powerful carefor: their profits. It is here that the storyof this French research centre, called‘the European silicon valley’, begins. Inthis centre, where the unjustifiable isjustified, all new weapons areprogrammed, which will be used bydominion in order to control the‘emergencies’ created and developedby the latter. Obviously Minatec is notthe only structure engaged in this kindof research but it represents animportant point of reference in Europeespecially as concerns the gathering ofscientific disciplines and the encounterbetween multinationals and so calledpublic research.

Minatec is an important target for themovement that struggles against eco-devastation in France and not only. For us,who have been writing about these questionsfor a long time (with special regard for whathappens in the United States), this is theconfirmation that the latest developments ofthe technological-scientific dominion are sowidespread that they have arrived in Europeanlaboratories. That is to say very close to us.

Who knows, maybe some representatives ofC.E.A.-Grenoble-Minatec are in Lebanon topick up the fruits of the latest experiments onwar fields: charred human bodies.

‘The economic metropolis with high potentialsof development are identified by investorsduring the night thanks to images provided bysatellites or directly by aeroplanes. The morethese cities are lit the more they areinteresting! When the technological stripe ofthe alpine arc, in its centres of Geneva andGrenoble, is completely lit and thebiotechnology centres of Losanne, the CERNphysics and IT centres of Geneva, the solarenergy of Chambery and thenanotechnologies of Grenoble form a longspinal column we will be able to say that wehave won’. Jean Therme, C.E.A. technologicalresearch director and C.E.A.-Grenobledirector.

2006 coincides with the fiftieth anniversary ofthe Atomic Energy Committee (C.E.A.-Grenoble). On June 1 of the same year C.E.A.and the national polytechnic instituteinaugurated Minatec, the biggest Europeanresearch centre for micro andnanotechnologies.

NO RESEARCH IS NEUTRAL

‘Defence is the main protagonist of researchas it supports civilian and military researches,which are more and more linked to eachother’. M. Alliot-Marie, defence ministry on hisvisit at Minatec and C.E.A.-Grenoble.This visit reveals the relations betweennational defence and the research centre inGrenoble. As it is engaged in constructingnuclear submarines and aircraft carriers,C.E.A. is responsible for projecting andhandling nuclear reactors and highperformance chemical and biological sensorsand specializes in the study of the effects ofnuclear radiations on biological tissues.

C.E.A. was created in 1945 in order to buildthe atomic bomb. After the ratification of theStockholm treaty that banned atomic weaponsin 1951, former general administrator ofC.E.A. Pierre Guillaumaut, military and secretagent, founded a secret structure insideC.E.A., called D.A.M. (Direction of MilitaryApplication).

As the population generally refused theconstruction and use of atomic weapons,C.E.A gave itself a respectable façade, whichit managed to keep thanks to ambiguity anddisinformation. Politicians and C.E.A.directors, while continuing to develop atomicpower for military purposes, publicly acceptedthat France had chosen not to develop any

X

36

military option: this contradiction becamethe rule inside the C.E.A.

Hiring of staff was therefore submitted to arigorous political control of applicants evenin so-called ‘civilian’ sectors, which wereactually orientated towards military goals.

C.E.A. became a ‘state inside the state’:whatever the government on power was,C.E.A. was secretly engaged in the creationof the atomic bomb.

In this context Pierre Gauillaumaut created in1955 the C.E.N.G., ‘Grenoble NuclearStudies Centre’, in order to developelectronic devices that were able to workinside a highly radioactive environment. Thisled to the construction of the ‘LediLaboratory’ in 1967, which is today aninnovative centre of research in the fields ofelectronics, microelectronics andnanotechnology. From the C.E.A.-Ledi othermilitary structures were born: in 1978 the‘Infrared Laboratory’ (L.I.R.) and the ‘GeneralDelegation of Armament’, and in 1986 theSofradir.

In the Nineties Soitec was created for themanagement of the technology of semi-conductors in relation to military andaerospace fields. In 2001 Apibio wascreated for the development of biochip, withthe aim of defence from biological andchemical attacks.

Fifty years after the creation of C.E.A.-Grenoble the collaboration between militaryand the army led to the creation of Minatec,a project planned and carried out by JeanTherme, director of CEA-Grenoble andmilitary-industrial expert.

The importance of Minatec from a militarypoint of view was pointed out in 2001 by anarticle entitled ‘Micro technology: a biginvestment for the defence’. This article wasthe final achievement of the congress‘Science and defence’, organized inGrenoble by D.G.A.: ‘This initiative hasoffered the occasion to expose to 200congress participants the priorities ofdefence needs through a series ofdiscussions pivoting on three main themes:micro technologies for electronics and thetreatment of signals, integrated captors forinformation control and finally ‘intelligent’ ornano-structured materials.

Why has Grenoble been chosen?Because it has a worldwide influencethanks to its many laboratories,research centres and universities thatform an impregnable fortress ofinnovation to which the GeneralDirection of Armaments [D.G.A.]regularly refers to’.

In 2001 CEA and D.G.A signed up adeclaration of intensive cooperation inthe field of electronics with the aim of‘satisfying the needs of defence forcontrol, the access to the mostadvanced civilian technologies and theacquisition of more specialisedtechnologies’.

The D.G.A. have access to theobservatory of micro andnanotechnologies and of the ‘Lab Idea’,a ‘structure that monitors theapplication of technology on controland the calculation of threats. Minatecis also at disposal of army industries sothat they can have access to the mostadvanced micro technologies’.The army is linked to Minatec, takespart to the choice of subjects of thesis,the observation groups on C.E.A.-Letiprograms and the financing of some ofthe research projects. D.G.A. andC.E.A. cooperate in researches andobjectives of technological innovations.As nuclear technology in the past,nanotechnologies have now a strategicrole for the army as testified by theenthusiasm of the D.G.A.:

‘Nanotechnologies offer us thepossibilities of better performancesboth in the nuclear field and in that ofthe energy of explosives. Theirapplications are particularly importantfor missiles and special lancers’.And as happened for nuclear energy,the mystifications of technological-scientific power boasted about goodpeaceful ‘civilian’ uses ofnanotechnology.

A study commissioned in 2004 byC.E.A. highlights other sectors ofinterest of nanotechnology (such asinfantry) and points out the importanceof various C.E.A. ventures such asApibio, Sofradin, Tronic’s, Poxitech, etc.Biotechnologies are equally important

for the armyespecially asconcerns therealisation of ‘ethnic’weapons andweapons of massdestruction, which arenot so expansive asthe chemical ones.

C.E.A also plays animportant role in thissector with its twolaboratories, the P4Biomerieux in Lyonand the militarylaboratory CRSSA inLa Tronche, which

study system of defence against attacks carriedout with weapons of mass destruction.

‘There is nothing in the biological sector thatcannot be transferred on a military level’ (anexpert of C.E.A.)

THE INDUSTRY OF RESEARCH

The research carried out in Grenoble does notonly concern the army but it also represents abig incentive for the industry. As concerns thelink between industry and research, in fact,C.E.A.-Grenoble is the centre that has the mostadvanced relations with industrialenvironments.

From the C.E.A. website: ‘ From batteries tofuel and nano-machines, from various materialsand biochips, C.E.A. is at the avant-garde oftechnological research and takes an active partto the transfer of this knowledge to industry’.

C.E.A. has put into action a number ofmechanisms in support of the creation ofcompanies. ‘Biopolis’ is a 6-million eurosproject financed by local communities and byC.E.A. in order to encourage the creation ofbiotechnology companies. Twenty-sixcompanies have been created thanks totechnologies developed in Grenoble since1975. The most important one is C.E.A.-Leti,which has deposited about 1,200 patentswhereas Sohadir and Soitech are the mostoutstanding companies in Grenoble.Furthermore E.F.C.I.S., born from C.E.A.-Leti,was bought by Thompson, which in turn hasjoined Italian SGS giving birth to STMicroelectronics. The latter is the third biggestproducer of semiconductors in the world and isengaged in nanotechnology research. All thesecompanies are in the running for bio andnanotechnology, given that the world market ofnanobiotechnology has been estimated at 24billion euros in 2005. Therefore C.E.A. doesnot only create companies but it also makesindustrial agreements with already existingenterprises. Minatec is the most known casebut it is not the only one. We can mentionNanotec 300, an investment of 30-millioneuros in collaboration with ST Microelectronics,Philips and Motorola; Nanobio, a 46-millioneuros projects in collaboration with Nano2Life,an European venture that aims at transferringnanotechnologies to health treatments.Convergent biotech, nanotech and ITtechnologies are a true innovation to investors,as they promote progress in all sectors andcontribute to nourishing the economic globalgame so beloved to multinationals. The race toprogress passes through the increment ofconsume and therefore it creates new ‘needs’.In this context C.E.A. clearly shows howscientific research is strictly linked to industrialsociety and how research and so calledprogress represent a major factor ofcompetitiveness. Here are some of theinnovations elaborated inside the C.E.A.laboratories: silicon plaques for Play Station 3,X-Box, high definition TVs, watches withoutbatteries, home cinema, portable computers,rotation screens, intelligent styles, high memoryrigid disks, infrared sight for support in drivingcars, miniature instruments for medical analysis,food control and biological analysis of water…

37

The active participation of public research inthe race to high tech stirs the enthusiasm oflocal bodies, following the equation served inits many versions: research = innovation =competitiveness = progress = employment.

‘The development of economic activitiesemerges from innovation and creates jobs forall the citizens. Let’s recognize that it is a truegold mine’. The man who said that is MichelDestot, deputy mayor of Grenoble since 1995.It must be said that this senior engineer ofC.E.A. has a great experience as concernsprogress, innovation and gold mines…

In this society the blackmail of unemploymentjustifies the unjustifiable and conceals someessential questions: what kind of employment?In order to produce what? At what conditions?What are the social and ecologicalconsequences? Who will benefit from all that?

AN OUTPOST OF TOTALITARIAN CONTROL

As technologies reflect the projects of societyit is important to be aware of them. The BlueBook published in 2004 for the Frenchgovernment by GIXEL, a lobby gathering aboutfifty electronics companies, gives a clear ideaof such projects. Here is an extract from thechapter ‘Acceptance from the population’:‘Security is often considered as an attack toindividual freedom in our democratic societies.It is therefore necessary that the populationaccept the technologies that we use, includingbiometrics, video surveillance and all kinds ofcontrol. Public bodies and industrialists needto study methods to make biometricsaccepted. These methods must take intoaccount the benefits for the individuals andpoint out alluring functions such as:

-Education in nurseries: pupils will employthese technologies in order to enter schoolsand parents will rely on them to look for theirchildren.

-Introduction of these technologies inconsumables, leisure activities and games:mobile phones, cars, and domestic videogames.

-Development of ‘cordless’ services in banks,supermarkets, transport, internet access, etc.

As for the technologies of surveillance andcontrol it will be necessary to rely onpersuasion and on regulations bydemonstrating how these technologies canbenefit the population and by minimising theannoyance they can cause’.

Idea’s Lab, a ‘laboratory of ideas’ created in2002 with the collaboration of STMicroelectronics, France Telecom and HewlettPackard, can efficiently serve these purposes.Various kinds of ‘creative’ people (designers,artists, etc), experts in human sciences(sociologists, anthropologists, etc), experts inlogistics, microelectronics, microsystems andindustrial operators work together in thislaboratory. What is their goal? To makepossible the acceptance of futuristic objectsand services that will revolutionise our daily life

just as mobile phones have alreadydone. A few examples: electronic trade,communicating clothes, surfing in the3-D world, biometrics devices, radiofrequency labels…

We already know how propaganda caninduce to consume products.

Idea’s Lab illustrates the growingintervention of human sciences so thatthe population get used to the newinstruments of surveillance even beforeproducts are created. Moreoverconvergent technologies (biotech,nanotech, IT) make new instruments ofsocial control possible, instruments thatpower had never attained in humanhistory: ‘intelligent ‘video surveillance,biometrics, electronic micro labels,nano cameras…

Powerful financial and political interestsconverge towards these technologies.They represent the promise of amazinginnovation to the State in terms ofsocial control; and to the industry theyrepresent the prospect of extraordinaryprospect of profits whereas to researchthey represent a fruitful source offinancing. During his visit at C.E.A.-Grenoble the ministry of defencestated: ‘Thanks to Minatec andMinologic the defence can rely oncivilian research. ST Microelectronics,Radicell and Soitec can offer importantpotentials to the equipment of ourforces’. The main sector of interest is‘Radio Frequency IdentificationDevices’ (R.F.I.D.), a system that allowschips to communicate at distance theinformation they contain. Substituted bythe bar code in the big distribution, theR.F.I.D. is the main concern ofMinalogic. ‘Making many objects of thedaily life intelligent and communicative’is its goal. C.E.A.-Leti, which is the pilotof this project, already works on‘techniques of impression in liquidphase of the electronics circuits ofR.F.I.D. chips’.

Another important sector is the ‘intelligent’video surveillance: it consists in creatingmore and more miniaturized cameras that areable to recognize faces and behaviours andto broadcast live their images on a transportweb by making the identification of ‘abnormalsituation’ automatic. In other wordstechnology decides the final diagnosisfollowing a previous classification ofbehaviours into ‘normal’ and ‘abnormal’.

This is also connected to a government billon ‘prevention of delinquency’ inspired by astudy of I.S.E.R.M. on recognizing ‘behaviourproblems’ in young children. As concernsautomatic behavioural identification C.E.A.publishes on its website: ‘Starting from theobservation of faces, the laboratory aims atidentifying emotions (joy, sadness, fear, etc)’.ATmel, the sector in Grenoble thatspecialises in biometrics and micro camerasis directed by Jean Vaylet, a senior of C.E.A-Leti. R.F.I.D. are already in use in publictransport tickets and highways in Grenobles.

Jewish people living in the French occupiedarea had to hold the mention ‘Jews’ on theiridentity card starting from October 1940.And when in 1942 the yellow star becamecompulsory to be worn most Jews acceptedthe rule without worrying too much; after allthey had nothing to hide and sewedvoluntarily the yellow star on their clothes.Then, out of the blue, their mere existencewas considered a crime. Do you think thatmentioning the Vichy republic is notappropriate? Well, we think it is: it remindsus how we are in the hands of the State andhow intelligent video surveillance, RF.I.D. andbiometrics can strengthen its efficiency. If theVichy authority had had these instruments attheir disposal in 1940 how many Jews whoescaped persecution would have beensaved? Could the partisans have fabricatedfalse documents if biometric passports hadbeen in use then? Similarly, biometrics andvideo surveillance are leading to totalitariansociety.

When the government introduces policerecords containing biometric data for everyperson who ‘has nothing to hide’ and videocameras allow the identification of everysingle person, what will be the possibilities ofresistance?

Once these technologies are generalized weall will get used to permanent control andsurveillance and that will be normality to thenew generations.

Consequently the dangers of transgressionof existing rules will be interiorised.

Finally the new technologies of control mustbe considered along with the project of thesociety that produces them: who benefitfrom them and why are they developed?

38

FROM NUCLEAR POWER TO NANOTECH:

THE CONTINUOUS PROGRESS OF ECO-

DEVASTATION

‘Radioactive water is regularly thrown in smallquantities into the Isere river. According toJean Therme these quantities are so smallthat they dilute themselves in the river’ (fromthe ‘Dauphine Libere’, 30/01/03).

On July 11 2002 C.E.A. announces the stopof its Siloette reactor ‘after two years ofregular and efficient service’. Le Mondewrites: ‘C.E.A. Grenoble puts an end to itsnuclear power following the stop of theSiloette reactor’. This stop, which followsthose of the Melusine reactor in 1989 and ofthe Siloe reactor in 1997, is part of a wellthought strategy. Nuclear power, which oncewas the jewel of the Grenoble research, isnow substituted by micro and nanotechnologies. ‘Our sites will be transformed’Jean Therme promises. And C.E.A. nucleartechnicians get a chance to boast about thebeneficial effects of nuclear power: ‘Thisproves that nuclear structures can functionclose to urban areas for forty years and thencan be dismantled without any bad impact onthe environment’.

In September 1976 Louis Neel intervened atthe general assembly of Isere to support theconstruction of Super-Phenix in Malville bypointing out that classic plants (fuel and coal)could cause real deaths whereas ‘the deathsin plutonium plants are only potential deaths’.Two years later the mayor of Dubedoutproposed the Thermos project, a ‘domesticnuclear plant’ to provide heating in Grenoble.Two decades later deputy-major Destotexplained to the national assembly that ‘in acountry like France, which lacks of its ownenergetic resources, nuclear power is anindispensable source of energy’. A year laterhe attacked those who opposedbiotechnology in order to justify the latter:‘Nuclear had to be stopped because it couldbe used for military purposes’.

By now C.E.A. is no longer a nuclear site as itis engaged in the development of bio andnano technologies. Their operators declare:‘Minatec will be realised according to an eco-friendly approach by also taking into accountthe production of renewable energy’. It is well

known, however, thatthe electrical industryis the most pollutingever as confirmed bythe state of soil, airand water in the areawhere the CalifornianSilicon Valley issituated.

In spite of the factthat they boast aboutdurable progress STMicroelectronics alsoconfirms thedevastating effects ofthe link betweenindustry andresearch. In fact, they

are responsible for stockpilingdangerous materials, spreadingpoisonous gases and causing waterpollution. And what is it all about for?Just for producing gadgets that will endup in the more and more increasingmountains of electronic waste. At thesame time so called durable progressopens the door to new markets: C.E.A.-Leti is working on a system ‘able toobserve live the evolution of tumours orthe progresses of a cure’; Apibio isworking on the creation of chips able todetect cancers, O.G.Ms and chemicalcontamination; the Sinapis laboratory isbringing to perfection a ‘micro capturerthat controls in real time themanagement of waste’. What aformidable market is that of eco-devastation and industrial risks!Certainly trying to fight against thesources of pollution is not so profitableas fabricating palliatives and remedieswhile pollution goes on.

After nuclear power and O.G.M, thesame logic of death characterising thissociety dominated by power and profitis manifesting itself through the race tonanotechnology.

DAYS OF ACTIONS

AGAINST MINATEC

Between May 29 and June 2 2006hundreds of people coming from allover France and other Europeancountries took part to a series ofdemonstrations against Minatec.

May 29

About sixty people storm the museumin Grenoble during a meeting ofresearchers and hurl eggs against thelatter. Writings against Minatec are lefton the walls of the museum.

May 30

Dozens of people occupy for more thantwo hours the Town Hall in Isere andcause damages in the offices.A bus carrying researchers andoperators of Minatec to a gala

ceremony at the Saint-Jean-de-Cepy castle isblocked for a few hours by a barricade inflames.

May 31

Dozen of people make their way into the site ofMinatec and interrupt a conference attendedby researchers, investors, industrialists andpoliticians who are all targeted with eggs. Anumber of computers are damaged with waterand Minatec brochures are destroyed.Following this episode police will watch theMinatec site day and night.

Night between May 31 and June 1

A huge writing ‘STOP C.E.A.’ is painted on thetowers of the Bastille.

June 1

The computers of ‘Eolas’, an IT engineeringcompany in Grenoble, are sabotaged. Aboutone thousand people coming from France andother countries demonstrate against Minatecand its world. Police charge on variousoccasions and a girl (Clementine) is injured onher face. Two cash machines are covered withpaint and damaged. Two windows of banks aresmashed. As the demo ends, the windows of apolice station in the centre of the town aresmashed. The action is dedicated toClementine. The site of a firm producingR.F.I.D. and nano systems is covered with paintand writings against the cybernetic industry.The windows of a work agency are destroyedwhereas cars are put to fire and barricades areerected against the charge of police in thearea of the Grenoble Town Hall.

June 2, the inauguration dayGrenoble is under siege: police patrol the townand stop groups formed by more than threepeople. A large area surrounding the site ofMinatec is blocked by lines of polices and anti-riot barricades. At 7:30am police evict the anti-Minatec camp. The SNCF electric systemrunning from Grenoble to Chambery issabotaged in three different points causingdelays in electricity supplies. Two people whohad climbed on the roof of a building oppositethe Minatec site in order to unfurl a banner arearrested. Gathering points of NGO arepatrolled and controls are intensified butcounter-information actions are carried out. Inspite of police controls, a dozen of peoplemanage to reach the site of Minatec anddistribute leaflets during the inaugurationceremony. Two NGO members are held incustody for eight hours. In the afternoon aconference of the Green party is disrupted.

Technology

and secrecyBut do the potent technological means the

adversary is doted with really make the

secrecy impossible? This question enters

the field of perplexities that have been

generated over the past few years due to a

lack of knowledge of technology and a

fantastic and hyperbolic view of its possible

use.

Like everything else one does not

know, or that one knows little

about, the technology of the past

few years with its computers,

automatic listening centres, lasers,

radar, etc, has fascinated many

comrades who were once nearly all

passionate readers of science

readers of science-fiction. The

pleasures they once found in such

reading is now found in reading,

often without basic preparation,

more or less specialised

newspaper accounts (more often

simply ‘scandalistic’), of the great

possibilities of technology today.

We are not trying to underestimate the

repressive potential that the technical

findings of today are putting at the

disposition of power. We just want to say

that certain things should be said with

caution. If for no other reason than not to

undo people’s subversive energy and

contribute to hammering

nails into our own coffin.

Total control is a dream that power has

been passing on since the era of the great

Leviathan. In actual fact this is impossible.

The main obstacle is not so much lack of

technicial effiency concerning the

mechanisms of control and not even the

limitations of those who have the task of

making it work. The limitation of control is

that, in order to extend, it must penetrate

the mind of whoever is being controlled. So

the real controller is not so much - or at

least not only - the policeman, the judge or

the prison guard, but the person that is

being controlled him or herself.

Whoever is in control makes plans to enter

the culture of the person they are

controlling, trying to build within the people a

resistance to freedom, which is an obstacle

to subversive struggle, an impediment to

free thought. Once that is done it will be the

controlled person to censure their own

actions and thoughts. Finally, in a third phase

the controlled person will see to extending

control, to perfecting it by participation in the

elaboration of technological centres for

storing data and the elaboration of

information. This participation, which

constitutes the maximum level of

control imaginable, will only become

possible when the first two levels have

been interiorised (control seen as the

enemy and control penetrating us as a

way of thinking). The third level should

not be seen as participation in the

functioning of “machinery” so much as

an ongoing contribution to enriching

the information available to capital and

which constitutes the base of capitalist

accumulation of the future.

In such a perspective clearly any

sector that is removed from the

reaches of control or protected from

the spreading process of cultural

integration must be defended with

every means, even by having recourse

to the techniques of depistage that are

based on secrecy.

Anyone who denies such techniques a

priori does so because they

shortsightedly see them as plots and

romantic nonsense of days gone by.

This is not so.

Of course, it would be absurd to

entrust messages to a ciphered code,

not only of the kind used by Bakunin

and Malatesta but any kind at all, for

the simple reason that any

communication that is more than a

couple of lines long

can easily be

decoded by any

computer. But even

the code of Bakunin

and Malatesta (for

messages of a few

words) still holds and

cannot be decoded

by computers

because they lack the

necessary frequency

to establish the

various characters.

I am not discussing

the question of coded

messages here, I am just saying that no-

one can exclude that at a given moment a

revolutionary might be forced to make a

communication that they do not want to

make known to the enemy. It is as well to

know that such a thing is possible - if the

message is brief - and that no technology

in the world can break even the simplest

codes.

Why open the way to repression?

Those who consider secrecy to be

impossible maintain that all anarchist and

revolutionary action should be

publicised to a maximum

degree. For example, for them

there would be nothing strange

about publicising lists of those

belonging to all the anarchist

organisation (beginning with the

Italian Anarchist Federation /

FAI : precisely these comrades

publish the names of the

members of that organisation).

On a purely abstract level there

would be nothing strange about

this. But in practice many

objections to such an idea arise.

First, why open the way to

repression? Second, if

anarchists are tolerated today

within a certain repressive perspective,

tomorrow this could change for the

worse, and the police would already find

themselves with well drawn-up lists to

facilitate their task. Why should we help

them in their job of policing? Of course,

many comrades’ names are already

known, but many others are not and the

police go to great lengths to find them

out. Some innocent soul might ask

themselves why they bother, given that

the work of the movement - in the the

main part - takes place in the light of day.

But that would be a stupid question.

Accumulating data today could be useful

to the repression of tomorrow.

Considerations on Illegality -

Alfredo M. Bonanno

39

40

Are delinquents good or bad? What does thatAre delinquents good or bad? What does thatAre delinquents good or bad? What does thatAre delinquents good or bad? What does thatAre delinquents good or bad? What does that

matter to us as comrades? This doubt that thematter to us as comrades? This doubt that thematter to us as comrades? This doubt that thematter to us as comrades? This doubt that thematter to us as comrades? This doubt that the

judge should raise of himself, but never does,judge should raise of himself, but never does,judge should raise of himself, but never does,judge should raise of himself, but never does,judge should raise of himself, but never does,

has to be surpassed by us, absorbed by thehas to be surpassed by us, absorbed by thehas to be surpassed by us, absorbed by thehas to be surpassed by us, absorbed by thehas to be surpassed by us, absorbed by the

passionate flames of our vindications: They’repassionate flames of our vindications: They’repassionate flames of our vindications: They’repassionate flames of our vindications: They’repassionate flames of our vindications: They’re

victims.victims.victims.victims.victims.

Without falling in sensibilities before thoseWithout falling in sensibilities before thoseWithout falling in sensibilities before thoseWithout falling in sensibilities before thoseWithout falling in sensibilities before those

who are beyond the law, we can affirm thatwho are beyond the law, we can affirm thatwho are beyond the law, we can affirm thatwho are beyond the law, we can affirm thatwho are beyond the law, we can affirm that

they are always better than those that punishthey are always better than those that punishthey are always better than those that punishthey are always better than those that punishthey are always better than those that punish

them How can we compare them? If one couldthem How can we compare them? If one couldthem How can we compare them? If one couldthem How can we compare them? If one couldthem How can we compare them? If one could

possibly do it, it would have to be like this:possibly do it, it would have to be like this:possibly do it, it would have to be like this:possibly do it, it would have to be like this:possibly do it, it would have to be like this:

The delinquent call is more humane than theThe delinquent call is more humane than theThe delinquent call is more humane than theThe delinquent call is more humane than theThe delinquent call is more humane than the

vigilante, it is less piggish than thevigilante, it is less piggish than thevigilante, it is less piggish than thevigilante, it is less piggish than thevigilante, it is less piggish than the

stationmaster, still less beastly than his boss,stationmaster, still less beastly than his boss,stationmaster, still less beastly than his boss,stationmaster, still less beastly than his boss,stationmaster, still less beastly than his boss,

and finally he is never as roguish as theand finally he is never as roguish as theand finally he is never as roguish as theand finally he is never as roguish as theand finally he is never as roguish as the

president of the republic or the king of thepresident of the republic or the king of thepresident of the republic or the king of thepresident of the republic or the king of thepresident of the republic or the king of the

kingdom.kingdom.kingdom.kingdom.kingdom.

He, who embodies power, embodies pain. TheHe, who embodies power, embodies pain. TheHe, who embodies power, embodies pain. TheHe, who embodies power, embodies pain. TheHe, who embodies power, embodies pain. The

rest are just gradients, links in a chain thatrest are just gradients, links in a chain thatrest are just gradients, links in a chain thatrest are just gradients, links in a chain thatrest are just gradients, links in a chain that

squeezes the neck of those who fall downsqueezes the neck of those who fall downsqueezes the neck of those who fall downsqueezes the neck of those who fall downsqueezes the neck of those who fall down

lower. He is the expenditure of the blood andlower. He is the expenditure of the blood andlower. He is the expenditure of the blood andlower. He is the expenditure of the blood andlower. He is the expenditure of the blood and

tears of others that he scares away with histears of others that he scares away with histears of others that he scares away with histears of others that he scares away with histears of others that he scares away with his

deeply miserable life.deeply miserable life.deeply miserable life.deeply miserable life.deeply miserable life.

He is the victim, but not only of the pain thatHe is the victim, but not only of the pain thatHe is the victim, but not only of the pain thatHe is the victim, but not only of the pain thatHe is the victim, but not only of the pain that

the perverted inflict upon him, but also ofthe perverted inflict upon him, but also ofthe perverted inflict upon him, but also ofthe perverted inflict upon him, but also ofthe perverted inflict upon him, but also of

these “honest men” that haven’t dishonouredthese “honest men” that haven’t dishonouredthese “honest men” that haven’t dishonouredthese “honest men” that haven’t dishonouredthese “honest men” that haven’t dishonoured

the law. This is the palinode that we have tothe law. This is the palinode that we have tothe law. This is the palinode that we have tothe law. This is the palinode that we have tothe law. This is the palinode that we have to

sing in front of the delinquents.sing in front of the delinquents.sing in front of the delinquents.sing in front of the delinquents.sing in front of the delinquents.

Every puritan, even though they may callEvery puritan, even though they may callEvery puritan, even though they may callEvery puritan, even though they may callEvery puritan, even though they may call

themselves anarchist, deep down is a man ofthemselves anarchist, deep down is a man ofthemselves anarchist, deep down is a man ofthemselves anarchist, deep down is a man ofthemselves anarchist, deep down is a man of

the law; like every woman that growsthe law; like every woman that growsthe law; like every woman that growsthe law; like every woman that growsthe law; like every woman that grows

conceited by the chastity of her soul, is in theconceited by the chastity of her soul, is in theconceited by the chastity of her soul, is in theconceited by the chastity of her soul, is in theconceited by the chastity of her soul, is in the

end, bourgeois. Their capital of virtue, likeend, bourgeois. Their capital of virtue, likeend, bourgeois. Their capital of virtue, likeend, bourgeois. Their capital of virtue, likeend, bourgeois. Their capital of virtue, like

that of the bourgeois, that ofthat of the bourgeois, that ofthat of the bourgeois, that ofthat of the bourgeois, that ofthat of the bourgeois, that of

gold, is made of thegold, is made of thegold, is made of thegold, is made of thegold, is made of the

misfortune of her sisters; it ismisfortune of her sisters; it ismisfortune of her sisters; it ismisfortune of her sisters; it ismisfortune of her sisters; it is

this infected mud thatthis infected mud thatthis infected mud thatthis infected mud thatthis infected mud that

nurtures her beautiful plant;nurtures her beautiful plant;nurtures her beautiful plant;nurtures her beautiful plant;nurtures her beautiful plant;

the flower of her delicatethe flower of her delicatethe flower of her delicatethe flower of her delicatethe flower of her delicate

purity.purity.purity.purity.purity.

The delinquent isThe delinquent isThe delinquent isThe delinquent isThe delinquent is

dispossessed of his owndispossessed of his owndispossessed of his owndispossessed of his owndispossessed of his own

honesty; the prostitute ishonesty; the prostitute ishonesty; the prostitute ishonesty; the prostitute ishonesty; the prostitute is

dispossessed of her virtuousdispossessed of her virtuousdispossessed of her virtuousdispossessed of her virtuousdispossessed of her virtuous

love. An anarchist beforelove. An anarchist beforelove. An anarchist beforelove. An anarchist beforelove. An anarchist before

them should never askthem should never askthem should never askthem should never askthem should never ask

himself if they’re good orhimself if they’re good orhimself if they’re good orhimself if they’re good orhimself if they’re good or

bad, quite the contrary, theybad, quite the contrary, theybad, quite the contrary, theybad, quite the contrary, theybad, quite the contrary, they

should help them focus theirshould help them focus theirshould help them focus theirshould help them focus theirshould help them focus their

vengeance against thevengeance against thevengeance against thevengeance against thevengeance against the

bourgeois. Share and sharebourgeois. Share and sharebourgeois. Share and sharebourgeois. Share and sharebourgeois. Share and share

everything: if here, in theeverything: if here, in theeverything: if here, in theeverything: if here, in theeverything: if here, in the

world of the delinquent, many virtuesworld of the delinquent, many virtuesworld of the delinquent, many virtuesworld of the delinquent, many virtuesworld of the delinquent, many virtues

are lacking, it is because in those thatare lacking, it is because in those thatare lacking, it is because in those thatare lacking, it is because in those thatare lacking, it is because in those that

pursue them, and what is worse still,pursue them, and what is worse still,pursue them, and what is worse still,pursue them, and what is worse still,pursue them, and what is worse still,

in the puritans, they surpass, theyin the puritans, they surpass, theyin the puritans, they surpass, theyin the puritans, they surpass, theyin the puritans, they surpass, they

surpass until they corrupt the soul.surpass until they corrupt the soul.surpass until they corrupt the soul.surpass until they corrupt the soul.surpass until they corrupt the soul.

Fallen woman, rejected by everyone: ifFallen woman, rejected by everyone: ifFallen woman, rejected by everyone: ifFallen woman, rejected by everyone: ifFallen woman, rejected by everyone: if

one was able to compare oneself to you,one was able to compare oneself to you,one was able to compare oneself to you,one was able to compare oneself to you,one was able to compare oneself to you,

lets say: you are always more humanelets say: you are always more humanelets say: you are always more humanelets say: you are always more humanelets say: you are always more humane

than a virgin, just as she is less foxythan a virgin, just as she is less foxythan a virgin, just as she is less foxythan a virgin, just as she is less foxythan a virgin, just as she is less foxy

than a nun, just as she is never pronethan a nun, just as she is never pronethan a nun, just as she is never pronethan a nun, just as she is never pronethan a nun, just as she is never prone

to the corrupt feelings of a president orto the corrupt feelings of a president orto the corrupt feelings of a president orto the corrupt feelings of a president orto the corrupt feelings of a president or

a queen. It is your fallen sap in thea queen. It is your fallen sap in thea queen. It is your fallen sap in thea queen. It is your fallen sap in thea queen. It is your fallen sap in the

mud that nurtures these plants. Youmud that nurtures these plants. Youmud that nurtures these plants. Youmud that nurtures these plants. Youmud that nurtures these plants. You

have been plundered. Whoever toucheshave been plundered. Whoever toucheshave been plundered. Whoever toucheshave been plundered. Whoever toucheshave been plundered. Whoever touches

you touches the plunder. Who will beyou touches the plunder. Who will beyou touches the plunder. Who will beyou touches the plunder. Who will beyou touches the plunder. Who will be

the man who has to help you raisethe man who has to help you raisethe man who has to help you raisethe man who has to help you raisethe man who has to help you raise

yourself against the looters?yourself against the looters?yourself against the looters?yourself against the looters?yourself against the looters?

To be honest we have to dishonourTo be honest we have to dishonourTo be honest we have to dishonourTo be honest we have to dishonourTo be honest we have to dishonour

many things in ourselves, if we wantmany things in ourselves, if we wantmany things in ourselves, if we wantmany things in ourselves, if we wantmany things in ourselves, if we want

to honour real justice. Because withoutto honour real justice. Because withoutto honour real justice. Because withoutto honour real justice. Because withoutto honour real justice. Because without

doing this, the dishonoured will neverdoing this, the dishonoured will neverdoing this, the dishonoured will neverdoing this, the dishonoured will neverdoing this, the dishonoured will never

understand us. Less “good” laws andunderstand us. Less “good” laws andunderstand us. Less “good” laws andunderstand us. Less “good” laws andunderstand us. Less “good” laws and

more militant Anarchy!more militant Anarchy!more militant Anarchy!more militant Anarchy!more militant Anarchy!

- -- -- -- -- -

From “Carteles I” by Rodolfo Gonzalez

Pacheco, a series of Spanish language

anarchist texts which are circulating in the

Spanish prison system and beyond.

Translated into English by anarchist

prisoner Rafael “Jon-Bala” Martinez Zea and

other unnamed rebels.

DelinquencyDelinquencyDelinquencyDelinquencyDelinquencyBy Rodolfo Gonzalez Pacheco Rodolfo Gonzalez Pacheco Rodolfo Gonzalez Pacheco Rodolfo Gonzalez Pacheco Rodolfo Gonzalez Pacheco

Space of secrecy

Contrary to the opinion of some - who maintain it

is pointless - I consider secrecy to be one of the

essential elements of revolutionary action.

But this concept must be gone into. In the first

place the idea that one can only think of secrecy

in the eventuality of clandestine action. Secrecy

is also indispensable in the activity of counter-

information, activity aimed at intermediate

struggle. In fact an intermediate struggle, for

example, a factory occupation, is not the “real”

aim of anarchists, this comes afterwards in the

consequences that might develop. These

consequences cannot be foreseen during the

work of counter-information and, in the narrow

sense, are not part of the intermediate action,

but belong to a successive phase which can only

with difficulty be grasped by those who

participate in the struggle simply to satisfy a

primary, immediate need.

Secondly, even if we take it for granted that the

repressive forces will come to know every aspect

of our struggle - from the phase of counter-

information to the successive one - that is no

reason for not adopting the method of giving as

little information as possible to the enemy. Doing

things in the light of day does not mean that we

supply explanations of everything for use by the

police. Think, for example, of a situation where

many actions take place in different places

simultaneously. By taking care of the

communication aspects (leaflets, posters,

papers, etc.) one can make it more difficult for

the police to discover the relationship that exists

between these actions. This is a question of

simple caution in order to delay repressive

action.

Educating oneself to care and prudence is

therefore fundamental for every revolutionary no

matter what action they intend to carry out. If we

stop to think about this for a moment, even when

simply drawing up a leaflet we can easily work

out safeguarding techniques that should be used

so as to avoid aspects of repression. On the

other hand, knowledge of these techniques

allows us to use instruments of denunciation or

contempt at opportune moments when we

consider it important in such a way that the risk

involved becomes a calculated risk not a simple

error of the pen or ideas, to be regretted

immediately afterwards.

As we can see, the space for secrecy is wide and

goes far beyond the realm of clandestinity.

Considerations on IIlegality - Alfredo M. Bonanno

41

The biggest self-organised action initiatedby prisoners inside German jails for a longtime to date, has now ended.

We invested some of our time to gather afew thoughts about this experience, sincethere have been already a few written textsand actions towards a reflection during thelast weeks.

From different points of view, thishungerstrike carried a big meaning: forexample, the opening of a debate amongstsolidarious people and prisoners could beone of the most important results, togetherwith an improvement of the self-organizationby prisoners and the opening of newperspectives of struggle against the prisonsystem.

Even though the number of solidarityactions is not always comparable to that ofother countries, it became clear that here aswell such a topic can find a certain support,support which is slowly extending.

But let us begin slowly, since for us it isdifficult to put together a readable textbecause of the complexity of the situation:we do not aim to completeness, but ratherto take part within a debate which we hopewill keep on carrying on.

A "historical" hungerstrike - the

beginning of a new series of struggles?

It is many years since such an action,organised by prisoners in completeautonomy, has come to our ears.

The process of individualization, separationand breaking of solidarity, which is growingsteadily within this society, can only reflectitself behind the prison walls to an evenmore extreme extent.

The politics of "re-socialization", theblackmailing of prisoners through the offerof better conditions, but only to the price ofpassive, conforming behavior inside thewalls, the scandal of the forced labour, thedamocle's sword of the prolonged detention(sicherungsverwahrung) after the end ofyour served sentence in case you areconsidered still "dangerous") and finally agrowing disinterest by the people hereoutside, no matter if "normal" ones or "fromthe scene", everything contributed to thedecrease of the struggles behind the bars.

Surely, there are still a few examples ofindividual prisoners, who despite thesituation kept on struggling during the yearsand payed always a high price for it.

However, there has never been spacefor speaking of a prisoner'smovement. But insurrection andrevolutionary breaks areunpredictable, this time a small sparkhas been enough in order to release anew, potential situation inside theGerman prisons.

The case of a prisoner, Nadine Tribian,who has been confronted with anextreme pressure by the prisonsystem and its active reproducers,created the conditions for a solidarityamong prisoners, which is rather aseldom occurence.

The fact that over 500 prisonersshowed solidarity with her, taking partin the hungerstrike, proved perhapsthe beginning of a new time, onewhere words as solidarity find theirplace again.

On top of this comes that the protestshave been done against the prisonsystem, not limited to the situation ofa single prisoner.

Moreover, there have been a fewprisoners who tried to give a widerperspective to such a hungerstrike,like Gabriel Pombo da Silva, bymaking clear their total refusal againstthe entire prison system.

And we are sure that besides Gabrielway more prisoners had similarthoughts, since one of the biggestpossibilities offered by such a protestis exactly a possible radicalization ofits participants - in prison as also hereon the outside.

Gabriel's participation in thehungerstrike was extremely important,since he wrote a few texts and he is a"known" prisoner (meaning by thisthat he receives wide support byanarchists worldwide), the fact that hewrote a call to action surely movedmany people to become active.

Further on we will speak again abouthis texts.

The reaction from outside - the

word "solidarity" widens again...

As many people probably know, onecan not really talk about a widespreadanti-prison attitude within the"German movement". Surely, there

are many who organise activities in solidaritywith "political" prisoners, but definitely lesswill declare their solidarity with all prisoners instruggle and against the entire prison system.

However, the voice of the latter spreadaround during the last months, slowly butcontinously, influencing the general discourse,at least in regards to our small "scene".

And we were quite surprised that there hasbeen such a relative high attention in regardsto this hungerstrike.

The support has been mainly organised byfour, five groups from different cities ofGermany (Red Help Dresden, Gefangenen-info from Hamburg, ABC-Orkan, Mauerfall-Gefangenen Rundbrief from Morbach,Autonomes Knast Projekt from Koln, to namesome...), who, as long as their energies went,tried to draw attention for the protest.

Indeed, our role here outside remains to makethe protest of prisoners visible: towards thisaim, there have been several different kinds ofactions, which contributed to make the topicknown to a wider spectrum of people.

From rallies in front of the prisons, through tospreading information, sending protest-postcards to the Minister of Justice fromNord-Rhein Westfalien and the Bielefeld'sprison (where Nadine is sitting) until directactions, many things happened. You can finda list at the end of this text.

Many people wrote to us because theywanted to organise actions in solidarity infront of the prisons or wherever, asking us ifthere would be any prisoner taking part in thehungerstrike in their cities and what theycould do to support them, many ordered oursoli-postcards.

In general, we had the feeling that theseprotests woke up the interest of many people,despite the ongoing "summer-hole".

For many, this has been the first time at allthat they reflected somehow deeper on sucha theme, for example on the fact that aseparation between "political" prisoners andthe rest does not make any sense.

We can see a few steps towards the rightdirection.

But let us wait a bit, seeing what is going tohappen within the next couple of months;

An overview of the hungerstrike in the German prisonsby ABC Berlin / August - September 2008

42

surely, one possibility for discussion couldbe represented by the anti-prison daystaking place at the end of September inKiel.

The bourgeois press - an expected

(mostly) collective silence

The majority of the bourgeois pressremained in silence in regards to thisprotest.

This does not surprise us at all, it is rathera confirmation of what we think of them,which is nothing positive.

However, there have been a few positiveexceptions within the ranks of the left-liberals/post-socialist journals, whichreported widely about the protest duringthe whole week - such as NeuesDeutschland and Junge Welt.

Seven articles popped up, written mainlyby political active journalists from Berlin.When they have asked for information, wegave them it through emails or told them tolook at our own website.

We actually do not have a friendly behaviortowards the bourgeois medias, not at all,however we also have to say that thearticles have been written quite ok (onecan read them also on our website, only inGerman though, you can make yourself anidea).

At the same time, we got to say that weget stomach-pains for what concerns themedia issue, but this time we found it goodthe fact that engaged journalists tried towrite fairly about these struggles.

One of the main problems is alsorepresented by the fact that prisoners arenot really in the position to spread thisinformation (surely they sent it around todifferent journals in their round-letter, ofcourse nobody showed any reaction tothis).

Therefore we believed it was important thattheir voice would find a place also in ourmedia, even if we normally carry anotherkind of relation with normal media.

In this sense, for us it has not representeda problem to give information further and tolook what happens afterwards.

We also should not underestimate thatprisoners, besides the ones who alreadycarry anarchist positions, see a goal fortheir struggle in the fact that more mediareport this, because they want to reach the"public opinion" and show them whatprison really means.

Following such a way of thinking, they alsomeasure their results: surely, they find itcool that people from our "scene" organise

actions, however they are also happyabout a wider support which, theybelieve, is to be reached through themedia-reports.

Therefore, it is also up to us tocommunicate with them again how themedia-machine works (even thoughmany prisoners know this already, butprobably still keep some hope that theformer will change) and that thebuilding up of solidarious relationshipsin the struggle actually represents amore concrete and trustableexperience.

Through this we try to overcome aneventual usage of the media-machineand reach through our own channelsmore people than merely the ones inour "scene".

This still remains still a big challengeand there is still a lot to do here...

We know some journalists who werecalling the prisons got the answers ofthe latters remaining the same:"Herethere is no hungerstrike taking place!".

As we found out later on, it seems thatin Germany a hungerstrike would beconsidered as official by authoritiesonly after the eight day and onlyafterwards made known.

The difficulties of the

communication - or about the

difficulties to overcome the

concrete walls...

As already mentioned before, manypeople wanted to know from us inwhich prisons people were taking partto the protest, in order to organiseactions in solidarity.

However, our answer remained almostalways the same one; "We have noclue."

For us it was the same situation, wefound out on Thursdas 31st of Julythat also in Berlin-Moabit someprisoners would also take part in thehungerstrike. Therefore we quicklyorganised a demonstration to theprison for the following days.

None of us here outside knew in whichprisons the prisoners were taking part,for how long, how many of them andso on.

We believe this to have produced anegative influence on what concernsthe organization of solidarity. Not thatone necessarily needs a prisoner inhungerstrike in his/her city in order toorganise something in solidarity.

However, since this has been the first timewhen many came more familiar with such atheme, more information would havedefinitely made the creation of solidarityeasier.

Where have been the difficulties in the

communication lying?

To say it shortly, there have been severalreasons for it.

First, our contact with the Iv.I.(Representation for the Interest of theDetainees - Prisoners organisation) cameinto being only one and half month beforethe hungerstrike began, when we receivedtheir round-letter.

Secondly, one can imagine that the prisonoperated a large censorship againstprisoners for all the duration of the protestas also beforehand, exactly in order toreach a limitation of communication (notthat under normal circumstances would bethat different...).

We hope that the prisoners willcommunicate to us if this has been thecase or which are the reasons behind thefact that not so many informations foundtheir way to the outside - we wait for youranswers.

We should also not forget that theorganizational process among theprisoners is only at its beginning, surely itneeds a longer time to reach a bettercoordination among each other.

At the end one has also to say that we allon the outside need to learn how to workbetter with each other.

There is a close cooperation amongdifferent groups, but it must be improvedby us all, as example we need to see eachother more often, in order to discusstogether.

And lastly, we could add that we mustrecognize the fact that this has been thebiggest action organised by "social"prisoners with which we have beenconfronted with in here.

Considering the lack of experiences, wehave been a bit overwhelmed by the newsituation and therefore we need still tolearn a lot. However, we can see aspositive that this hungerstrike perhapscontributed to a closer and more long-termfuture cooperation among different groups/individuals.

How one could overcome the limits of a

hungerstrike?

During the history there have always beendifferent meanings about the hungerstrike

43

as mean of struggle - it would be here toolong to try to present a sum-up of suchdiscussion.

Many prisoners see this mean as the mostextreme and last one left to them by theState.

Their bodies become their last weapon,often linked to a physical decay or to theprice of death - During the history of thehungerstrike there have been many of thelatter.

On the other side, other people are notkeen to make the State the favour to furtherdestroy themselves, even more than theyhave been already made by theimprisonment, but they still remain solidwith the hungerstrikes, like Thomas Meyer-Falk.

We respect the decision by prisoners tochoose such a means of struggle, in fact ithas also showed a few times that it canlead to partial victories, such like the caseof the Thessaloniki 7 (imprisonedfollowing the protest againstthe EU-Summit inThessanoliki,2003) or therecent case ofthe anarchistcomrade AmadeuCasellas.

At the same time, ahungerstrike can reachpartial victories onlythrough a wide supportorganised on the outside:in fact, we on the outsidepossess way morepossiblities to act than theones who are held as hostages by theState.

Only through a varied support is it possiblethat the requests of the prisoner mightobtain a higher attention: this we see asthe role of all the people in solidarity whochoose to act their support.

The pressure has to be built on differentlevels, in order to widen the limited meansof struggle of the hungerstrike.

Critical solidarity is the salt of any

revolutionary struggle

There have been different critics on theform of this very hungerstrike, above all onthe "organization" which is called - the Iv.I.

One text signed by anarchists in solidaritytries to critically reflect on this shortlybefore the beginning of the hungerstrike(this text is to be found in the currentEntfesselt, in English on the web).

Therein, the writer(s) mainly criticise thatthe protest has been called on by an

"organization" (since an officialrepresentation is against any idea ofan autonomous/anarchist way oforganizing), which explicitly limiteditself to call for legal form of actionand asked mainly for better conditionsin prison, losing the general picturefrom their eyes -the entire prisonsystem.

Afterwards there came a letter signedby Gabriel, who already beforehanddeclared his solidarity as well asparticipation within the hungerstrike,which can be seen as an answer tothe former letterand to several criticshe received by some supporters.

Moreover, we received in the last fewdays a letter signed by Pit Scherzl, the"official responsible" of the Iv.I.,who also responds to afew critics.

We see manyinteresting critics and

points for a discussion, we arehappy about this, about the fact thatsuch a debate happens, since criticalsolidairity is the salt of anyrevolutionary struggle.

These critics have to remainsolidarious though, sometimes theirtones can be misunderstood,producing a negative rather thanpositive atmosphere which reflects onboth sides.

We would like to mention that suchdebate between anarchistssupporters and prisoners is notsomething new.

A similar example can be tracedwithin the last hungerstrike againstlife-sentence, organised by italianprisoner last year.

It had been called on by an "official"organization and called off by thesame one, a thing which has beencriticised by anarchists.

"Anarchists are not born thus, but

rather become such"

We share some of the critics explained withinthe one text signed by solidarious anarchists asmuch as some contained within Gabriel's text.

We are also against any formal organization,since they are hierarchical in their own roots,therefore to be refused from our side.

Why Pit and the others decided to choosesuch a form of organization, we do not know,therefore this remains an open question for thedebate: also here we would be happy to havea discussion on this problem.

However, we can assent to Gabriel'sstatement and confirm that anarchists are notborn thus, but they rather become such...

Outside as much and inside we can not expectthat people who did not go through our same

“politicization” path will recognize somephenomena from the very first moment or putthem in question: as much as we have to,they also have to gather their experiencesin order to eventually come to otherconclusions and embrace wider criticson the present conditions.

Again, as anarchists we should keepon critiquing some decisions andlook if and how our critics will bereceived.

Moreover, to build up adiscussion with the ones instruggle, who often do nothave anything to do with

anarchist principles.

This is made more difficult by the fact that wecan not have direct communication withimprisoned people as we would wish to,because of their imprisonment.

Therefore we have to pay attention on how welead such a critical discussion, way more thanthe ones we lead daily with our comradesoutside.

Through the lack of such direct communicationamong the participants, such critics can bevery quickly mis-understood as unsolidarious oreven as attacks.

And this can happen even though we canimagine how people mean them, but onlybecause we are often in the privileged situationto either directly know the people whoformulated such critics or to have already readsome of their texts.

A privilege, which most of the prisoners do nothave.

If we are interested in carrying further a debateand cooperation with the prisoners in struggle,we must open communication's channels,ignite such processes, as it has been the casewithin the last months.

Sparing in this the arrogance to pretend thatthey would immediately spring on our anarchytrain and make our critics theirs.

44

Perhaps this will happen, perhaps not,nobody can foresee it.

But the attempt to keep such channels openis extremely important for us, in order tocommunicate with people new ideas anddreams: what they will do with them, remainstheir decision.

Moreover, we should not forget that manypeople might be unfamiliar with our way ofarguing, being confronted with it perhaps forthe first time: things which for us might beclear since long time, have to be reflectedupon by many, our style of writing cantherefore be rather alien...

On legality and peaceful protests

Another critique was that the Iv.I. called onlyfor legal actions and explicilty took distancefrom revolts.

We as anarchists clearly see such a positionas problematic, or let us say it more openly:Should it happen here on the outside, wewould react very differently.

We would have understood if the Iv.I. wouldhave called for peaceful protests withoutexplicitly taking distance from other means.

In fact, there are different means of protestand everybody should choose the ones he/she feels closer.

In his new letter, Pit writes where hisproblem lies: in prison, one suffers a differentpressure by the State. The margins of actionare limited and eventually the price one hasto pay for is much higher than here outside.

We ought to never forget this or play itdown. Further on, he declares another truth,that the situation inside German prisonslooks very different than in Spain or inBelgium. We believe him when he says that95% of the prisoners behave like sheepsand a revolt would be a thing of merely fewindividuals...

Moreover, Pit writes also that everyone onthe outside should act in the way he/shebelieves to be appropriate and he shows hisprivate solidarity with them.

And this is an important declaration for us,because it leaves many doors open. Thepoint is that people in prison, confrontedwith a complete arbitrariness, want to defendthemselves from usual harassments, whichwe know well enough through their reports.

There are always “responsibles" for anyprotest, however, in prison one does nothave the possibility to remain anonymous.Therefore one will not call to revolt, also inorder to not let the State cut the legs of afreshly newborn movement of protest -during history many people began with legal

means and after decided to chooseothers or to choose both - thepossibilities are still there.

We believe that many ones are happywhen here on the outside onechooses to not put a limit to means ofprotest: if they as well will come to thesame conclusions, we will see, sincethis is a decision which they have totake by themselves- surely, they willget our support in any case.

A struggle for "Rights"? - "Legal,

Illegal, Scheissegal!"

We understand Gabriel andthe other prisoners whenthey refuse to behave"stoically" or as"martyrs".Indeed, weare not religiouspeople and suchway ofsacrificingdoes nothaveanythingto do withour ideals andanarchism.

We also can see whyprisoners decide to strugglefor their "Rights", since hereoutside is often not much different:"Rights" are being used everyday byall of us, as example in the momentwe choose to defend ourselves duringa legal process.

Moreover, one asks for theenforcement of different "Rights", itmight be the one to have a phonecallafter the arrest or the one to get alawyer. Surely, we fight towards thedestruction of the present conditionsand we do not like to beg the Statefor any "Rights" or to use them, but,as Gabriel writes, "legal, illegal,scheissegal". Rights are there, alreadygiven, struggled for during history.

We as anarchists see our struggle notas one which begs any bourgeoisrights from the State or makesreforms a primary goal within astruggle. Our goals will not letthemselves be reduced in this way,where through this we create alegitimation for the State as ourpartner from which we wantsomething.

However we must say that Rights arethere and can be used during astruggle: this remains anyway one ofthe biggest contradictions, evenamong us.

No one possess the answer about the"right" way to deal with these things, nomatter if anarchist or not.

The main thing remains the fact that thiswould be only one of our means of struggle,neither the only one nor the main goal,because otherwise nothing would make usdifferent from other reformist movements.

Exactly different goals and a larger choiceof means, not dictated by the penal code,

through which we try to overthrow theactual conditions, remain the

biggest differences with othermovements.

Even duringuncompromising

struggle it ispossible to

ask for theapplication of

"rights" or"reforms", one does

not really come out ofthis circle (in fact we all

try to put our counterpartsunder pressure, might be

against an eviction of a squat orthe enforcement of new laws...).

The important thing remains that suchthings will not be considered as our main

goal, since the latter is freedom and thediffusion of possible insurrectionarystruggles and situations.

We see as unproblematic that prisonersfight for the application of their "Rights", butonly as long as they have clear in theirminds that the goal of their struggle is thedestruction of the prison system, asexample, which is necessarily linked withthe destruction of this society.

This appears at least within the letter signedby Pit (sadly we did not heard anything byother prisoners) and this let us hope thatmore prisoners will develop such analysisand ideas, in order to fight together againstthe system.

The end of a struggle can only

represents the beginning of a new one...

We see in this struggle the beginning of aself-organization among prisoners, apotential towards a break with the presentconditions, passivity in prison and isolation.As a possibility towards the radicalization oftheir beings, through the building ofcommunication with each other, duringwhich none of us pretends to sit on thethrone of truth and wants to spread holyrecipes to the others, where we have aninfluence on each other, despite thestrength of the walls.

Moreover, we see also the possibility hereon the outside to further build and reinforce

consciousness and solidarity for thisstruggle - and for new ones.

Many questions stay open, there is still alot to be done.

We would be interested in hearing fromother prisoners their impression on thehungerstrike as much as on furthermoments of struggles.

Since we do not like any organizationwith the big “O", we would also like tohave a direct contact with the prisonersthemselves, not mediated only throughthe Representatives of the Iv.I.

But perhaps the prisoners have no willto begin such contacts and rather like todelegate this to the Iv.I.: we do not knowthis and therefore put such a question.

Pit and all the others at the Iv.I.: you donot have to feel under attack, we respectyour work and we are in solidarity withyou, despite our differences.

But the latter are there and therefore youalso have to see clearly that asanarchists we criticise certain things andwe will keep on doing so.

As much as you would also do: as longas this takes place in a solidarious way,such a critic remains necessary, in orderto learn new things from each other.

In fact, we on the outside we do not sit"with dry asses", although in freedomand with better position to act.

Many people take risks and will beconfronted with prison and repression:for sure, we also wish that these oneswould become more, since there isalways enough of the ones, who staysitting...

One will surely find new occasions forthe future.

One might be the hungerstrike againstlife-sentences called by Italian prisonersfor the 1.12.08

Already a year ago there has been one,during which a similar debates eruptedamong anarchists and the prisonersassociation which called for thehungerstrike.

In one way or the other, it remainsimportant that we keep alive the openedcommunication channels, in order to notlose such a contact and discuss,organise, support and widen togetherfurther moments of struggle.

Also the ones here outside will keepon reflecting how they can supportfuture struggles by prisoners.

In fact, what happened during the lastmonths is not much, but we are sure,that it can just become better...

ABC Berlin

Note: All the various texts and lettersof discussion referred to in this articleby ABC Berlin can be found at 325online.

A chronology

of the

solidarity

3/08/2008 Dresden, Germany - InAlaun park, an infotable is set up andpamphlets are distributed to passers-by about the hunger strike.

4/08/2008 Berlin, Germany -Manifestation of over 60 solidariouspeople from Plotzensee prison,wherethe anti-fascist Christian S. is lockedup, to Moabit prison where differentprisoners are in hunger strike.Moreover, 500 protest postcards willbe printed with the adresses of theJustice Minister of NRW andBielefeld's prison. A few banners andposters calling for solidarity will behanged in some public spaces andhouseprojects.

5.8.08 Berlin: two heavy-goodvehicles belonging to the companyC+C Shaper are torched, as severalnewspapers report. The action is putin the context of solidarity with theprisoners in hungerstrike: "We

criticise that horrible food is getting sold forextremely high price to the prisoners andwant to show our protest against a systemwhere private companies make profit throughthe imprisonment of people."

5/08/2008 Hamburg, Germany - There is agathering of some 80 people in front of theprison of Holstenglacis. Texts are read out indifferent languages and there iscommunication with several prisoners. Thesolidarity contribution of Gabriel Pombo daSilva was also read out.

6/08/2008 Koln, Germany - There is agathering at the probation office. Informationabout Nadine Tribian, the situation in theGerman prisons and the hunger strike isdistributed. Different posters expresssolidarity with the protesting prisoners and forthe destruction of the prisons.

6/08/2008 Vancouver, Canada - In an actionof solidarity and attack, a sheriff van and apolice car are set on fire in the daytime. Thefirst one was parked in front of the courthouse, the second was an police cruiser thatwas empty since the cops that were busyarresting someone. [Read the entirecommunique in the International Resistance

News section]

6/08/2008 Vancouver, Canada - Thewindows of a probation office are smashed.The action is claimed in solidarity with thehunger strikers in Europe and morespecifically with Gabriel Pombo da Silva, JoseFernandez Delgado and Amadeu Casellas.

7/08/2008 Amsterdam, The Netherlands -The windows of the Goethe Institute aresmashed in solidarity with the hunger strikersin Germany.

8/08/2008 Madrid and Canarias, Spain -Around 50 ATMs are temporarily disabled.Messages are left behind: more than 470prisoners on hunger strike in Germanyagainst isolation. Active solidarity. Prisonersin struggle.

13/08/2008 Santiago, Chile - The"internationalist insurrectionalist forces"bomb an Itua bank. The action is claimed as areaction to oppression, prison, the State andCapital, and more specifically in solidaritywith Gabriel Pombo da Silva and for therelease of Axel Osorio, who has beenimprisoned since December 2007 in relationto a bank robbery in Chile.

14/08/2008 Aachen, Germany -Demonstration in solidarity with the hungerstrikers. Gabriel Pombo was in hunger strikein this prison.

Z

45

Translated by JML 2007

“When we consider the thief as an“When we consider the thief as an“When we consider the thief as an“When we consider the thief as an“When we consider the thief as anindividual, one can't say he's anyindividual, one can't say he's anyindividual, one can't say he's anyindividual, one can't say he's anyindividual, one can't say he's anyless human than anyone in theless human than anyone in theless human than anyone in theless human than anyone in theless human than anyone in theother classes of society. Thoseother classes of society. Thoseother classes of society. Thoseother classes of society. Thoseother classes of society. Thosewho make up large bandit bandswho make up large bandit bandswho make up large bandit bandswho make up large bandit bandswho make up large bandit bandshave a strongly communist socialhave a strongly communist socialhave a strongly communist socialhave a strongly communist socialhave a strongly communist socialrelationship with each other. Ifrelationship with each other. Ifrelationship with each other. Ifrelationship with each other. Ifrelationship with each other. Ifthey represent a left over from athey represent a left over from athey represent a left over from athey represent a left over from athey represent a left over from aprevious age, one might considerprevious age, one might considerprevious age, one might considerprevious age, one might considerprevious age, one might considerthat they were the precursors of athat they were the precursors of athat they were the precursors of athat they were the precursors of athat they were the precursors of abetter age in the future. Theybetter age in the future. Theybetter age in the future. Theybetter age in the future. Theybetter age in the future. Theyknow where to ask to be welcomedknow where to ask to be welcomedknow where to ask to be welcomedknow where to ask to be welcomedknow where to ask to be welcomedand hidden whatever city they goand hidden whatever city they goand hidden whatever city they goand hidden whatever city they goand hidden whatever city they gointo. They prove generous andinto. They prove generous andinto. They prove generous andinto. They prove generous andinto. They prove generous andprodigious towards their ownprodigious towards their ownprodigious towards their ownprodigious towards their ownprodigious towards their ownpeople, up to a point. Ifpeople, up to a point. Ifpeople, up to a point. Ifpeople, up to a point. Ifpeople, up to a point. Ifindeed they consider the richindeed they consider the richindeed they consider the richindeed they consider the richindeed they consider the richtheir natural enemies, theirtheir natural enemies, theirtheir natural enemies, theirtheir natural enemies, theirtheir natural enemies, theirlegitimate prey, a ratherlegitimate prey, a ratherlegitimate prey, a ratherlegitimate prey, a ratherlegitimate prey, a ratherdifficult point of view todifficult point of view todifficult point of view todifficult point of view todifficult point of view tocontradict, a large number ofcontradict, a large number ofcontradict, a large number ofcontradict, a large number ofcontradict, a large number ofthem are animated by thethem are animated by thethem are animated by thethem are animated by thethem are animated by thespirit of Robin Hood: a greatspirit of Robin Hood: a greatspirit of Robin Hood: a greatspirit of Robin Hood: a greatspirit of Robin Hood: a greatmany thieves have a kindmany thieves have a kindmany thieves have a kindmany thieves have a kindmany thieves have a kindheart when it comes to theheart when it comes to theheart when it comes to theheart when it comes to theheart when it comes to thepoor.”poor.”poor.”poor.”poor.”(Edward Carpenter (Edward Carpenter (Edward Carpenter (Edward Carpenter (Edward Carpenter :Civilisation, its Cause andCure.)

I am not a fan of illegalism,I'm ALEGAL. Illegalism is, all inall, a dangerous road to go downfor those who take to it even fora little while, a fall-backsolution, neither to be extollednor recommended. But the questionthat I propose to study here isnot whether the practice of anillegal profession is dangerous,but whether anarchists seekingtheir daily bread by resorting tooccupations that the police andcourts condemn are right or wrongto expect that anarchists whoaccept working for bosses willtreat them as comrades.

Comrades whose points of view theywould defend in public and whothey wouldn't turn their back onwhen they fall into the hands ofthe police or under the judgers'cutting scrutiny (Unless they askfor silence on his case).

The anarchist that takes upillegalism does not want to betreated as a "poor relative" whono one wants to publicly admit isin the family, since it would hurtthe anarchist cause because it isthought that refusing to breakwith him when the representativesof capitalist persecution decideto attack him would risk losingthe anarchist movement thesympathy it gets from syndicalistsor from the customers of theanarchistic middle class.

EMILE ARMAND (1872 — 1962)

Is the illegalist anarchist our comrade?

Is the illegalist anarchist our comrade?Is the illegalist anarchist our comrade?

Is the illegalist anarchist our comrade?

Is the illegalist anarchist our comrade?

The illegalist anarchistappeals to his comrades whoare exploited by the boss,that is, to those among themwho hate their work, who feelexploited by the boss. He onlyexpects to be more or lessunderstood by those who dowork that is pleasing to them.Among the former he includesthe anarchist ideologues andpropagandists who spread,defend, and expose the ideas

make just as little a change in theeconomic living conditions of thepresent social milieu. A lawyer, adoctor, a schoolteacher - they cansend their articles in to theanarchist newspapers, they can chitchat in little anarchist circles,but they are nevertheless just asmuch the supports and the supportedof the hierarchical system, whichhas given them a monopoly that letsthem exercise their profession,following the regulations they mustsubmit to in order to continue

doing so.

It wouldn't be exaggerating tosay that every anarchist thataccepts being exploited for theprofit of a private or Stateemployer commits an act ofbetrayal towards anarchistideas. Indeed, he is reinforcingdomination and exploitation, nomatter what - and contributingto the maintenance of statism'sexistence. Doubtless he maybecome conscious of hisinconsistencies and try to makeup for or fix his way of doingpropaganda work; but whatever

the propaganda an exploited mandoes may be, he always remains anaccomplice of the exploiter, acooperator in the system ofexploitation that controls theconditions that production takesplace in.

That's why it's not accurate to saythat anarchists that "work," whosubmit to the ruling system ofdomination and exploitation, arevictims. They are just as muchaccomplices as they are victims.Every exploited man or woman,whether inside or outside the law,cooperates with the state ofexploitation; every dominatedperson, whether legally orillegally, cooperates in the stateof domination. There is nodifference between an anarchistworker who has earned 200,000dollars over the course of thirtyyears working, and with his savingsmanages to buy a divey littlechampaign bar, and an illegalistanarchist who makes off with a safecontaining 200,000 dollars and buysa seaside house with it. True,neither of them are anarchistsexcept by name, but the differenceis that the anarchist workersubmits to the terms of theeconomic contract that the managersof the social milieu impose on him,whereas the anarchist burglar doesnot submit.

that correspond to theiropinions - as, at least, onehopes they would do. All thesame they can only ever get ameager, very meager salary outof their labor, and theirmoral situation is not at allcomparable to the position ofan anarchist working under theconstant surveillance of aforeman and made to undergoall the promiscuity, sohorrifying to him with hismorals, of the differenthumanities there are aroundhim. That's why the illegalistanarchist denies those who dowork that please them and whopass judgement on him for hisoutlawry.

Those who do all the writtenand oral propaganda theyplease, and do a job that'sconvenient for them, oftenforget that they areprivileged compared to thegreat majority of people,their comrades, who are yokedand driven all day, from thefirst of January to the lastday of christmas, working jobsthey altogether hate.

The illegalist claims thatthese anarchists are just asmuch or as little theircomrade as the smallbusinessman, the secretary atcity hall, or the danceteacher are, since all of them

46

The law protects both the exploiterand the exploited, the dominated andthe dominator so far as it comes tothe social relations they haveamongst one another, and from themoment that he submits, theanarchist is just as protected inhis good and in his person as thestatist is; the law makes nodistinction between archists andanarchists if both of them complywith the injunctions of the socialcontract. Whether they like it ornot, the anarchists who submit --bosses, laborers, employees,functionaries -- all are graced withall the basic "protections" and"benefits" of the forces of publicorder, the courts, socialconventions, and official educators.That is the compensation they getfor their submission. When thestatist employer, through moralpersuasion or by the force of thelaw, makes a contract to give a wageor salary to his anarchist employee,the forces of social conventiondon't really care whether or not theemployee is hostile to the wagesystem deep down in his heart or outon the surface.

Contrariwise, unsubmissive ones theyare -- those draft dodgers of thesocial contract -- the illegalistanarchists have the whole of theorganization of society againstthem, when, to "live their ownlives," they cut to the chase and goimmediately, straight through theranks, to a goal that the submissiveanarchist only later or neverarrives at. They run an enormousrisk and it's only fair that thatrisk be compensated by immediateresults -- if there are any resultsat all.

Recourse to cunning, something thatthe illegalist anarchist constantlytakes, is actually a process thatall revolutionaries use. Secretsocieties are an aspect of this art.When putting up subversive postersone waits until the cops aresomewhere else. An anarchist thattravels to America hides his moral,political, and philosophical pointof view from the customs agents.Whatever he may be, apparentlysubmissive or frankly unsubmissive,the anarchist is always an illegalperson when it comes to the law --when he propagates anarchist ideas,he goes against the special lawagainst anarchist propaganda, andfurthermore, by his anarchistmentality he opposes written lawitself considered in its essence,since Law is the concretemanifestation of statism.

The unsubmissive anarchist can onlybe sympathetic to the anarchiststhat feel themselves to besubmissive. The anarchist that hasnot been able, or hasn't wanted, tobreak with legality, recognizeshimself, fully realized logically inthe illegal attitude. The

temperament and reflections ofthe submissive anarchist canbring him to disapprove ofcertain of the unsubmissiveanarchists' acts, but nevercould render the unsubmissiveones personally antipatheticto him.

When the revolutionaryanarchist reproaches him forimmediately going after hisown well-being from aneconomic perspective, theillegalist anarchist repliesthat he, the revolutionaryanarchist, is doing just thesame. The economicrevolutionary expects animprovement of his personaleconomic situation from therevolution; if he didn't hewouldn't be a revolutionary.The revolution will give himwhat he wants or will not,just like an illegal operationrewards he who carries it outwith what he wants or not.It's a question of time, quitesimply. Even when the economicquestion doesn't come into

have unilaterally imposed on thosewho are revolted by theirprinciples. The illegalism of theanarchists is only transitory: it'sa fall back solution.

If the social milieu would concedeto the anarchists their possessionof the inalienable means ofpersonal productivity, if they werepermitted to freely make use oftheir products with no fiscalrestrictions (tax, customs, dues),if they were allowed to use amongstthemselves an exchange value whichno tax would be applied to, all therisks and dangers of illegalismwould no longer play any part (ineconomic illegalism, that is.)Economic illegalism is thus purelycircumstance.

Economic or otherwise, illegalismis a function of legalism. On theday when authority will havedisappeared - political,intellectual, economic authority -the illegalist anarchists will havedisappeared as well.

Thinking about it this way one canunderstand that in fact illegalistactions are a boon to anarchistpropaganda.

Every anarchist, submissive or not,considers as a comrade thoseamongst his fellows that refuse toaccept military servitude. It'sinconsistent, then, that thatattitude would change when one ofthem refuses economic servitude.

It is well known that anarchists donot want to contribute to theeconomic life of a nation that doesnot give them the possibility ofexpressing themselves by the pen orby words, a nation that limitstheir faculties or theirpossibilities of realization orassociation, in any realm.Nonetheless, it is alright withthem if the non anarchists want tobehave however they please. Theanarchists that consent toparticipate in the economicfunctioning of a society whichdoesn't let them live how they wantare inconsistent. It doesn't makesense that they'd object to thosewho rebel against that state ofthings.

The draft-dodgers of economicservitude find themselves to beconstrained, by an instinct ofself-preservation, by their needand will to live, to appropriatethe products of other people'slabor. Not only is this instinctprimordial, but it is legitimate,say the illegalists, when comparedto capitalist accumulation, anaccumulation which the capitalistdoesn't personally need in order toexist, an accumulation which issuperfluous for the capitalist.Now, who are these "other people"which the thoughtful illegalistanarchist sets himself against, the

play, no one makes arevolution unless one expectsa personal benefit from it, areligious, political,intellectual, or perhapsethical one. Allrevolutionaries are egoists.

Does the carrying out of actsof revenge by illegalists nothave an unfavorable influenceon anarchist propaganda bothin general and particular?

In responding to thisobjection, the most importantof all for this essay, onemust keep in mind always thatthe human individual, whenentering the world, or whenentering a country, issubjected to certainconditions of economic life,which are imposed on him.Whatever his opinions may be,he must submit, in order tolive (or die) in peace, to aconstraint. Wherever there isconstraint, the contract is nolonger valid, because it isunilateral -- the bourgeoislaw codes themselves evenrecognize that an agreementunderwritten by threats has nolegal value. The anarchistthen finds himself constantlyin a legitimate defensivesituation against theexecutives or partisans of animposed economic socialcontract. For instance, noanarchist who takes up theillegal professions arelooking to establish a societybased on universal banditry.His situation and his acts areonly related to the economicconstruct that the capitalists

47

anarchist exercising an illegalprofession? Those "other people" areonly those who want the majoritiesto dominate or oppress minorities;they are the partisans of thedomination or dictatorship of oneclass or caste by another; they arethe voters, the supporters of thestate, of the monopolies andprivileges that it implies. Theseother people are in reality theanarchists' enemies -- theirirreconcilable adversaries.

When he faults those other peopleeconomically, the illegalistanarchist only sees in them aninstrument of the statist regime.

Given these explanations, onecouldn't say that the illegalistanarchists are wrong to feelbetrayed when the anarchists whohave preferred to follow a lessdangerous road than the one he haschosen abandon him, or otherwisedon't care to explain theirattitude.

I repeat what I said at thebeginning of this text; it's a fallback solution -- the solutionoffered by illegalism is extremelydangerous and it must bedemonstrated that the benefitsoutstrip the costs, which is a veryexceptional case. The illegalistanarchist that is thrown in prisoncan expect no favors when it comesto parole or sentence reductions --his file is red flagged, as theysay. But this warning aside, onemust further remark that to bepracticed seriously illegalismdemands a temperament of exceptionalmettle -- a cold-bloodedness andself-assuredness that not everyonehas. As in all experiences ofanarchist life that don't fit intothe routine of everyday existence,if illegalist practice would totallycoincide with illegalist theory tosuch a point that it would make himunresponsive to all other activity,to all other attitudes, it would bea frightful thing. But anyway he isequally unresponsive to certainlittle legal professions that sparethose who exercise their legalprofession in the factory or office.

CONCLUSIONSCONCLUSIONSCONCLUSIONSCONCLUSIONSCONCLUSIONS

The economic anarchists, managers,and governors impose workingconditions on the workers that areincompatible with the anarchistnotion of life, that is, the absenceof exploitation of man by man. Inprinciple, an anarchist refuses toallow working conditions to beimposed on him, refuses to allowhimself to be exploited; acceptingthem would mean he abdicates andsubmits.

And there's really no differencebetween paying taxes, submitting toexploitation, and submitting tomilitary service.

Granted, the majority ofanarchists do submit. "We getmore out of legality by beingcunning about it, by standingup to it and flying in itsface." Exactly. But theanarchist that tricks the lawmustn't be proud or quick aboutit. Certainly by doing so oneescapes the dangerousconsequences of unsubmission,the prisons, the "most abjectof slaveries." But if hedoesn't have to go through allthat, the submissive anarchistmust still deal with"professional deformation;"since they must obey the law onthe surface, many anarchistsend up not reacting at all, andgoing over to the other side ofthe barricades. One must havean exceptional temperament todeceive the law without fallinginto the trappings of legality!

As for the anarchist who isproductive in the presenteconomic milieu -- that's amyth. Where are the anarchiststhat produce anti-authoritarianvalues? Almost all anarchistsconverge in the maintenance ofthe economic state of thingswith their production. No onewill ever make me believe thatanarchists that build prisons,barracks, churches, makeweapons, ammunition, uniformes,print law books, politicalnewspapers, religious books,who warehouse them, transportthem, or sell them, are doingsome kind of anti-authoritarianproduction. Even anarchists whoin the present society make themost basic goods for voters andelected officials alike isgoing against his convictions.

Neither propagandists of thespoken word nor men of lettersare entitled to enjoin obscureindividualists to withdraw thematerial benefit they get fromtheir ideas. Do they perhapsdiscount the "moral" andsometimes pecuniary benefitthey draw from their ownefforts? Renown hawks theirnames "from one end of theworld to the other;" they havedisciples, translators,defamers, persecutors. Why dothey reckon they can get awaywith that, then?

I find it quite fair that alllabor be compensated, in allrealms -- it is fair that ifone suffers from one's opinionsone should have the profit.What matters is that noviolence, ruses, theft, fraud,or imposition, must bring onethat profit to the detriment orwrong of one's comrades, ofthose from "one's own world."

In the present social milieu,anarchy goes from Tolstoy to Bonnot: Warren, Proudhon, Kropotkin,Ravachol, Caserio, Louise Michel,Libertad, Pierre Chardon, Tchorny;the tendencies they represented orthat certain agitators or actorsliving today whose names are oflittle import represent are likethe colors of a rainbow, where eachindividual chooses the tint thatmost pleases his or her vision.

From a strictly anarchistindividualist point of view - andhere I will conclude this essay -the criteria for camaraderie havenothing to do with being an officeworker, a factory worker, afunctionary, a street vendor,smuggler, or burglar - it has to dowith the fact that, legal orillegal, MY comrade always looksabove all to the sculpting of hisown individuality, to the diffusionof anti-authoritarian ideaswherever he can, and who, by makinglife among people who share hisaffinities as agreeable aspossible, attempts to reduce to anever weaker minimum the amount ofuseless and avoidable sufferingthey must go through.

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The exercise of control

The instruments of repression

are only in minimal part

related directly to

repression as such.

Most of them

function as

preventative

instruments of

control.

This consequently has an effect on all potential

forms of illegality - through a series of measures

- and on all forms of different behaviour.

Potential illegality is within the law today, allowing

the far-seeing eye of the censor to calculate a

possible outlet. The same goes for “different”

“deviant” behaviour (a move away from that

imposed by the producers of consensus), today

a possible object of study or wonder, but real

danger points of social subversion in the future.

Now, the exercise of control is based on the

accumulation of data: behaviour, deviance, taste,

ideology, actions, etc. The greatest amount of

data possible and its relative elaboration is at

the root of any extensive project of control.

Without these elements the latter would not be

possible, it would be circumscribed and not very

dependable in the wider, participatory

perspective of control.

Considerations on Illegality - Alfredo M.Bonanno

48

49

(April - August 2008)

27/03 Lantin – Farid Bamouhammad attacks aguard when he tightens the handcuffs before leavinghis cell. He barricades the cell and waits for theintervention team to come. They don't come andFarid stays barricaded in the cell for three days.

29/03 Lantin - Farid Bamouhammad puts fire to hiscell. Two other prisoners from Bloc U (isolation wing)do the same. The guards put out the fire, the two aretransferred and Farid stays in his half-burned cell.The guards use big equipment to take off his handcuffs that he wore for three days, because the keydoesn't work anymore. He has severe wounds andburnings on his wrists.

05/04 Steenokkerzeel – Four immigrants try toescape from the closed centre 127bis, in the sameway as others did some weeks earlier with asuccessful escape, by cutting the bars and passingby the roof. Unfortunately, they are seen by theguards and put in isolation.

14/04 Verviers – Two prisoners escape, using ascrew driver they made a hole in the wall.

18/04 Brussels – In Anderlecht, youngsters shooton police cars with an air rifle. Confrontation with thecops, two guys are arrested. Their friends go to thepolice station where they are held and newconfrontations occur. A third person is arrested.

19/04 Brussels – In Molenbeek, a wild demo takesplace against closed centers and prisons. Anti-riotcops block the demo and the peopledisperse.

24/04 Brussels – In Molenbeek, 50 persons go onwild demo to the police station after the arrest of awoman without papers that participated in a churchoccupation. The police circle the demo and somepeople are beaten. The woman is released.

28/04 Lantin – Anarchists gather at the prison ofLantin, shouting slogans and distributing pamphletsin a nearby neighborhood. Prisoners shout back,denounce their conditions and put fire to somecloths. Police arrests all anarchists and releasesthem shortly after. In the prison, a small confrontationtakes places. Some prisoners and guards get hurt.

29/04 Brussels – 200 people gather in front of theOffice for Foreigners (responsible for thedeportations). Some people are beaten by anti-riotcops and a big part of them are arrested. In the nightpeople gather again to demand their liberation,gathering in front of the justice building where policecars are blocked and some of their tires are slashed.Small barricades are put, the police uses the watercanon to disperse the people. 15 people withoutpapers are transferred to closed centers, the othersare released.

01/05 Merksplas – An uprising breaks out in theclosed center after the "suicide" of a prisoner in theisolation cell. Mattresses are burned and parts of thecollective space are destroyed. For a moment,prisoners block the access to cops and doctors. Thefollowing days, troubles continue with for examplethe occupation of the yard, when prisoners refuse toreturn to their cells.

01/05 Brussels – An ATM of the PostBank is burned. A message laterclarifies: fire to the prisons – fire to theclosed centers. The Post Bank managesthe bank accounts in the prisons andclosed centers.

05/05 Brussels – The headquarters ofthe Socialist Party are attacked. Windowsare smashed and a slogan specifies: noto raids.

21/05 Brussels – In Etterbeek, two carsof Greek diplomats are burned insolidarity with the imprisoned anarchistsin Greece.

30/05 Verviers – A whole night of riots inthe prison. One wing is completelydestroyed by the prisoners in revolt. Atleast 25 000 euros of damage.

End of May Ghent – A prisoner destroyshis cell entirely and barricades himselfinside. The guards force entry in his celland use a water cannon. The prisoner isheavily beaten and put in isolation.

05/06 Antwerp - A prisoner attacks aguard who gets severely wounded.

13/06 Brussels – A metro station inMolenbeek is attacked by maskedpersons. Surveillance cameras, thewindows of the station, the vendingmachines etc. are smashed. A sloganspecifies: "Stop the raids".

16/06 Brussels – A van of the companyISS Cleaning is burned. ISS Cleaningdoes maintenance work in the closedcenters.

24/06 Brussels – In Anderlecht,youngsters attack the police with stonesafter the arrest of a person. The personstill gets arrested.

25/06 Ghent – An ATM of the Post Bankis burned and completely destroyed. Theoffices also suffer damages due to waterand smoke.

26/06 Antwerp – A prisoner attacks thedirector and a guard with a self madeknife.

30/06 Brussels – Four civil policeinspectors are recognized and attackedby tens of youngsters. The four cops arehospitalized, no one is arrested.

08/06 Steenokkerzeel – Riot cops enterthe center after a small rebellion. Eightprisoners are transferred to other centers.

14/07 Charleroi – Police executes aperson who did not want to stop for apolice control.

16/07 Diksmuide – Tens of cars seized by thepolice are burned.

19/07 Ghent – Two police vans are entirelyburned on a parking lot. Four other cars aredamaged.

20/07 Turnhout – A prisoner puts fire to hismattress and is put in isolation.

21/07 Merksplas – Two prisoners climb on theroof of the closed center. When police arrives,riots break out in the center. Windowsand infrastructure are broken. It's only hours laterthat the police can reestablish order in the center.

25/07 Leuven – A guard is taken hostage by twoprisoners demanding their liberation. A bit later,they release her and barricade themselves insidethe library. They destroy the library and put fire toit. Special police forces intervene and put end totheir revolt.

27/07 Brussels – A vehicle of the companyFABRICOM GTI (Suez) is set on fire, close to theRoyal Palace. Fabricom GTI is involved in themaintenance and construction of prisons.

29/07 Brussels – Immigrants without validdocuments occupy several cranes on constructionyards demanding regularization. A few days later,police puts an end to some occupations whileother occupations are stopped by the peoplethemselves.

31/07 Merksplas – Five prisoners revolt andcause huge damages by putting fire to a part ofthe prison. 70 prisoners had to be evacuated.Special police forces intervene to put down theirrevolt.

01/08 Ghent – Two cars of prison guards areburned on the parking lot of the prison.

07/08 Nivelles – Prisoners occupy the yard andrefuse to return to their cells. After an hour ofnegotiations with the prison authorities about theconditions, they go back to their cells.

16/08 Charleroi – A police station is attackedwith Molotov cocktails. The entrance of thebuilding is damaged.

24/08 Steenokkerzeel – An uprising breaks outin the closed center. Prisoners put coordinated fireto the buildings, which destroys two of the threewings of the center. Some prisoners try to escape,only one succeeds.

26/08 Steenokkerzeel – Banners in solidaritywith the burning of the center are put over thehighway. In Brussels, tags in solidarity are put in allareas of the city.

27/08 Leuven – Farid Bamhoummad istransferred to the prison of Bruges. Guards gaveas a reason that he broke a chair in the prison ofLeuven. In Bruges, he has a severe physical fightwith the guards and is put in the new isolation unit.

Belgian Chronology against the Prison WBelgian Chronology against the Prison WBelgian Chronology against the Prison WBelgian Chronology against the Prison WBelgian Chronology against the Prison Worldorldorldorldorld X

50

-This text was written by ABC RTS(Stuttgart and surrounding cities,Germany) to describe their response tothe arrest of the Aachen4: Gabriel, Jose,Bart and Begona (Bart & Begona are nowreleased). We are reproducing it here toshed more light on the Aachen case and togive it further circulation in light of thearrest of 3 anarchist comrades in Greece,for the kidnap of George Mylonas, one ofthe richest industrialists in the country.Whilst not directly dealing with theevents and motivations in Greece, itlights an idea into the darkness of bothcases. For Gabriel, Jose and others inAachen, it was a desperate situation oftrying to escape a police control and thetorture of the Spanish isolation units,‘F.E.I.S’. For Polikarpos, Vagelis andVasilis, it was a decision they took withdetermination as an action against theclass enemy, the one who has us‘kidnapped’ everyday, and they did notharm a hair on his head, which cannot besaid for those on the other side who try tohold us all down...

-

Gabriel and Jose are politicalprisoners who had escaped from thebrutal F.I.E.S isolation units in Spain,and were on the run. Bart, a younganarchist from Belgium, and Gabriel'ssister Begona were with them. Afterescaping a police identity control nearthe Belgium border, the 3 menchanged their vehicles and tookhostages, in an attempt to securepassage. Eventually they werecornered in a garage by police. Theirtrial ended September 2005. Gabrieland Jose were sentenced to 14 and 13years, Bart 3 years and 6 months andfinally Begona, who was not involvedin the hostage taking and resistancewas sentenced to 10 monthsprobation. For more information andresources :

www.escapeintorebellion.info

One of the charges Bart, Gabriel andJosé are accused of is the taking oftwo hostages – Mrs. and Mr. Schulz –at the petrol station on June 28th 2004,trying to escape from police controland the certain re-arrestment. Wedon’t agree with this taking ofhostages and we can’t ignore, that thehostages are still traumatized andunder psychological treatment. Butthis is no reason for us, not to stay indeep solidarity with our comrades,with whom we feel to be connected.But as the taking of hostages seems tobe a main reason for the lack ofsolidarity, we see the importance ofmaking a final statement about it.

We don’t think, that it is necessary forsolidarity-work to agree 100% witheverything a person has done, becausewe refuse to put everything in blackand white and rather try to point outthe contradictions than to spare themout or whitewash them. For us, it’simportant, to see the context andreflect the causality of things thathappened and therefore we have toconsider different realities in thepersonal lives of people, and the socialand political situation in other states –even if this reality is far away from theone we do know. For the Aachen-casethis means to draw the attentiontowards F.I.E.S and the situation inSpanish prisons, both, Gabriel andJosé have suffered from. We can notisolate the things happened on June28th from this reality and we have totake their experiences of beingimprisoned and tortured for years andtheir conscious decision of refusing tobe a victim of this circumstances intoaccount. When we criticize the takingof hostages, we should criticize thestructural frame of violence, withinthe freedom of action is restricted somuch by laws and prohibitions, thatsometimes human beings seem to beforced to use violence, not to becomevictims of violence themselves. Whenwe keep this in mind, the hostagesseem to fulfill the role of a “doubledvictim”. On a concrete way, they arevictims of being taken as hostages;other people forced them with arms todo things, which are against their will.In a more abstract way, they have notonly become “victims of victims”, butvictims of the social conflicts, which inthe end, led to their situation. For thisreason we don’t have to wonderabout, that the state doesn‘t give a shitabout the hostages (support, therapy)but uses them to convict the Aachenprisoners. If people are arguing in anideological manner, as many groupsand individuals do, who refuse tosupport the prisoners because of thehostage-taking and the contradictionbetween libertarian ideas and theviolence used, the reality of socialconflicts is disguised. Of course, it’sprincipally right, that libertarianbasics can’t be reconciled withviolence or the threatening of itagainst innocent persons, to use themas means to an end or to subjugatethem under their own will. But wehave to look to the particularcircumstances than to use libertarianprinciples in an orthodox way. Whenwe consider the principles in thebehaviour of human beings with eachother in their fundament as a kind of

social agreement, than offences against themlogically are a kind of social conflict. To look onand sanction only these offences means to ignorethis conflict, unimportant if it is a political orsocial one (like it happens every day in theconstitutional state). In case of the Aachenprisoners it’s a political conflict, which is grownout of a social one, like every political conflict. Assoon as a social conflict is recognized and it’sbelieved, that the reason for this conflict wasdiscovered, it gets a political conflict. It doesn’tdepend on the righteousness or legitimacy of theanalysis. This recognition of the reasons for socialconflicts led the Aachen prisoners, absolutelyindependent of each other, into a fundamentalopposition of the ruling system of the ware-producing society – the anarchism or libertariancommunism. We can see that the essential factorsfor the occurrences in Aachen came into beinglong before and not just there. Apart from oldideas, we see in the analysis of the ware-producing society or the capitalism, that it won’tbe finished off by itself but needs to be abolished.But the state, who is inseparably linked with thissystem, have the monopoly of using violence,without it, it couldn’t fulfill its function. Thisstructural violence (which doesn’t need to bephysical) has a daily effect on us and through us.This goes as far as most of people understandtheir situation in competition to other humanbeings as normal or even as a natural law. If thisshould not be the case, the constitutionalmonopoly of violence takes hold of, not to looseits basis. This means, that the abolishing ofcapitalism and the emancipation to a society offree associated persons, can not come peacefully.In their long time of imprisonment, 2 of theAachen prisoners have made concreteexperiences with one of the most terrible forms ofasserting this monopoly of violence: torture. Wethink, that this recognitions and practicalexperiences have been the reason for that theAachen prisoners have seen themselves forced tothreaten uninvolved persons to escape from theirhopeless situation. This happened out of theparticular situation and never could be alibertarian tactic. Looking towards thecircumstances, we think to be able to dissolve thecontradictory behaviour. But if we argueideologically, we find an indissolublecontradiction in the use of violence itself.Ideology so far is the disguise of social conflictsand for that the misjudgment of reality. For thesubject it even can happen by a perceived imageof the alleged reality, a subjective and not anobjective image of reality arises. The perceivedget disguised by subjective factors like aims orconsiderations. These are the factors that aretaking effect on all of us, but only when we arenot conscious of these effects, they are ideology-forming. But it seems like many people are justafraid to face a contradictory and brutal reality.We should analyse this fear of giving up its ownsubjective truth to overcome it and become strongenough to fight this brutal reality – as strong asour solidarity, we feel for our comrades as well.

Greetings and a big hug,

ABC RTS

Statement about the taking of hostages

51

3 Anarchists

arrested in big

kidnapping case

(Greece)On 20th of August 4 people got arrested inGreece on the accusation kidnapping with alarge ransom being paid. The people arrestedare Polikarpos Georgiadis, VasilisPalaiokostas, Vagelis Hrisohoides and oneother, of whom the rest of the group hastaken distance from because of hisbehaviour. On the 21st 4 other people gotarrested for also playing a smaller role in thekidnapping. The person being kidnappedsome months ago concerns the president ofthe union for heavy industry owners(employers syndicate) Georgos Mylonas,who not long ago caused some fuss over hissayings about working harder and longer inthe factories. He was released after sum of10 million euro's was paid, arranged by hiswife. Media and police claim this money wasmeant for freeing Vasilis' brother from prison;Nikos Palaiokostas. Pictures in the bourgeoispress show the large variety of ammunition,Kalashnikovs, an RPG, explosive devices,bulletproof vests and fire brigade uniformsthat were found at the arrest. Stories of theamount of money being found back changeevery day. Police says that a big part of thecoupons were marked and at about 150different places they found them back.

The history and traditions of Vagelis, Vasilisand Polikarpos in this case, but also of manyother strikes against the exploitation andslavery of people, is important for the contextof this kidnapping and social rebellion ingeneral reality. Polikarpos and Vagelis aredear comrades in the anarchist scene sincemany years and have been very active.Polikarpos was sent to prison before on the16th of April 2004, accused for attemptedarson with an ignitable device against thevehicle of a private security company. Thepolice tried to charge him with attemptedarson and the possession of explosivedevices, but could not proof anything. Hestayed in pre-detention for one year and wasfound guilty anyway. He got out for havingserved already the one year prison sentencehe finally got. During his time in prison he gotto know Vasilis Palaiokostas. The bourgeoismedia accused him a the time of being abank robber as well, and from this point ofview it fits them well to claim these days thatVasilis had "selected Polikarpos for aconspiracy in setting his brother, Nikos, freefrom prison". These two brothers are wellknown "legends" in the country for decades.

Since the fall of the Ottoman empire in 1821Greece knows a very popular and greattradition of social and class robberies, as arespond to poverty and exploitation. Thesepeople would take back the money of the

rich, the authorities, the exploiters, andusually hide in villages, with the help ofthe people; they would refuse to helpthe police and protect them from theauthorities. The rebels always hadstrong connections with the people andprovided for their communities forinstance in forms of financial supportfor education, medication andprotection on their turn from the police.In this reality, the two brothers Vasilisand Nikos, and still many others, whogrew up in a very poor family, couldn'ttake any longer the exploitation andslavery of themselves as well as of thepeople around them in this society, andthus have been living their lives associal rebels for the last 30 years. Theymade tens of bank robberies, car theftsand escapes from prison, but never hadfancy clothes, drove expensive cars orlived in luxury houses. Indeed haveonce thrown the money back on thefloor of the bank, because that littleamount wasn't what they needed.Everything was always send to where itwas needed and shared with thepeople whoprotectedthem, hidthem andstill won'tsay a wordto the policeabout theircomrades.

During allthese yearsthey've beenunderground,while beingtraced by the police from time to timeas well, either resulting in a successfulescape by stolen cars, or unfortunateprison time. Always escaped from ithowever, with the loving andspectacular help of the other brother.

Throughout the 80's they did manyrobberies, until Nikos ended up inprison in 1988, but was released fromit by his brother only a few days later,by throwing a rope over the wall of theprison outside. Two years later, inFebruary 1990 he was arrested again.One month later Vasilis was unluckilycaught with a friend, while trying torescue his brother. This wassupposedly the first time they wereboth in prison at the same time. InDecember 1990 though, Nikosescapes from Korydallos prison inAthens after a huge uprising in theprison, cops have then been looking forhim for the next 16 years, until theycaught him by accident when he was ina car crash in 2006. He has not beenout ever since. In 1991 Vasilis managesto escape from Halkida prison. In 1992he robs a bank. In 1995 they rob abank together in Athens. In December1995 they're being accused of having

kidnapped the president of a "halvas"factory, Haitoglou. They supposedly lethim go after four days and 750.000euro's ransom. The minister of publicorder send out a warrant, on tv, radioand posters, with their picture and areward of also exactly 750.000 euro's. In1996 Vasilis was traced by the cops inKorfu, but managed to escape from themby taking a car. Two years later the samesituation appeared in Yanitsa, and againin May 1999. In 2003 Nikos makes aspectacular escape with a helicopter. In2006 Nikos robbed a bank in Veria bybicycle and got away because themasses of police out there werecompletely preoccupied with theprotection president visiting the streetsof Veria at that very moment. InSeptember of that year he had the caraccident and got locked up again aftermany years of living on the run and inhiding.

The police found out about the identityand whereabouts of the group becausethe fourth men, was spending large

sums of cash money on luxury cars inCrete. Also because Georgos Mylonashad stated to the police that during hiskidnapping he had heard airplanes flyingover very frequently. With the arrest ofthe man in Crete they found out herented a house in Souroti, a quiet areanear Thessaloniki, close to the airport.Police claims that with 14 special forcecops, and 10 civil cops (it's very likelythere were way more), they surroundedthe house in Souroti. Both Vasilis andPolikarpos were arrested there, wherethey had also kept Mylonas and theartillery. Later on, the cops found a stashof guns and 3 million euros at the houseof Vasilis. On the 26th August theyappeared before the court and receivedremand until trial, which could be up to18 months time, but it does not look likethe state wants to let any of them outsoon.

Vasilis Palaiokostas was sent to theprison of Corfu, Kerkya, one of the mostbrutal and worst places to try to escapefrom. Vagelis Hrisohoides was sent toDomokos and Polikarpos Georgiadiswas sent to Ioannina.

Break in the walls!

George Mylonas, 49, the owner

of Greece's largest aluminum

extraction firm who was

kidnapped by gunmen on June

9, 2008 in Thessaloniki.

Mylonas is one of the top

industrialists in the country, he

was released unharmed on June

23, 2008 after a ransom had

been paid to the kidnappers.

52

"The proletariat of the industrial countries has

completely lost the affirmation of its

autonomous perspective and also, in the last

analysis, its illusions, but not its being. It has

not been suppressed. It remains irreducibly in

existence within the intensified alienation of

modern capitalism: it is the immense majority of

workers who have lost all power over the use of

their lives and who, once they know this,

redefine themselves as the proletariat, as

negation at work within this society".

Guy Debord

Since the nineties different people who'veexpressed themselves about post-moderntypology wearing a different mask every time(sometimes of the neo-liberal, sometimes of the"middle political scene", sometimes of the socialdemocrats, sometimes of the ideologists oftepidity and confused multi cultural neo-leftismthat mixes everything up, and sometimes themask of the "anti authoritarian" new-hippielifestyle ) ruminate/brag about the ideology ofthe end of history: there is no more proletariat,there is no class war, we can at last without fearhead towards the Paradise of Market, wherehoney and milk flow abundantly. Andhamburgers and ketchup too...

Unfortunately for the apologists of legality, thefacts are stubborn: a handful of capitalists hasorganized a criminal gang and kidnappedproletarians demanding for ransoms, theirworking power, the commercialization of humanactivity, their time (that transforms into money),even their whole existence. Wage slavery is apermanent crime against human dignity. It's notjust because of the usual 'casualties' of work"accidents" of class war. It's not just because ofthe dead, wounded and amputated people of thework "accidents", but also because of thediseases related to the working environment andspace. It's not just because of the strawberryfields, that show us we've never escaped thetime of slavery. It's not just because of thesacrificed workers (locals and immigrants,"expensive and cheap" labor hands) at the altarof every "American dream" or "Greek miracle".It is the existence itself of waged work thatconstitutes the permanent crime! And thecriminals, the kidnappers and the blackmailersare all the Mylonas. Even if the rats of the mediapresent the leader of thieves Mylonas (the bossof the gang for common thieves of theFederation of Industries of Northern Greece) asan "innocent" victim, as a misunderstood neo-liberal Christian child, as a pain resistantworker, who makes efforts night and day for thecommon good.

As for the illusionist tricks that differentvampires like Mylonas invent to show their"human face" (for example green capitalism,

socialised industry, etc.), only one thingcan be said:

SATIRE HAS ITS LIMITS...

Mylonas is no more than the brain of agang of exploiters. Like all capitalists hetoo is a parasite: a weight on earth andan obstacle for winds.

So the Mylonas couple should stoppretending to be raped virgins .

"O gentlemen, the time of life is short!

...

And if we live, we live to tread on kings"

W.Shakespeare

“The first duty of the proletariat is the

consciousness of itself, of its position

and its role. The consciousness of being

a prostitute in the hands of a capitalist,

of producing wealth for the bosses and

misery for itself. The consciousness on

the other hand that produces the whole

material life of society. That it is

nothing but CAN BE EVERYTHING.

The second duty of the proletariat is the

denial of its imposed role, the denial of

work, the denial of alienation.

The third duty of the proletariat which

arises naturally from the first duties, is

the revolutionary action for it's own

suppression.

Only the subjects can ignite the

objective conditions and cause the

revolutionary explosion for the

destruction of the authoritarian/class

society.”

From: 'The art of war', 6th issue of

"Asymmetric threat"

Unfortunately in the wild west ofcapitalism the proletarians lullaby with

trash eating over consumerism. Life has evolvedinto a necrophilic survival between cages ofcement, cars, billboards, surveillance camerasand cops. The route of survival is assigned: fromone concentration camp to another. From schoolto university, from army to wage slavery. Andthere the proletarian crosses the same streets ofalienation as the night walker: work, home,shopping mall, work. From production toconsumption...

Behind the iron curtain of virtual prosperity andspectacular misery lies an unadmitted truth: themiracle of the west walks over corpses. Not onlyof those in the third world (either way thisconstant exploitation is the most gigantic crimeof human history), but also of those in the thirdworld in the west.

Behind a glance of being high on consumptionhides the rot of a slaughtering civilization. Butfrom inside this rot one possibility springs up. Apossibility that not even the think tanks of theexistent system, not even the bureaucraticcertainties of Bolshevism, not even thepaleolithic determinism of ideologies canrepress: the social entropy, the revolution, theconstant struggle for the destruction of the state,of private property and of waged work.

Comrades! Life is short. If we live, we live tostep on the heads of bosses and their slaves.

For anarchy and communism!

Polikarpos Georgiadis,Polikarpos Georgiadis,Polikarpos Georgiadis,Polikarpos Georgiadis,Polikarpos Georgiadis,Prisons of Ioannina,01/09/2008

P.S.1 As in the past also now, in my public speech Iwill not speak about issues of the penal code.Moreover "innocence" and "guiltiness" are fakedistinctions that concern only the legal armory of thestate. The only thing that I want to say about thecase, is that I was and I am in solidarity, as anarchistas well as a friend, to an illegal and haunted man,Vasilis Paleokostas. From there on, my speech willbe a continuity of my pre-arrest placement and not awhine for "innocence".

P.S.2 Economical and legal support is good. So arewishes for freedom, but the strongest form ofsolidarity is the continuation of revolutionary action.

-Freedom to the comrades G. Dimitrakis, G. Voutsis-Vougiatsis and V. Botzatzis.-Freedom for the revolutionaries of the revolutionaryorganisation 17th of November.-Solidarity to the 6 wanted comrades.

-Revolution first and always-

Letter from Polikarpos GeorgiadisPolikarpos GeorgiadisPolikarpos GeorgiadisPolikarpos GeorgiadisPolikarpos Georgiadis:“Did Anybody Talk About Kidnapping?”“Did Anybody Talk About Kidnapping?”“Did Anybody Talk About Kidnapping?”“Did Anybody Talk About Kidnapping?”“Did Anybody Talk About Kidnapping?”

Fenix is one of three Chilean students whose case

they are attempting to apply the anti-terrorist

laws to, for throwing a Molotov cocktail.

19/11/08

To conscious minds and solid hearts:To conscious minds and solid hearts:To conscious minds and solid hearts:To conscious minds and solid hearts:To conscious minds and solid hearts:

Letter from

I find myself imprisoned in Temuco prison, a product of a cheap set-

up doctored by the Public Ministry with the permission of the State.

With this set-up they look to criminalise the limit of the absurd,

refusing me my legitimate right to manifest my discontent against

those who flaunt their power and the small amount of people whose

money is made from the sweat and blood of many.

I am a prisoner for my ideas! They have blamed me for having

thrown a Molotov at a cop car. So what is the reason for applying

such a harmful law.

They fear these ideas, the same way they start to fear the discontent of

so many brothers in struggle that they dare to criticize. We should

oppose the desperate measures of a fascist democracy that censors and

punishes us. I invite you to fight for my freedom as part of fight for

the freedom of all of you, of your ideas and the right to be consistent

with them. I am grateful for the support of all those that have

accompanied me, and my family in this hard job, lamentably the

enemy is powerful and we only have truth and the participation of all

those that are conscious of this injustice in our favour.

The walls of this repression threaten to maintain me here for alot of

time without liberty, it is because of this that your participation has

become indispensable, for it gives me strength and hope. It is

necessary that the participation is maintained, that the authorities

would know that we are not alone and that they feel pressured to do

away with this injustice. The organisation of all those that feel part of

this fight is indispensable. To unite forces to turn power around so it

reaches a major unity.

No to the injustices of authority, we will be able to demonstrate that,

YES, we are able to defeat it. I have faith that we will gain my freedom

and the freedom of Jonathan. I trust in all those that up until now have

helped me; my friends, companeros from university, the anonymous

people who have joined up and especially my closest family....

.FenixFenixFenixFenixFenix

Fenix DelgadoFenix DelgadoFenix DelgadoFenix DelgadoFenix Delgado

Once they have finally moved me to my new cell, I collapse on themattress, exhausted from the previous days, weeks, months... I laythere for ages. As the days tick by, my soul wells up inside of me,standing up; I beat my hands against my chest, singing, letting it all out,through the cracks of the door. Their control room is right next to mycell, I beat against the walls, singing through the top of my lungs, hopethey can hear me. I draw pictures on napkins and wet them slightly tostick up on the walls. I write and write and write. I receive no letters ormail, although I am sure and soon to find out I am being sent them fromas far as the other side of the globe.

Dying for social interaction with other prisoners, or anyone exceptguards, but only allowed outside by my cell for half an hour, turns out tobe in a fenced off area, it is cold, I press the button for them to let meback into my cell. There is no answer, I look for something to destroy, Iclimb up the fence and am ripping at the steel wires like a cagedmonkey. Eventually they take me back to my cell, I don't go out again. Ising, slap and bang things, beat boxing, generally making noises, eatsome shit food, drink loads of tea and watch the burning cars andmolotov's being thrown on the television screen, wishing I was there,but knowing I am in here for them, and they are out there for us.

I haven't spoken to anyone now except briefly with guards about what'sin the food. It's the first experience I have had not speaking with peoplefor this amount of time and it's hard to deal with. Despite the physicalexhaustion from the time prior to this (that is from working, sleeplessnights hitching across the European continent, throwing cobble stonesout on the streets, being tear gassed and water blasted, beaten, tiedup, made to sit in indignant positions for hours without blood circulationin the wrists, screaming at cops and for friends...) I force myself to dopress ups and sit ups. I dance in my cell to the music bursting out of mymind, wishing I had music. The structure of the institute itself in it'soperation, function and strategy begins to pour through my brain likebattery acid, burning through all sensibility developed throughout my lifeand our species. There is nothing human about this, other than thehumans who's time and labor have been purchased by the state tocontrol the other humans whose bodies are forcibly possessed on behalfof the powers of commerce who require safety in their arenas forproduction and consumption. Safe in the sense that their highly unstableexploitative capitalist system plough's through the fabric and strength ofthe community with it's dehumanizing program of social destruction, toreinforce this and provide a safe path towards ultimate destruction of thebiosphere... for digits in a database which are symbolic of 'wealth' to beexchanged for the good's made by slaves...

And I can't help but feel a sense of relief at the escape from theintensity of never-ending struggle. The pacification, docility andnumbness I feel by being contained, to have my life taken from me. Iam completely by myself without possibility of communication withanyone other than guards, not allowed in anyone one place long enoughto engage. I have not experienced this sort of overwhelming socialcontrol, and it almost overpowers the deep need and desire to resist.

It is from this experience and others experiences like this, prisonabolition becomes a far higher priority in the struggle for dignity, thanit ever previously was. I didn't used to understand the importance ofprison resistance, but now I cant ignore it for a second. The mostintense feeling I have ever experienced, is a desire for freedom, it is thisintense feeling which manifest itself almost nightly in the dreams aboutbeing hunted, arrested, incarcerated, or committed.

I realize now that I and many many friends are in vulnerable positions(or already under the weight of the state control) and that if we everhope for a life on the outside, in which we do not live in our fear of theworst, that our spirit can only survive through abolition of not onlyprisons, but every piece of surveillance equipment, DNA database,bank, passport, certificates and control-technology. And that powerremains in hands of people and not technocracies, corporations,religions and states.

On Struggle, Prison &On Struggle, Prison &On Struggle, Prison &On Struggle, Prison &On Struggle, Prison &

Social control..Social control..Social control..Social control..Social control... . . . . by Anon.by Anon.by Anon.by Anon.by Anon.“Did Anybody Talk About Kidnapping?”“Did Anybody Talk About Kidnapping?”“Did Anybody Talk About Kidnapping?”“Did Anybody Talk About Kidnapping?”“Did Anybody Talk About Kidnapping?”

53

54

Over the past week and a half,(15 June 2008) an unprecedented politicalcrackdown has been enacted in advance of aseries of economic summits around thecountry. Despite this, the brave workers ofKamagasaki stood up against the stiff securityenvironment in riots against the brutal beatingof a day laborer over the past five days. Thetwin situations of repression and revolt deserveto be examined in more detail.

Repression

In the run-up to the series of G8 summits, over40 people were arrested in pre-emptive sweepsof broad left and anarchist groups.

On May 29th, 38 people were arrested at HoseiUniversity in Tokyo at a political assemblyagainst the G8. These large-scale arrests werecarried out by over 100 public security agentsafter the students staged a march acrosscampus protesting the summits. Some of thearrestees are still jailed, and among them areapparently some leadership of the Chuukaku-ha Leninist organization, one of the largestorganizations of its kind in Japan. On June 4th,Tabi Rounin, an active anarchist from theKansai region, was arrested on accusation ofhaving his address registered at a locationother than where he was living. When arrested,his computer, cell phone, political flyers andmore was taken from him; these items wereused when detectives interrogated him, askinghim about his relationship to internationalspossibly arriving for the G8, as well as hisactivity around Osaka. He would be the firstobviously political arrest masked as routinepolice work.

On June 12th, an activist from the KamagasakiPatrol (an Osaka squatter and anti-capitalistgroup), was arrested for allegedly defraudinglifestyle assistance payments. This person hasbeen constantly followed by plainclothespolice and even helicopters duringdemonstrations. Clearly, his arrest was plannedwith the idea of keeping him away from themajor anti-summit mobilizations and he willbe held without bail for the maximum of 23

In the Shadow of G8:

Repression and

Revolt in Japan..

days until the summit is over. The officeof an anarchist organization called theFree Worker was raided in order to lookfor 'evidence' in this comrade's case.

The same day the Rakunan union inKyoto was raided, with police officerssearching their offices and arresting twoof their members on suspicion offraudulent unemployment insurancereceipt. One of these two arrested areaccused of funneling money receivedfrom unemployment insurance to theAsian Wide Campaign, which wasorganizing against the economicsummits. In the meantime, Osaka citymobilized thousands of police with thepretext of preventing terrorism againstthe summit, setting up inspection pointsand monitoring all around the city. Butthe strengthened state high on its ownpower inevitably deployed it in violence,and turned the day laborers of southernOsaka against it in riot.

Revolt

Kamagasaki is a traditionally daylaborer neighborhood that hasexperienced over thirty riots since theearly 1960s. The last riot in Kamagasakiwas sparked in 1990 by police brutalityand the exposure of connections betweenthe police and Yakuza gangs.

The causes this time were not muchdifferent. A man was arrested in ashopping arcade near Kamagasaki andtaken to the Nishinari police stationwhere he was punched repeatedly in theface by four detectives one after another.Then he was kicked and hung upsidedown by rope to be beaten some more.

He was released the next day and went toshow his friends the wounds from thebeatings and the rope. This brought over200 workers to surround the policestation and demand that the police chiefcome out and apologize. Later peoplealso started demanding that the fourdetectives be fired. Met with steelshields and a barricaded police station,the crowd began to riot, throwing stonesand bottles into the police station. Scrapswith the riot police resulted in some oftheir shields and equipment being

temporarily seized. The riot stopped aroundmidnight with the riot police being backed intothe police station. The next day they brought over35 police buses and riot vehicles into the Naniwapolice station with the intention of using theseagainst the rioters.

During the riot, the police surveilled rioters fromthe top of the police station, from plainclothespositions and from a helicopter. Riot police withsteel shields were deployed all around theneighborhood in strategic places to charge inwhen the action kicked off. The workersorganizations which by the second day weremaintaining the protest had chosen a good timeto do so because the police department provedunwilling to unleash the direct, brutal chargesseen in the 1990 riot due to the internationalspotlight focused on them. On Saturday a policeinfiltrator was found in the crowd, pushed upagainst a fence and smashed in the head with ametal bar.

The riot has lasted since the 13th and every nightthere is a resumption of hostility between the daylaborers and the cops. Workers so far refuseanything less than the fulfillment of theirdemands in light of the police brutality incident.Despite the call from more 'moderate' NGOs to'stop the violence' there has been no let-up inhostility towards the police, although the reallevel of violent confrontation is not as strong asthe weekend of the 13th-15th. The riot has beencharacterized by the participation of young peopleas well as the older day laborers in confrontationwith the police. As the guarantors of everydayexploitation under capitalism who have toassertively maintain the constant dispossession ofthe urban working class, the police have manyenemies. This they are finding out every night.

Over the past couple of days there have beenpoints where more than 500 people have gatheredand rioted around the neighborhood. Police haveresponded mainly by defending the Nishinaripolice station, their home base, while getting backup from the local Naniwa police station, whichhas a riot countermeasure practicing lot, andholds tens of anti-riot vehicles. Despite thismighty arsenal, the police were perhaps surprisedwhen they deployed their tear gas cannon on thefirst day only to be met with cries of joy andlaughter. The use of force no longer has any spellof intimidation, it is simply expected.

Still, the combined brutality of the police andtheir riot vehicles has netted over 40 arrests(including many young people), many injuriesand even blinded one worker with a direct shot oftear gas water to his right eye.

55

The struggle here is inevitably limited bythe particular situations of day laborers,who are dispatched to their job sites andhave no direct access to the means ofproduction that standard wage workerswould. This prevents them from forinstance calling political strikes againstpolice brutality, and hitting powerfulinterests in the city where they really hurt.As workers deprived of these means tostruggle, the day laborers will always havethe riot as a method not only of collectivedefense but for also forcing concessionsfrom the city in the form of expandingwelfare access, creating jobs, backing offof eviction campaigns etc. While these aremore or less important gains strictly interms of survival, it is important toexplore the possibilities of spreading theantagonism of the Kamagasaki workers tothe larger population of exploited peoplein order to imagine doing away with thispower structure once and for all.

It is unclear exactly where the situation isheaded, but we can know for sure that thereal repression in Kamagasaki will arriveafter the summits have ended and thefocus is off of the Japanese government.Then we will see the raids, the arrests andthe scapegoating of particular individualsfor the righteous outburst of class violencethat these riots are. Instead of quietlyaccepting their fates as people to betrampled upon, the participants havedirectly attacked the wardens of wagelabor who guarantee the violence ofeveryday slum life.

Overall, the ongoing repression againstthose involved in organizing against theG8 summit as well as Kamagasaki shouldnot convince anyone that the ruling classhere is once again afraid of the workingclass. In repressing certain left groupsorganizing against the economic summits,the Japanese government is moreinterested in preventing a movement fromemerging that starts to question capital atthe macro level, than actually attacking anexisting one. On the other hand inKamagasaki, the state tries to deny thepossibility of antagonism in a majormetropole and the visibility of this revolt,for fear of it spreading. This is why mostnews reports have blacked out the ongoingriots in Kamagasaki. The concreteness anduniversality of the Kamagasaki revolt trulythreatens to expand beyond the borders ofpolice violence. Visitors to Kamagasakifrom near and far have over the past fivedays participated and found their ownstruggle in riots fought by total strangers.The ruling class fears and knows that itcannot control this horizontal sympathyand the real practice of revolt thataccompanies it.

Japan can be described as a decayinghigh-tech quasi-corporatist island state,hostile to many of its neighbouringcountries. Several Japanese companieswhich benefited from slave labour inWW2, Mitsubishi etc, still operate. Japanis re-arming itself militarily and has neverfirmly broke with its fascist & imperialistpast, the state attempts to enforce a highlevel of social control but even so, theredoes remain tumultuous outbreaks ofanarchy that no-one can predictoccurring, moments of incredible beauty,like Osaka in 13-21 June 2008, when anincident of police brutality sparked fiercerioting in Kamagasaki, a working classdistrict.

The government is very repressive againstthe social movements in no small part tothe serious revolutionary disturbances ofthe 60’s & 70’s onwards, with someunderground autonomous groups stillexisting in hiding today. Japan is not thestable, comfortable place that the mediatries to portray, and there are many peopleliving a very precarious life of povertyand exclusion.

Not only in violent response to repressionwas there was a starkdifference between the 6 dayriot in Osaka and the anti-G8events which took placealmost simultaneously inHokkaido, northern mostisland of the Japanesearchipelago.

In Hokkaido a tiny number ofanti-globalisation activists,socialists, pacifists,environmentalists, NGOS, andof course, anarchists, weresystematically suppressed in Sapporofrom the onset of the entire organisedcounter-events. They were violentlyprevented on the most minor terms fromhaving a peaceful street demo with asound-system truck, the driver absurdlywrestled out by a posse of cops in acharacteristic move of attackingvulnerable demos where the cops feelthey can be aggressive and have the

sanction of the media to do so. Thesound-demo in Tokyo was the usualsuppressed event, despite the evidentrage of some of the people against thepolice restrictions. Anti-globalisationacademics flew in and flew out again,presentations and counter-conferenceswere organised, promoting this or thatnew book or hip social theory in venueswhere you usually had to pay to enter.The spectacle was maintained,commodities were sold, careers weretrod.

The media build-up to the G8 wasextremely questionable, withmainstream media meeting the Germananti-G8 ‘Dissent’ delegation in themonths before the events at the air-portlike movie-stars. Unfortunately the‘Dissent’ delegation participated withthe mainstream media, something wecompletely disagree with, viewing it ascounter-productive and antagonistic toour hostility to the agenda of thecorporations and government. Themedia was customarily both hystericallycurious and dismissive, with theaccompanying usual alerts to hold theimage in the mind of terrorists like the

Japanese Red Army, Aum or Al-Qaeda.The base population simply got on withtheir lives.

In Osaka when a day-worker wasdiscovered beaten and tortured by theinner-city police during the G8 clamp-down period, the whole area lit up withunmediated anti-police, anti-system

The Festival is OverThe Festival is OverThe Festival is OverThe Festival is OverThe Festival is OverJapan Resistance Report 2008 <<<Japan Resistance Report 2008 <<<Japan Resistance Report 2008 <<<Japan Resistance Report 2008 <<<Japan Resistance Report 2008 <<<

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rage, it didn’t matter so much thatthere was also a secondary G8ministers meeting happening at thetime in the city, we guess people werepretty angry. In addition the squattedparks around the city act as semi-autonomous areas of free space, withinformation and material distribution,so the news spread fast. There is acloseness to the people who haveknown each other in a collective fightfor some time and they know the layof the city to their advantage.Kamagasaki is a fighting working classneighbourhood, they do not need to beconvinced by a street-party to dance.

The anti-G8 events were characterised bya strong focus on structure, on thelogistics of organising an ‘event’. Theactions borrowed the structure of pastanti-G8 action; in particular organisers inJapan used their experience of the G8 inGermany the previous year.

We don’t doubt the sincerity of thepeople who spent so much time andeffort in organising the resistance againstthe G8, but for us this structure wasapplied superficially. There was notmuch analysis of how and why peoplewanted to act against the summit, or whatthe aims of action were. There seemed tobe a lack of preparation for an attackfrom the cops and lack of de-centralisedactions outside the central sound-demo(s), which seemed to come fromlack of initiatives and conflictual attitudeof solidarity on the part of the Japanesegroups and also internationals notsufficiently understanding the operatingenvironment. The international anti-G8infotour for the G8 was extensive, acrossmany countries and continents, why wasthe mobilisation so weak? Did it rely toomuch on a dependency for ‘outside’numbers and pose a logistical complexitybeyond the capabilities of the organisinginitiative?

In contrast to the more spontaneouslycreated, structureless rioting in Osaka,the G8 action involved hierarchicalorganising. While on the surfaceborrowing the structure of previous anti-G8 events, the idea of leadership wasvery present in the organisation. Theonly way out is to completely denouncetheir methods and their ambition, whatexists of it. Space seems significant inthis, the lack of autonomous spaces inJapan affected the mentality oforganisation; without the actual physicalspace to situation oneself in, it’s difficult

to practice and build non-hierarchical collective organisingfor a mass of people.

Although lacking in much action,the anti-G8 events did create somediscussion around the methods oforganisation. The challenge of asmall, politically diverse,international group, trying to reactagainst the G8 created anenvironment where there was noalternative but to engage as a group,and discuss political tactics.

In Hokkaido anti-G8 camp,internationals were separated fromthe decision making process andtold that any action that was notapproved by the organisers wouldresult in certain arrest, job loss andprison (for the central organisers),therefore the usual putting pressureon everyone to toe the line. Also theinappropriate plan to march 20 Kmin the countryside where therewould be little chance to have anyeffect on the actual proceedings ofthe G8 is irritating to say the least.The lack of opportunity fordiscussion around the tactics chosenby the central activist clique wasdis-empowering and shows theweakness in the adoption ofstructure without adequatelythinking about content. Without acollective confrontational positionto capitalism on our own terms, our‘resistance’ appears to amount tonothing but words, a gesture, atrend, then back to our routines.

Unfortunately, as well as thissuperficial structure, the NoG8action was without a sense ofspontaneity, raw feeling, passion,anger, or catalyst for action, as wasseen in Osaka. Combined withmassive amounts of self-repression,and the reality of a huge policepresence, the result was an eventlacking in direction or power.

“Coming nowhere near to the goal of

’shutting down the summit’, the protests

were largely characterized by

complacent marches in the shadow of

$280 million dollars spent on security

and 21,000 police goons lined up

against a mere 1,000 or so protesters.

From the beginning, the organizers

formally negotiated with the police and

paid the price: the marches passed

nowhere near the meeting site and

instead were forced into routes through

the countryside at obscene distances,

epitomized by a 22km daytime march

through mountains and forest roads that

only 100 people attended after the vast

majority of participants denounced it and

refused to attend. Despite the ‘good

behavior’ of the organizers, four activists

were nevertheless arrested for pathetically

arbitrary reasons, such as having three

people at a time on the sound system float

(only two were allowed). Media coverage

was mostly absent, even in ‘independent

media’ despite the presence of hundreds of

cameras. It is safe to say that the protests

were not noticed at all, and even on their

own limited terms were failures. Will there

be people brave enough to admit this?”

anonymous rebel/datacide

This is not so much just a critique of someof our Japanese comrades as a critique ofthe Pavlovian activist mindset whereby ageneric response is rolled out regardless ofthe specifics of people and place. Whatsuccess the G8 protests achieved was foundin bringing together new interactionsbetween Japanese anti-capitalists andinternationals.

What happened - or didn’t happen - inJapan is no surprise. An international callout was produced because that is what wasexpected: that is the model - unreflected,insupportable (in terms of infrastructure)and inappropriate. The fact that Japan is, asa political, social and subcultural entity, soextremely different from those placeswhere these summits have been held andattacked before simply threw the povertyof the ritual into sharp relief.

So, for us the anti-G8 protests werecharacterised by massive self-surveillanceand self-repression, and difficulty inbreaking out of a sense of isolation andindividualization. The ‘activist’ response tothe G8 was dis-empowering in contrast tothe necessary, spontaneous chaotic riotingin Osaka which was grounded in a realityof social conflict against the conditions ofa repressive daily life.

The G8 action and the Osaka riotshighlighted a stark divide between peoplepushed to a point of necessary action, and the‘activist scene’, where there is a feeling ofhaving too much to lose to take action.Comparably, this situation in Japan issuggestive of where the organised ‘activistscene’ in United Kingdom is at from anoutsiders perspective: revolving aroundstructured events, without either a depth ofanalysis, spontaneity or position of conflict,leading to an inactive ‘scene’ and decaying‘sub-culture’, without clear targets and waysto fight them.

Anarchists and other uncontrollables inOsaka felt it was pointless going toHokkaido, the struggle is in their city,most certainly away from theconcentrated forces of the enemy in arural area. This is where only those whoreadily control mass access to transportand personnel can win the engagementdue to the environment.

They felt that also there was an undiscoveredelement of ‘white supremacy’ in theassumption that imported Anglo-Atlanticmodels will be the best ones for the Japanesesituation, and that ‘activist’ methods can be asymbolic theater that is not based oncollective action in the face of a repressivesystem, but is a reaction to a temporary mediaevent of authority. Also maybe only morefinancially solvent North American andEuropean activists have a possibility to enterand this was not automatically available tocloser comrades in East Asia. This effects notonly the amount of people who come but alsomaybe the readiness for conflict, due to theheavy sentences given out by the Japanesestate, which are a different reality, it is not ajoke. Japanese prisons are notoriously harshbut they are nothing compared to the realitiesof life in many prisons of the majority world.When you add together the possibility of notclearing immigration because of problemswith visas, money, -if you are aninternational-, and then heavy jail time forvery minor actions, you have to think veryclearly about the situation you find yourselfin. If we face this much repression forcentralized ‘legal’ ‘pacifist’ public actions, wehave to seriously think about the socialterrain we find ourselves in and how best toact.

In Japan, the problem is one of visibility, ofhaving a visible anti-capitalist/anarchistinfrastructure, as the resources available tothe anti-capitalist movement are small, thereare few infoshops, collective housing

projects, squats etc. The state usesmedia, secret police, surveillance,manipulation, judicial harassmentand imprisonment in a thoroughmanner, anyone who is identified asa threat will find themselvesconstantly on minor charges, housesearches, this amounts to personalharassment, stalking, it is intendedto be injurious to the mentality andso on, to hold people into keepingrespectful of the seemingly all-encompassing power of the

government. So, the G8 in Japanwas difficult to react against.Obviously G8 summits areorganised in a way that anyway triesto remove the possibility of sparksof conflict or catalyst, such asholding them in remote rurallocations. The ‘countryside’ in theindustrialised world is always a‘theme park’ or an ‘unforgivingadvantage’ to those with superiortechnology, logistics and control ofmovement.

Despite it’s problems, Osakabenefits from having a long-runningclass struggle based practically onresisting the conditions of day-labour. The revolt against capitalismis already a potential in the tens ofthousands of exploited who findthemselves rolled over in thiseconomy. It consists in recognizingthat the currency crisis is a result ofthe search for capitalist value in theAmerican markets since the fall ofthe Soviet Union, and not a result ofthe particular failures of bank policyin any one country. That’s wherenew allies, new struggles and newpraxis emerge from. The anti-globalization movement has beenstone-cold dead for years. The G8protests were so far distanced fromactual on-the-ground praxis inJapan that it is difficult to think ofthem apart from something like ananime convention.

The revolt against the industrialised worldwill not come from the countryside now themajority of the world lives in cities, itcomes from within the contradictions andexcluded zones of the mega-metropolis’themselves, the most critical place to stopthe economy, and seize control of thestreets.

Kamagasaki has been rebelling since the1960s, but only rarely have there beeneffective interventions there that have had

the potential to get bigger (mostnotably the new left interventions ofthe 70s, but even that was reallyproblematic). We have to find a way toovercome the limitations of riots, todestroy not only the police station butthe economy, to push for a social warand the end of capitalism. To push asituation of disparate anger into aposition of class strength and self-organisation.

Repeatedly going to places of conflictwhere the possibilities are defined by theagenda of the state we see as a dangerousmistake, the ‘difficult’ condition of modernwarfare is ‘urban’ precisely because this isthe arena where our everyday lives aremade. Where the commodities areproduced and sent forth, where the utilitiesare run, where the octopus of cablesmultiples and spreads, where the schools,hospitals, bureaucratic and financial housesare run.

This is what is at stake.

For a future without capital & coercion.

Some anarchists always in exile.

Osaka comrade given

prison term for riot

Greetings with indomitable soul

19th Nov 2008, comrade Y-San received anunjust sentence of 2 years and 2 monthsdespite our struggle for his rescue. He hasalready been in custody in Osaka prison,not knowing when and where he will besent. He says he wants to get out and comeback even if it is only one day earlier. Wewill continue to visit him with articles, keepa place for him to come back and prepareourselves for revenge.(ABC Osaka/Free Workers Union)

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Q: Firstly can you explain the generalQ: Firstly can you explain the generalQ: Firstly can you explain the generalQ: Firstly can you explain the generalQ: Firstly can you explain the generalconditions inside prison?conditions inside prison?conditions inside prison?conditions inside prison?conditions inside prison?

A: Berlin's justice system tries to makeprisons run with the minimal possible effortof employees and at low costs.Investigations only take place in order tosafeguard security. Soon the constructionof a new jail will be started, with theintention of deterrence and separation aswell as undermining the health ofprisoners. Most of the prisoners are lockedup in solitary cells between 18 and 23hours per day, which depends on thesafety standard of each department.Because of overcrowding some solitarycells are even occupied with two inmates.Food and medical care are both extremelybad. In some jails discipline is achieved byattacks of brutal commando-stlye beatingswhich sometimes lead to signs of solidaritybetween inmates. Other prisons, e.g.Ploetzensee, were able to create a form ofinternal surveillance, by recruiting captivesas police spies.

Q: You are refusing to work inside- whatQ: You are refusing to work inside- whatQ: You are refusing to work inside- whatQ: You are refusing to work inside- whatQ: You are refusing to work inside- whatis the work in prison, what role does itis the work in prison, what role does itis the work in prison, what role does itis the work in prison, what role does itis the work in prison, what role does itplay within the system, what are theplay within the system, what are theplay within the system, what are theplay within the system, what are theplay within the system, what are theconsequences of not working and whatconsequences of not working and whatconsequences of not working and whatconsequences of not working and whatconsequences of not working and whatare other prisoners attitudes to work andare other prisoners attitudes to work andare other prisoners attitudes to work andare other prisoners attitudes to work andare other prisoners attitudes to work andthose who choose not to work?those who choose not to work?those who choose not to work?those who choose not to work?those who choose not to work?

A: Because of not beeing supported fromoutside many prisoners want to work.Working enables them to order food andtobacco. Being exploited doesn`t reallymatter for most of them. For the prisonitself it is really important that prisonerswork to avoid the upsurgance ofhungerstrikes or revolts for tobacco, andobviously for economic reasons. There iswork, no self-respecting person can do, forexample welding grates, repairing locksand generally all the construction andworkshop work. I also refuse to clean staffrooms. Right winged prisoners especiallylike to take those jobs, and even assistwith searching the belongings of newlyarrived prisoners. I refused to work for oneof these establishments, because I don`twanna give profit to the justice system. Myrefusal hasn`t been followed by anyconsequences, with others they try toenforce “Haftkosten” (inmates paying forthe costs of their imprisonment) . Somecan`t sleep at night, that`s why they can`twake up the next morning for work. In themeantime I started working as a“Hausarbeiter” which means allocating theslop in my unit. This job means that Idon't have to work for any employees, thatI am able to get information and that I canhave some effect on the other inmates.

Q: Next I`d like to ask you aboutQ: Next I`d like to ask you aboutQ: Next I`d like to ask you aboutQ: Next I`d like to ask you aboutQ: Next I`d like to ask you aboutbuilding a struggle within prison- dobuilding a struggle within prison- dobuilding a struggle within prison- dobuilding a struggle within prison- dobuilding a struggle within prison- doyou identify yourself as a politicalyou identify yourself as a politicalyou identify yourself as a politicalyou identify yourself as a politicalyou identify yourself as a politicalprisoner to other prisoners, what isprisoner to other prisoners, what isprisoner to other prisoners, what isprisoner to other prisoners, what isprisoner to other prisoners, what isthe political atmosphere within thethe political atmosphere within thethe political atmosphere within thethe political atmosphere within thethe political atmosphere within theprison?prison?prison?prison?prison?

A: In prison you are questioned all thetime for the reasons you are inside,and when I respond that I’m insidebecause of attacking Nazidemonstrations most of them take aposition. 90% of the germans in hereare more or less rightwing, but manyof the arabian and polish people areantisemitic as well. Almost all hategays. Certainly people in here realisewhen there`s a solidarity demo for metaking place in front of the prison orone can read something in thenewspaper. The criminal underclassisn`t agitated enough by left radicals,we first have to pull them onto ourside of the barricades again.

Q: How do you think we couldQ: How do you think we couldQ: How do you think we couldQ: How do you think we couldQ: How do you think we coulddevelop contact between those ondevelop contact between those ondevelop contact between those ondevelop contact between those ondevelop contact between those onthe outside and those on the inside,the outside and those on the inside,the outside and those on the inside,the outside and those on the inside,the outside and those on the inside,what are the obstacles facing thewhat are the obstacles facing thewhat are the obstacles facing thewhat are the obstacles facing thewhat are the obstacles facing theanti-prison movement?anti-prison movement?anti-prison movement?anti-prison movement?anti-prison movement?

A: An anti-prison movement shouldwork on their perception inside of theprisons. Most of the prisoners don`teven know that left radicals exist orwhat they want. There`s a need forpublications being sent into prison andone should communicate actions in abetter way. When there are assaultsagainst companies or public authoritiesbecause of their function within thepenal system, prisoners should knowas well. To be taken seriously by so-called criminals we should offersomething, e.g. affordable lawyers,advice for relatives of prisoners, orsolidarity actions like those that tookplace for the hungerstrike in august.

Q: Do you think it is useful to turnQ: Do you think it is useful to turnQ: Do you think it is useful to turnQ: Do you think it is useful to turnQ: Do you think it is useful to turnprisons into a single issue or shouldprisons into a single issue or shouldprisons into a single issue or shouldprisons into a single issue or shouldprisons into a single issue or shouldit be addressed by the anarchist/it be addressed by the anarchist/it be addressed by the anarchist/it be addressed by the anarchist/it be addressed by the anarchist/anti-authoritarian movements as partanti-authoritarian movements as partanti-authoritarian movements as partanti-authoritarian movements as partanti-authoritarian movements as partof their general analysis and action?of their general analysis and action?of their general analysis and action?of their general analysis and action?of their general analysis and action?

A: Prison is only the last brick in thechain of repression. It starts in schooland at your place of employment.Repression has its exponents incaretakers, shop detectives and ticketinspectors. There are not only thecops but the sleuthhounds of theemployment centre and the vigilantes.We should fight against this repressionmachinery as a whole and identify how

it all hangs together. People who have alreadydemolished a surveillance camera in theirhousing area, wouldn`t break that fast inprison. The governmental mosaic of opressionis made in such a complex way, that our onlypossibility to dismantle it is piece by piece,while strategically we must continue to see it inits full completeness.

Q:What do you consider solidarity to mean,Q:What do you consider solidarity to mean,Q:What do you consider solidarity to mean,Q:What do you consider solidarity to mean,Q:What do you consider solidarity to mean,do you think it is productive for solidaritydo you think it is productive for solidaritydo you think it is productive for solidaritydo you think it is productive for solidaritydo you think it is productive for solidaritycampaigns to be highly personalised andcampaigns to be highly personalised andcampaigns to be highly personalised andcampaigns to be highly personalised andcampaigns to be highly personalised andfocused on one individual?focused on one individual?focused on one individual?focused on one individual?focused on one individual?

A: I`d rather have stayed anonymous, but afterthe pigs ripped me apart the solidarity workhad to become more focussed on me. Manypeople often become active for an individualrather then for an idea. I hope that solidarityfor me or other prisoners is only the catalyst forthose wanting to settle up with the penalsystem as a whole. Every movement should bemeasured by the way it treats those in prison.

Q: Do you find prisons become moreQ: Do you find prisons become moreQ: Do you find prisons become moreQ: Do you find prisons become moreQ: Do you find prisons become moretechnologised, are they becoming more ontechnologised, are they becoming more ontechnologised, are they becoming more ontechnologised, are they becoming more ontechnologised, are they becoming more oncameras, automated doors and technologicalcameras, automated doors and technologicalcameras, automated doors and technologicalcameras, automated doors and technologicalcameras, automated doors and technologicalcontrol, what psychological impact do youcontrol, what psychological impact do youcontrol, what psychological impact do youcontrol, what psychological impact do youcontrol, what psychological impact do youthink this has on prisoners and prison staff?think this has on prisoners and prison staff?think this has on prisoners and prison staff?think this has on prisoners and prison staff?think this has on prisoners and prison staff?

A: Most of the prisons around Berlin and otherdistricts are over 100 years old. Living there islike travelling through time into the past andyou can feel the traditions of murder andoppression. The security of the prison is madeever more effective and there’s hardy anybreakouts. It leads prisoners to hopelessness.Employees are afraid, because hostage- takingwould be the only chance for an escape. Onlymodern prisons are a bit more comfortable, butyou feel alone anyway.

Q: Is the prison you are being held inQ: Is the prison you are being held inQ: Is the prison you are being held inQ: Is the prison you are being held inQ: Is the prison you are being held inprivatised in any way?privatised in any way?privatised in any way?privatised in any way?privatised in any way?

A: One company manages the shopping for allof Berlin’s prisons. Another one controls theequipment that’s brought in, a third companyhires TV’s and cable connections. There’s anextra company for phone calls and somespecialists from outside installing alarms andpaying attention to the barbed wire. Severalcompanies exploit the workers. Publicauthorities and luxury hotels impose their dirtysheets on prisoners to clean.

Interview with Christian S, Anti-Fascist

in German Prison [..Continued] *

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UK - Government black boxes will ‘collect every

email and web visit’. Home Office says Internet“black boxes” will be used to collect every email andweb visit in the UK under the Government’s plansfor a giant “big brother” database. Home Officeofficials have told senior figures from the internetand telecommunications industries that the “blackbox” technology could automatically retain and storeraw data from the web before transferring it to agiant central database controlled by theGovernment. Plans to create a database holdinginformation about every phone call, email andinternet visit made in the UK have provoked a hugepublic outcry. Nevertheless, ministers have said theyare committed to consulting on the newCommunications Data Bill early this year. Furtherdetails of the database emerged on Monday at ameeting of internet service providers (ISPs) inLondon where representatives from BT, AOLEurope, O2 and BSkyB were given a PowerPointpresentation of the issues and the technologysurrounding the Government’s InterceptionModernisation Programme (IMP), the name given bythe Home Office to the database proposal. Thestate wants to return to a position they were inbefore the emergence of internet communication,when they were able to monitor all correspondencewith a police suspect. The difference here is theywill be in a much better position to spy on manymore people on the basis of their internet behaviour.It is not clear where the records will be held but thegovernment surveillance centre in Cheltenham,GCHQ may eventually be the project’s home.

Source: various

Catalonia - December 08 Communique from

Amadeu Casellas. In this recent comunique the

Catalonia anarchist prisoner Amadeu Casellasexplains how and when he will be released fromprison after dealing last September with thepenitentiary system authorities in order to stop thehunger strike that he held for 76 days. It’s importantto spread this new writing because probably manycomrades were already awaiting for news about his

struggle.

“I guess all of you who are supporting me would

like to know how things are going and whether theyare going to live up to their promises. Well, ten days

ago I signed a contract with the subdirectorof treatments and the manager of thetreatment team. This contract goes for sixmonths, counting since I entered in thiscentre; so it will go until March, when I amdue to get restricted permits and parole.On my return I will present them a job offerto be able to leave prison on a daily basisunder the Penitentiary Regulation 100.2. Asin this centre there is no module where theycan have people in these circumstances,and also because of how far work would befrom the prison and how costly it would befor me to have to go everyday up to theregion of Osona (Vic), I guess I would haveto move to the Barcelona area. I have sentthe contract to both of my lawyers. JoanTarda, MP of ERC (Left-wing republicanparty of Catalonia), knows about thiscontract because the last day he visited methe centre director told him. Now we needto make sure they adhere to the contractthe same way I am. In regards to myrecovery from the hunger strike, I feel muchbetter. However, since I quit the hungerstrike, they haven’t facilitated me any kind ofdietary reinforcement. The medical services,apart from preventing the doctor we trust tosee me, haven’t done anything. A big part ofmy recovery is owed to my prison mates,who have been giving me part of theirmeal, especially yogurts, fruit and pasta.The medical services have only given mevitamins in pills. Nevertheless, as I said, Ifeel quite recuperated and now it is onlya matter of waiting for these 90 days topass. On another matter, we cannotforget that both my lawyers, Diana Reigand Francesc Arnau, have a disciplinaryfile opened against them, due to the falseaccusations made against them by theprison guards from the penitentiaryhospital in Terrassa. These files are in theLawyers College in Lerida, Terrassa andBarcelona, for which I would like to askyou all to keep sending faxes, emails orwhatever other thing as you find suitable inorder to express your repulse against thesefalse files. Our companero Franki is in thesame situation, in the Modelo prison ofBarcelona. We cannot allow that a fascistsystem wants to censor and intimidatethose of us who express ourselves making

use of that freedom of expression that they have notbeen able to silence, nor they will ever be able to. Theywill have to kill us and we won’t allow them to do so.

Salud and revolution.” Amadeu Casellas Ramon

Also, during late October 2008, four ATMs (bankcash points) have been burned in Barcelona, and atrainline temporarily blocked by a fire to an electricalapparatus, in solidarity with Amadeu.] In late Octoberthere was a provocation by the guards of the prisonhospital against Amadeu, here is the statement:

“New offensive by the guards at the prison wing of thehospital in Terrassa in the case of Amadeu Casellas.Where previously they waged a dirty war againstAmadeu, his family, friends, and people in solidarity,now they are going for his lawyers, Diana Reig andFrancesc Arnau.* They are accusing his lawyers oftrying to smuggle a banner in during the last visit theymade while Amadeu was there, the day after heabandoned the hunger strike, and also they accuse thelawyers of using an inappropriate tone with the‘professionals’ of this center. This accusation, whicharrives via the College of Lawyers of Lleida, BCN, andTerrassa, which supposedly defends the lawyers, canend with a sanction prohibiting them from practicinglaw for a time period. We remark that although theaccusation is completely false, lawyers have the rightto bring all kinds of information to the people they aredefending, including a banner. And they also have aright to be critical of the constant provocations of thejailers. This initiative by the Director of the prisonhospital is a direct attack against Amadeu and thosearound him, as a response to the hunger strike and thesupport he won in the street throughout this summer.We don’t forget that within the prison are working themost fascist and reactionary sectors. Specifically in thishospital wing are various complaints for denigratingtreatment by the jailers against the prisoners and theirvisitors. This new aggression against the lawyershappens within a general context of repression. Theyhave prohibited communication between Amadeu andspecific people, are impeding the entrance a trusteddoctor, they are making false accusations againstpeople in solidarity, and they have punished ourcomrade Franki, restricting his leave time andpermitted visits, and threatening to send him back toclosed prison. We can’t allow this attack to block thework of the lawyers defending us, because they are ourindispensable legal weapons against attacks by thesystem, and secondly because their own lawsrecognize the free exercise of the legal profession. Ifthey touch one, they touch all of us! Until all prisonersare free! Catalunya, 27 de Octubre de 2008 “:Support Groups of Amadeu Casellas

Chile - Black September actions for murdered

anarchist Claudia López. Ten years ago onSeptember 11, Claudia López an anarchist woman,student and dancer was assassinated by police whileshe was on a barricade protesting in a commemoration

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of the coup d’etat of 1973 which led to themilitary dictatorship of Pinochet. Under theslogan of Black September, the combatant youthfought now in 2008, in her name and all theassassinated in democracy, the bastards thatkilled her, making the world remember that weare living at war. Many direct actions happened,bannerdrops, manifestations, barricades etc.

Source: ourwar.org

UK - Police set to step up hacking of home

PCs. The Home Office has quietly adopted anew plan to allow police across Britain routinelyto hack into people’s personal computerswithout a warrant. The move, which follows adecision by the European Union’s council ofministers in Brussels, will be rolled out acrossEurope. The hacking is known as “remotesearching”. It allows police or intelligence officerswho may be hundreds of miles away to examinecovertly the hard drive of someone’s PC at hishome, office or hotel room. Material gathered inthis way includes the content of all e-mails, web-browsing habits and instant messaging. Underthe Brussels edict, police across the EU havebeen given the green light to expand theimplementation of a rarely used power involvingwarrantless intrusive surveillance of privateproperty. The strategy will allow UK, French,German and other EU forces to collaborate inhacking into someone’s computer and pass overany material gleaned. A remote search can begranted if a senior officer says he “believes” thatit is “proportionate” and necessary to prevent ordetect serious crime - defined as any offenceattracting a jail sentence of more than threeyears. Richard Clayton, a researcher atCambridge University’s computer laboratory, saidthat remote searches had been possible since1994, although they were very rare. He said theauthorities could break into a suspect’s home oroffice and insert a “key-logging” device into anindividual’s computer. This would collect and, ifnecessary, transmit details of all the suspect’skeystrokes. “It’s just like putting a secret camerain someone’s living room,” he said. Police mightalso send an e-mail to a suspect’s computer. Themessage would include an attachment thatcontained a virus or “malware”. If the attachmentwas opened, the remote search facility would becovertly activated. Alternatively, police could parkoutside a suspect’s home and hack into his orher hard drive using the wireless network.. A UKpolice spokesman said police were alreadycarrying out a small number of these operationswhich were among 194 clandestine searcheslast year of people’s homes, offices and hotelbedrooms. Source: various

Italy - High ranking police officers acquitted in

sentence for brutal G8 Diaz school raid. On13 November 2008, Genoa tribunal acquitted16 out of 29 defendants for the violent policeraid against demonstrators in the Diaz schoolwhere they were staying during the G8 on theevening of 21 July 2001. After seven years, 13officers were found guilty and receivedsentences of between one month and four years,for a total of 35 years and seven months. Theentire sentences to ten of the officers have beenconfirmed, as have two years of the four-yearsentence passed against Vincenzo Canterini,head of the unit to which most of those foundguilty belonged. Canterini was found guilty offalsehood and defamation in association withothers, whereas Michelangelo Fournier (twoyears) and eight others were found guilty of

causing personal and continued bodilyharm, the latter eight receiving three-yearsentences. Pietro Troiani and MicheleBurgio were sentenced to three years andtwo-and-a-half years respectively. Thehigher echelons of the police involved inthose events emerged unscathed withacquittals, including Giovanni Luperi, nowhead of the analysis department of Aisi (theinternal intelligence service establishedfollowing the latest reform of the secretservices in August 2007) and FrancescoGratteri, head of the central directorate

against crime. Source: Statewatch

Canada, USA & Mexico - ID ‘reading’

machines on USA, Canada and Mexico

borders. Border guards along Mexico/USand Canada/US borders have begun use ofmachines that can remotely read biometricchips in ID cards of travellers. Borderguards at US border crossings located atBlaine, Wash.; Buffalo; Detroit; Nogales,Ariz. and San Ysidro, Calif have alreadybegun to use, or will within the next fewmonths begin to operate, machines that canremotely ‘read’ information contained withingovernment issued ID cards as travellersapproach check points. By the time avehicle reaches the check point thephotographs and personal data of alloccupants appear on a screen for theborder guards to check, and anyoneflagged on any ‘watch list or database’ isautomatically taken in for questioning.

Source: various

Sweden – Riots in Malmo over occupied

youth house. Fierce riots broke out in thedistrict of Rosengard, after police attackedthe young people who had occupied thebasement of the mosque on Ramel road.The whole area is tired of police abuse andtook to more drastic methods to be seenand heard, when they had not heard in anyother way. In this, they have been helpedand supported by activists from the Malmöautonomous environment. AFA Malmo putout a statement saying “We support theyoung people in the district just as we arecommitted ourselves in squatter fights inMalmo and Lund and fight for the youthhouse. Fight for forum is important, whetherout of “young Muslims” or “Swedes.” It isimportant that we ensure that we havecommon interests with other groups thanother autonomous, and discriminationbased on ethnicity and religion and abusefrom authorities and the police is somethingwe always have to fight.” Riot police fromStockholm and Gothenburg had to be sentto provide back-up for their colleagues inMalmö as tensions in the southern citycontinued to flare. After two nights ofintensive rioting, police in the city requestedassistance from units specially trained todeal with mass violent demonstrations. “Wedon’t think it’s over yet. We think it’s goingto continue and we have to be prepared towork around the clock,” said regional policespokesman Charley Nilsson. Emotions havebeen running high in Malmö’spredominantly immigrant Rosengård districtsince police forcibly removed threesquatters from the basement offices of anIslamic cultural centre. The premises had

been occupied since November 24th as part of aprotest against the landlord’s decision not torenew the association’s lease for the space, whichit had held for the past fifteen years. Thursdaynight saw the most extreme rioting in Rosengårdsince the disturbances began. Police were peltedwith Molotov cocktails and bomb threats wereissued against a local petrol station. Policespokeswoman Ewa-Gun Westford said she wouldnot even hazard a guess as to how many policevehicles were damaged in the rioting, as localswere reportedly joined by left-wing extremists, or“autonomists”, from outside the area. The city’s fireand rescue services have been refusing to enterthe area until their safety can be guaranteed. Oneperson was arrested for rioting, while another wasdetained for disturbing the peace. By 3am onFriday the situation had stabilized somewhat andpolice were able to move in and remove burningtrailers and other objects from the streets with theaid of a bulldozer. Source: http://www.motkraft.net/

France & Germany - Anti-NATO protest:

Proposal for an action day against the

"European security architecture". NATO isplanning to host their annual conference next yearin France and Germany in the cities of Strasbourgand Baden-Baden. While the summit itself willtake place in Strasbourg, the “working dinners” ofthe ministers of defence will be held in Baden-Baden, Germany, between Karlsruhe and Kehl,around 50 kilometres from Strasbourg. The summitwill celebrate the 60th anniversary of this waralliance, when the member states will discussNATO’s new strategic direction. As in 1999 largechanges are planned. In a strategy paperpublished in April 2007, five former generals stressthe need for a more “proactive approach”, in whichthe preemption and prevention of threats arecentral. To the NATO strategists an array of threatsexist in today’s uncertain world, from terrorism andtransnational crime to unrests following foodcrises, social conflicts as a result of climatechange and extensive migration to the countries ofthe NATO alliance. These are all central securityrisks that fall within NATO’s remit. The papermaintains that proper “defence” requires theconcept of “homeland security”, which entails a“comprehensive approach” of the military, police,politics, research, academics and civil society andthe continued blurring of internal and externalsecurity to build up a “global security architecture”.Interior ministers of the European Union have alsopresented a wish list for changes in Home Affairsin the EU. For this, they formed the “Future Group”initiated by the German interior minister Schäubleand Frattini, the former EU commissioner of“Justice and Home affairs” (JHA), now the foreignminister in Berlusconi’s government. In Autumn2009, under Swedish presidency, interiorministers will meet in Stockholm to decide the nextfive year framework on internal security in the EU.In their paper they focus on more surveillance ofthe internet, common access to European policedatabases, more cross-border police collaborationto fight “illegal migration” and force countriesoutside the EU to take back their citizens whoenter the EU without a visa, making bordercrossing for EU citizens easier through biometricsand RFiD, enlarging the competencies of thepolice agency Europol and the migration policeFrontex. Also, interior ministers see a “growinginterdependence between internal and externalsecurity” and argue for more interventions of theEU in “third countries”. To draw attention to andcampaign against the ongoing melting of HomeAffairs, war and defence and the logic ofsecuritisation, we propose an action day arount

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the NATO summit in April 2009. The action daycould take place on the opening day of the campsagainst the summit, planned for April 1st, two daysbefore the summit.

Possible focuses could be:

* the border between Strasbourg and Kehl (toprotest against the Schengen Information System(SIS) and Visa Information System (VIS), Frontex,border management, the use of drones andsatellites to observe borders, the exchange of dataprior to summit protests, the refusal of entry forpeople participating in protests

* the Schengen Information System that islocated in Strasbourg

* the European Commission that is responsiblefor the creation of a European police agency and aEuropean migration police

* the Eurocorps, a European crisis reactionforce that will be able to be deployed under NATOor EU command in future

In Strasbourg there is also a migrant detentioncentre located on military territory. There are alsocompanies that are involved in biometrics,biotechnology and nanotechnology. The Frenchmilitary is running several bases and the “LegionEtrangére” is based in Strasbourg. We wish toorganize an action day that focusses on the gravechanges in the “security architecture” constructedby politicians, police and military. There is a shifttowards “risk analyses”, that want to foresee andpredict dissent, social conflict and crime. In thislogic, everyone is seen as a possible threat. Wewould like to get in contact with groups that areworking on migration, filesharing networks,alternative providers, terrorism cases, dataretention, the Lissabon treaty, antimilitarism,climate and environment and civil liberties todevelop both a radical critique and strengthen abroad movement to intervene against the securityarchitecture of globalised war and capitalism." Wewill present and discuss this proposal at apreparatory meeting for the anti-NATO protests onJanuary 17th and 18th 2009. There we want todevelop a proposal to present at the actionconference on February 14th and 15th inStrasbourg. Source: Gipfelsoli, dissent! France

UK - Lies unravel in police murder of Jean

Charles de Menezes. Explosive testimony hasbeen presented to the inquest into the policekilling of Jean Charles de Menezes, suggestingthat he was shot even though he was known to beunarmed. Evidence was given that the innocentBrazilian was killed despite his not being clearlyidentified as a suspected terrorist. In addition,officers involved have said that they were preparedto kill de Menezes even without authorisation fromcommanding officer Cressida Dick. Jean Charleswas fatally shot two weeks after the July 7

bombings in London, which killed 56people and one day after an apparent failedsecond attempt to detonate devices. Hewas reportedly mistaken for HussainOsman, one of the failed July 21, 2005,bombers. Anti-terror officers pinned him tothe floor of a London underground train andpumped seven bullets into his head atpoint-blank range. In the recent inquest, aSpecial Branch officer revealed that healtered his notes because they indicatedthat police shot dead Jean Charles as heboarded a train at Stockwell tube station onJuly 22, 2005, even though he was knownto be unarmed. The officer, referred to as“Owen,” was giving evidence on October 82008. Owen was deputy surveillancecoordinator in the Scotland Yard controlroom during the surveillance operation thatresulted in the young electrician’s deathand had made notes about the day’s eventson his computer. After he had given hisevidence at the inquest, Owen was askedfor all his notes relating to the shooting. Heclaims he logged onto his computer tochange the names of officers into thecodenames given by the court to protecttheir identities, but then deleted aparagraph in which Dick, who is nowdeputy assistant commissioner of theMetropolitan Police, had told officers toallow Jean Charles to continue his journeybecause he was “not carrying anything.”The full paragraph reads, “Managementdiscussion. CD [Cressida Dick]: Can run onto tube as not carrying anything. Persuadedby unidentified male amongst management.”It flatly contradicts Dick’s own evidence atthe inquest on October 7, the previous day,in which she claimed that she ordered herofficers to “stop” Jean Charles because hewas a “terrorist threat.” Owen also made thestartling revelation that he did not submitthe crucial paragraph to the IndependentPolice Complaints Commission (IPCC)inquiry in 2006 or the health and safety triallast year into the shooting, at which he gaveevidence, “because he wasn’t asked to.”Commander Dick also claimed she wasinformed “they think it’s him” when JeanCharles left a building linked to HussainOsman and made his way to Stockwellstation. Chief Inspector Vince Esposito, acounter-terrorism expert advising Dick onthe day of the shooting, said he believed,“without a shadow of doubt,” that JeanCharles was failed bomber Hussain Osmanand that a “critical shot” to the head wasonly administered if a suspect wasidentified and was carrying a device.

However, speaking at the inquest onOctober 10, “Pat,” who acted as contactbetween Scotland Yard and thesurveillance team, reported he had said onlythat Mr. de Menezes was “possiblyidentifiable with” the suspect. “I was alwaysunder the impression that the subject hadbeen unidentified,” he stated. Anothersenior officer, Detective Inspector MerrickRose, revealed that he could not “recall”whether images of the real suspect,Osman, were discussed at a dawn briefingbefore Jean Charles’s death—begging thequestion, was a comparison between thetwo men ever made? A tactical adviser andsenior firearms advisor known as Trojan 84made the extraordinary admission to theinquest that police were prepared to take a

“critical” shot without orders from their superiors.The inspector had been in charge of briefing themarksmen who shot dead Jean Charles. Givingevidence in open court for the first time, Trojan 84said: “It was my job to tell the team they would besupported whatever decision they took becauseof the structures that were in place.” Trojan 84could only have conceivably issued suchinstructions if they had been already laid down atthe highest possible level—much higher than theDSO Cressida Dick. The shoot-to-kill policyimplemented against Jean Charles is known as“Operation Kratos,” adopted in secret two yearsearlier in high-level discussions between toppolice officers and the government. Under itsremit, a senior police officer is on standby 24hours a day at Scotland Yard, the headquarters ofthe Metropolitan Police Service (MPS), with theauthority to deploy special armed squads to followand, if deemed necessary, shoot dead suspectedsuicide bombers. It is now clear that, without anyclear identification or indication of an imminentthreat, the police were determined that someonewould die that day in furtherance of the so-called“war on terror.” Moreover, even the limitedsafeguard of accountability to a designatedsuperior officer would not be allowed to interferewith what was a political and not a security-drivendecision. There was a deliberate decision to kill,rather than arrest, de Menezes, taken at thehighest level of the police force rather than by theofficers immediately involved. Jean Charles wasshot in cold blood primarily in order “to instill fearin the population and implement a shoot-to-killpolicy that had been secretly decided on by PrimeMinister Tony Blair and top officials two yearspreviously.” Source: various

UK - Immigration raid leads to death of a man.

Frank Odame 36-year-old Ghanaian dies followingraid by police and immigration. An investigation isunderway as to how Frank Odame 36-year-oldGhanaian died following a raid by police andimmigration officers at his home in WoodfordGreen, Essex on Tuesday 2nd September.Mr.Odame was found with head injuries below ablock of flats. The flat he was in had just beenraided by police and the UK Border Agency. Hedied in hospital eight hours later. . A post mortemhas been held and the cause of death was givenas head and chest injuries. At least four otherpeople are known to have died during similarincidents, Joy Gardner (1993); Joseph Nnalue(1994); Noorjahan Begum (1996) and JosephCrentsil (2001). All the deaths have occurred inthe London area and all but one (NoorjahanBegum) involved the Metropolitan Police Serviceand immigration officers. Source: various

Germany - Killer police officers found not

guilty for the brutal murder of Oury Jalloh. OnDecember 8, 2008, the District Court of Dessauacquitted the two accused police officers AndreasSchubert and Hans-Ulrich März. As the trial beganit was already evident that the formal accusationlaunched by the State Prosecutor was insufficientin terms of uncovering the factual circumstancessurrounding Oury Jalloh’s death. At the very leastthe two police officers should have been accusedof murder after the several reconstructions of thefire carried out by the fire department proved thata person chained down on his back on a matressin his cell by his hands and feet, like Oury Jallohwas, could not burn himself to death. Oury waskilled by the police and there is no ‘justice’! The‘Initiative in Memory of Oury Jalloh’ calls for an

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independant commission to investigate thecircumstances of Oury Jalloh’s death and thesystematic cover-up orchestrated by the policeduring the entire court proceedings. Once again,the legal system has demonstrated just how littleinterest it has not only in ensuring truth andjustice in the case of Oury Jalloh but in all othercases of racist police brutality. For many monthsthe Initiative in Memory of Oury Jalloh hasdenounced the trial as a farce and warned ofexactly such a court decision. Yet it is clear thatthe evident lies, false testimonies and esprit decorps on the part of the police was primarilyresponsible for the failure of the trial itself. Whenthe court considers everything which happenedprior to the outbreak of the fire to be irrelevant forthe proceedings, when an entire police stationparticipates in the cover-up and lies withoutbeing punished or even being required to providesworn testimony, nothing more can be expectedfrom the proceedings than that which JudgeSteinhoff so accurately admitted: “This trial hasbeen a failure.” On December 8, 2008, the day ofthe acquittal, the Initiative in Memory of OuryJalloh suffered several attempts by the police todetain activists on a demo in memory of Oury. Ontwo separate occasions the police attempted toarrest 2 people, we see such actions andprovocations on the part of the police as anattempt to intimidate the activists and to deterthem from continuing their struggle for truth andjustice. Until today, four years later, theseattempts have not proved successful. Nor willthey in the future. Almost four years after OuryJalloh’s bestial death in Cell No. 5 in Dessau andhaving been witness to a show trial we continueto maintain our denouncement: Oury Jalloh - Itwas murder! Source : Intiative in Memory of OuryJalloh

France - On the arrests of the Tarnac 9, by the

Madrid Surrealist Group . “... For some time, theinformation services of the French police hadbeen warning about “the resurgence of a sort ofterrorism carried out by far right-far leftextremists”, despite the fact of neither having anyspecific account on possible “threats” norknowing anything about potentially “activegroups”; However, there is “a small number ofindividuals” claiming to be involved within “theautonomist sphere of influence”, which appears tojustify every single “precaution“. Earlier this year,the French Home Minister, Michele Alliot-Marie,insisted on “fears of far-left terrorism resurgence”before signs of such an alarming nature as graffitipainted on public buildings, or demonstrationsand actions organised against the building ofnew prisons. No doubt that this explains that inJune all investigations related to the “anarcho-autonomous area” were taken over by anti-terrorist judges, with the logical consequence ofa wave of arrests of young people accused ofbeing in possession of weapons of massdestruction, or at least “substances that could beused for the manufacturing of small explosives.”Yet in April this year, an investigation about ahighly suspicious group, settled in Tarnac, a townof 335 inhabitants in the department of Correze(Central France) had been open. In that city,these people had bought a farm to experimentwith a way of life outside the capitalist rule andvalues. There, they got rid of their mobile phones,began to raise sheep and chickens, reopened theold grocery shop and gave a hand to the elders ofthe place, without forgetting to keep in touch withthe revolutionary environment and participate in avariety of other revolutionary struggles. In the

meantime, as in the world nothing moreinteresting was happening, the sabotage ofseveral lines of the TGV (“Train de GrandVitesse/High Speed Train”) occurred sincelate October and caused the outrage of thepublic opinion which started to demand“justice“. This apparently forced to open anew investigation… anti-terrorist, of course,no matter at all that the SNCF has beenmaintaining for several years a toughconflict with rail trade-unions, and that backin 2007 still unascertained acts ofsabotage had already happened. Howeverthis time, oh surprise!!! the police have a“certainty” that two members of that groupfrom Tarnac “were in the vicinity of some ofthe places where the damage was made”,and since the group was “potentiallydangerous”, the case was overnight solved:This way, on November the 11th, policebroke into Tarnac farm and arrested ninepeople, “dismantling” what has been calledan “invisible/sleeping cell”, “an structurewith terrorist vocation” in which there couldbe as far as 300 people involved more orless. Sure, but for the time being theinvestigation have acknowledged that“there is no material element that link thesepeople directly with the acts of destruction(...) and so they can not be directly accusedof this or that specific fact” (Le Point.fr 14-11 — 08), In fact there are no genetic marksor fingerprints on the rails, no weapons onthe farm, just a train timetable and “variouselements that could be used to produceand place the devices with which theyrender useless some sections of railelectrical network”. Devices on the otherhand that are not exactly easy to make anduse. Certainly the dismantling of the“invisible cell” did not stop the sabotages:that very same afternoon at the 11th ofNovember other “ghosts” paralyzed the railline Caen-Tours placing really visibleconcrete blocks on the tracks. In Tarnac,the countrymen, who can be thought to beanything but gullible, have not swallowedthe accusation of terrorism, and have soonorganised a support committee to theiryoung friends that has spread to othercities. The alleged “leader” of the group iscalled Julien Coupat, a young intellectualrevolutionary and founding member of thecollective Tiqqun, who enjoys certainreputation within the French radicalenvironment and has recently published“L’Insurrection qui vien” (“The forthcominginsurrection“), a work in which he dissectswith some ease the technologicalvulnerability of metropolises and the art ofsabotage. It may be because of this that, asin the golden age of Metternich, the bookhas become“evidence” against its author,and its possession sufficient reason to getarrested these days.

Anyway, we will stop insisting on theobvious, since even the “InspectorClouseau” would be able to smell theunmistakable aroma of media intoxication,the made up prosecution, the indecentamalgam between different investigationsthat have nothing in common but the rushto find someone to blame, and thewillingness to terrorize and stigmatize theanarcho-autonomist political sphere bycalling terrorism every moving thing under

the sun. The blatant connection between thismanoeuvre and the present structural andwidespread crisis that advises “organizing a grossoperation of diversion because the power is lying toprotect financial criminals”, may have more interest,for these times that we are and we will be living in, ifwe note that it is with no doubt the status of“intellectual revolutionary” which has provided theright profile to incriminate Coupat and hence hisfriends, at the precise moment in which intellectualactivity is increasingly joining the most belligerentrevolutionary practice. A practice that is manifestednot only in their contacts with the squattermovement or their participation in demonstrationsagainst the G8 and EU summits, but also in thatphysical idea of the Revolution that seems to haveled them, like others before them, to escape from theindustrial prison and the wage slavery in search of amaterial autonomy which would allow them toexperiment in its concrete existence the ins and outsof their utopia: the realization of a different way oflife, and an actual release of its intensity andpossibilities. As it happened in the case of ReneRiesel, different in substance and in form but similarin terms of repression, it is this coincidence ofthinking and acting that must not be allowed tohappen, and must therefore be prevented fromtranscending into a youth active in these two fields;because its spread by the force of example has tobe impeded by the “democratic” power with evenmore reasons in a period of crisis susceptible ofseeing the revolt to become something objectiveand, who knows if acquiring the character of awidespread and generalised insurrection (fingerscrossed). ... Source: Madrid Surrealist Group

Italy - Operation Brushwood: trial dates set up for

accused of the FAI (Informal Anarchist

Federation). On the 26.9.08, the judge concededthe dayleave for Michele Fabiani who until thatmoment was under house arrest, so he had thepermission to sleep at his parent’s house in the nightwithout leaving it and was forbidden to leaveSpoleto, the town he is living in. On the 26.11.08, hefinally came “free” without restrictions. The otherthree defendants are also “free”. On the 29.9 therehas been the pre-court for the four defendants (afifth one, Fabrizio, has been spared by theauthorities, the charges against him beingcancelled), whereas the judge confirmed basicallythe thesis of the state attorney, especially oneparagraph referred to, which represents the worstpart of the indictment (which basically confirms thesuspicions that the state is building a fit-up anti-terror charge of “subversive association”). The trialwill begin on the 7.04.09 in Terni. Source : various

US & UK - Unmanned aircraft market to soar. Thefastest-growing business area in defence is themarket for small unmanned flying machines. The USalready has 5,000, mainly on patrol in Afghanistanand Iraq. Israel makes and deploys them. And theUK is catching on fast. Unmanned Aerial Vehicles(UAVs) are controlled remotely by “pilots”, eitherguided elsewhere on the battlefield or invariably fromfar-away computer screens in Las Vegas or Arizona,for example. In terms of operation, it is not sodifferent from playing a video game - though military-officials and corporations thoroughly dislike any suchcomparisons. What defence specialists all seem toagree on is that the military and business demandfor UAVs is about to explode, just like the market forsatellites in the 1970s. Jim Albaugh, president ofBoeing Defence, says UAVs are nothing less thanthe future of warfare. “It is all about global situational

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awareness,” he says. “You are able to know whereyour assets are and where your enemies assetsare. All this is driving the need for UAVs.” The‘Reaper’ and also the ‘Predator’, Unmanned AerialVehicles are a crucial tool for the US & UK militaryforces against insurgents. Future plans forunmanned battle forces contain situations when incongested airspace, manned and unmanned canfly together in swarms. What can be achieved inthe coming years of the technological explosion isbeyond what we see today in the market. ChrisAmes, director of one of the UAV pioneers, the UScompany General Atomics, supplies the Predatorand larger Reaper UAVs to the US and the UK.“They can stay airborne for over 30 hours at atime, their sensors gaining critical intelligence forsurveillance and reconnaissance, he explains,describing the aircrafts capabilities. “Thisinformation can be acted on by commanders athigher HQ, and conveyed to others on the groundor in the air, so they know what they face and cando something about it.” Scott Harris, president ofLockheed Martin, says one benefit of UAVs is thatthe information they glean can be fully integratedwith everything from data from space to what ishappening in the field, to form a complete picture.“UAVs are very interesting and complex,” he says.“Everybody is working on them and deployingthem. Militarians can’t get enough of them. Wehave a broad range of programmes, most of whichI can’t talk about.” One reason he is not talkingabout it is that UAVs are increasingly carryingspecialised weapons, so developments remainsecret. Yet it seems their increasing use on thebattlefield - and in domestically for tasks such astraffic and crowd patrols - is now fully assured.Indeed during Hurricane Ike, U.S. Customs andBorder Protection for the first time flew the‘Predator B’ unmanned aerial vehicle in support ofthe Federal Emergency Management Agency’srelief efforts, the ‘Predator B’ carries out “targetedassassinations” of “terrorist suspects” acrossAfghanistan, Iraq and Pakistan. The deployment ofthe robotic killing machines in the United Statesfor “disaster management” is troubling to say theleast and a harbinger of things to come.

US – Space based surveillance networks

extending. The American government is rollingout plans to use satellite surveillance grids toextend their grip of control overseen by theNational Applications Office. The Department ofHomeland Security in close collaboration with theNational Reconnaissance Office (NRO), theagency that develops and maintains America’sfleet of military spy satellites, and the NationalGeospatial-Intelligence Agency (NGA) thatanalyzes military imagery and generates mappingtools, are proceeding with the first phase of adomestic spying program. NAO will coordinatehow domestic law enforcement and “disasterrelief” agencies such as FEMA will use satelliteimagery intelligence generated by military spysatellites. As I wrote earlier this year, unlikecommercial satellites, their military cousins are farmore flexible, have greater resolution and thereforepossess more power to monitor human activity,the plan will cost around $634 billion, providingfederal, state and local officials with extensiveaccess to spy-satellite imagery. The initiative willrely heavily on private contractors includingBoeing, BAE Systems, L-3 Communications andScience Applications International Corporation(SAIC). These companies already providetechnology and personnel to U.S. agenciesinvolved in foreign intelligence, and the NAOgreatly expands their markets. Indeed, at anintelligence conference in San Antonio, Texas, the

titans of the industry were actively lobbyingintelligence officials to buy productsspecifically designed for domesticsurveillance. Three categories of classifiedsatellite information are to be provided lawenforcement by the National ApplicationsOffice:

* Geospatial intelligence (GEOINT)–GEOINT is defined as “the exploitation andanalysis of imagery and geospatialinformation to describe, assess, and visuallydepict physical features and geographicallyreferenced activities on the Earth.

* Measurement and signature intelligence(MASINT)–MASINT is definedas intelligence “derived frommeasurements of physicalphenomena intrinsic to anobject or event.” Thesephenomena can include thefollowing types:” electro-optical, infrared, laser,spectral, radar, polarimetric,high-power or unintentionalradio frequency emanations,geophysical, chemical,biological, radiological, or

nuclear.”

* Electronic intelligence(ELINT)–ELINT is defined as“technical and geolocation intelligencederived from non-communicationselectromagnetic radiations emanating fromother than nuclear detonations orradioactive sources.” Source: various

France - Jean-Marc Rouillan is inside

prison again. Jean-marc Rouillan is turningover a new leaf, not ripping the page out.Convicted of being a member of armedstruggle group Action Directe, he spentover two decades in prison. Grantedconditional liberty, once outside the prisonhe’d spoken out about turning over a newleaf and commented – albeit briefly – onthe legal ban that prevents him fromdiscussing the revolutionary strategy thatsaw him locked up for 22 years. The Frenchstate has responded by revoking his right topartial freedom. In fact, the “Rouillan Affair”lets the French state confirm its attack onthe freedom of speech. Flaming mediacoverage and sordid interpretations of aninterview published by the French magazineL’Express have been used by the Frenchcriminal justice system to gag the writerJean-Marc Rouillan and punish anyexpression of his political opinions. Hisreturn to prison on “preventative remand” isproof of this.We consider that theconditions under which Jean-Marc Rouillanhas been remanded incustody are really anattack on our freedom of speech. Wehereby confirm that Jean-Marc Rouillan hasin no way infringed the conditions appliedto the partial freedom granted in December2007. We are outraged at this move whichis clearly part of a relentless quest tosilence Jean-Marc Rouillan. It’s his turntoday – tomorrow it will be ours. Wetherefore demand the immediate andunconditional release of Jean-Marc Rouillanfrom prison. Source : Support group ofJean Marc

Germany – New Years Eve anti-prison

demonstrations against prisons. Since severalyears there are demonstrations taking place on NewYear’s eve in a few German cities, against prisonsand coercive institutions and in solidarity with allprisoners in struggle. While these demonstrationshave been at first limited mainly to the cities ofBerlin and Cologne, this year its number grew andthe anti-prison virus spread in other cities as well.Here we present a short overlook about new year’seve in front of German prisons, wishing for the nextyear that anarchist and antiprison attitude keeps inspreading further on, in order to overthrow thepresent system of domination and its dungeons.Until all are free: ABC Berlin

Berlin: A demonstration of about 400 comradesgathered in icy new year’s eve night to bring theirrage against the prison system and their solidarity toprisoners in struggle on the streets, walking to themain pre-trial prison of the town, Moabit. The mottoof the demonstration has been “let us tear down thewalls that divide us – freedom for all prisoners, insolidarity with all prisoners in struggle and thehungerstrike in Italy!”. The demonstration walked herway shortly past 11pm, chanting slogans againstprisons system, repression and cops. During all thedemonstration, hundreds of firecrackers andfireworks have been exploded against the cops.Several speeches have been read from thesoundsystem, against prisons, the police murder inGreece and one especially thematizing the ongoingstruggle in Italian prisons. A speech by ThomasMeyer-Falk has been also read. There has been arally at first in front of one wing of the prisons, wherewe greeted prisoners by exploding more fireworksand chanting slogans, until we reached the mainprison entrance, where the demonstration ended.There we hosted the usual fireworks showpunctually at midnight, to salute prisoners, whothemselves were waiting on their windows for thetraditional demonstration and lighted small fires andhit their bars-windows to show their excitement andcommunicate with us. Cops have been a bit uneasyfor the continuous aggressive attitude of thedemonstration against them and the firecrackersexploded against them, one of them tried toescalate the situation by storming into thedemonstration but he got easily kicked out. Around1am we left, clearly with the intention to come heresoon again. The day after one could read on themedia that between 500 to 1000 angry youthsattacked a police station in the district ofPrenzlauerberg, destroying some cars and a fewwindows. It seems as the rage against authoritieswould spread around as well, as such events show.You can read a call to the demonstration in Englishon the website of ABC Berlin.

Hamburg: A demonstration took place to the localpre-trial prison of Holstenglacis. Around 250gathered to form a demonstration. Speechesagainst prisons and in solidarity also with the

63

imprisoned French comrades (Tarnac9) have been read. The cops madequite a lot of stress stopping thedemonstration several times, while 3-4people got arrested, accused ofthrowing bottles and firecrackers tothe pigs. The demonstration managedto get to the prison at the end, where aspeech has been read on the reasonswhy one demonstrated today andsome relatives of prisoners also usedthe soundsystem to communicate withtheir dears. Fireworks have beenexploded and firecrackers thrown atthe cops.

Cologne: around 150 comradesgathered around 6pm to host a rally infront of the local prison. Speecheswere read and then the comradeswalked around the prison as ademonstration, reading speechesagainst prison and about the struggles in Greekand Italian prison, while several fireworks havebeen exploded against the prison itself.

Frankfurt: about 150 gathered to the local prison,to show their anger against the institution andestablish a contact with the ones imprisonedtherein. Some prison lights and signs have beendamaged, some people climbed some of the lightsand the prison fence in order to put a bannerreading “freedom for all prisoners”. No arrestshave been made.

Stuttgart: about 50 comrades walked their way tothe prison of Stammheim and made a roundaround it, chanting slogans. Prisoners respondedshouting slogans against the pigs. One has to saythat this demonstration was rather oriented for“supporting political prisoners” rather thanunderlining the uselessness of such a difference.Indeed it is organized mostly by communists whowanted to show their solidarity to some Turkishprisoner sitting there, accused of “international

terrorist association” being involved withsome Turkish communist armed party. Therehas been some confrontations with thecops, who wanted to arrest some peoplebecause of exploding fireworks to theprison, a thing several people opposed toby exploding firecracker and defendingthemselves with flag sticks, whichgenerated a few wounded on both sides.12 people have been arrested afterwards,since the cops patrolled the area looking forsuspects, but they all came free after 2hours.

UK - Revealed: One of the largest police

training grounds in the world for fighting

against ‘anarchy’. In Gravesend, Kent,England’s Metropolitan Police force tackleshypothetical ‘anarchy’ in a purpose builtarea, a staging ground for urban unrest andabatement. The 9,250 square meter site

(38-hectare) was opened back in 2003by the private company ‘Equion’through the UK government’s PrivateFinance Initiative (PFI), using bothpublic and private money. Like severalof its architectural relatives, this mockconflict training facility is in essence anentire town unto itself designed in trueBritish fashion, with mock roads,houses, shops, a bank, a pub, anightclub, a football stadium, a life-sizesection of a plane and train andunderground stations with full-sizecarriages, as well as classrooms andlecture theatres, an abseil tower,stables for 10 police horses andaccommodation for more than 300people. For one purpose: to be rioted,hijacked, trashed, held hostage,sacked, and overrun by thousands ofchaotic scenarios, only so that it can be

suppressed, retaken, re-propped in circuitousloops of more dazzling proto-militant exercise,stormed by a thousand coordinated boots foreternity, targeted by hundreds of synchronizedcrosshairs of both lethal and non-lethalweapons; it is a little city that lives toparadoxically sustain conflict and its ownremedy. There is now apparently a new plan toadd a £90 million firearms training center thatwould feature a larger mock-up airport terminaland new London Underground train carriages tothe facility, clearly expanding the trainingcapacity of this place, timed nicely as the 2012London Olympics begins to climb over thehorizon. The UK Police also have a NationalCBRN Training Centre at Winterbourne Gunnerin Wiltshire. As for London, other secretivemilitary citadels include the NATO/PJHQ Baseat Northwood, and the PINDAR bunkerconstructed under the Ministry of DefenceBuilding at a cost of £126.3 million in the1990’s. Source: various

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325collective.com

64

Disclaimer:Disclaimer:Disclaimer:Disclaimer:Disclaimer: More none news about drugs. This isn’t

printed to tell people what to do with their lives, it is

printed because some things need to be stated in

very clear terms. There is a certain situation in

Britain with the widespread use of this drug in the

underground. We are very familiar with this situation,

and we have had enough of it. Cook Cops Not Ket.

Ketamine (Ket, K, Special K, Breakfast) was invented

by Calvin Stevens and patented in Belgium in 1963.

It is a derivative of Phencyclidine (PCP) which is less

potent with a shorter duration of action. It does not

induce sleep but instead a state of apparent catatonia

where patients seemed dissociated from the

environment without classical unconsciousness. At

present in the UK it is classified a “Class ‘C’”

restricted substance, with minor legal punishment for

supply and possession. It is very dangerous when

mixed with other tranquilizers and serious injuries can

occur from accidents without feeling immediate pain,

due to confusion and impaired vision and hearing. It

can produce breathing and heart problems and it is

likely that the greatest risk to the user and those

around them comes from the raised possibility of a

Distro

325 Distro stocks a selection of anarchist, anti-capitalist and anti-industrial

books, pamphlets and magazines, plus CD's, DVD-R's etc. Bundles of 325

are £1 each in multiples i.e £5 = x 5 (postage extra).

Check out the catalogue on our website, or email us for an up to date list. On

the website you can download issues of 325 and there are more than 20

booklets and posters to download as PDF, for printing and reproduction.

Make this zine and distro obsolete by creating your own distro and printing

what you like. If you run a zine or a distro consider a trade of material we

havn’t got. We aim to answer email as soon as we can and fill all orders

within 2 months, but if we seem to be a bit slow don’t worry, we will respond,

we’re a small DIY project with too many orders and no paid staff. Prisoners

can get free copies of 325 and other texts we have for free, if it can get past

the censors. We recommend to download the PDF files from our website,

print them out, replicate and create your own distro, subvert the area you

are in! Ideas are like viruses! We want to especially thank everyone that has

made this project their own, all those known and unknown to us, without you

this project would be nothing...

Anti-Copyright Network:

(Nameless Hardcore Unknowns...)

Black Hoodies

Hoodies £15 L & XL + £2p&p

Recommended text:

Incognito - Long awaited first print of a collection of anonymous texts

written by people living in hiding from the state. Translated from the

Italian original of 2003. Personal, insightful, real and incredible. Elephant

Editions

Some musik we made the zine to the sound of:

Anonymous Series Vol.1 Four intense nameless tracks of dark hard

electronic warfare. “No stars here.” (Praxis44) 12” Vinyl-2009

3Faze, FKY, Metek, Spiral Tribe - Sentient alien technology infects your

soundsystem, it gets out of control and destroys the universe. (Mixtape)

Ragga Twins & DJ Hype live at Meditation - Hardcore jungle session

dedicated to Stevie Hyper D and Kemistry, RIP. D&B Soliders. (Mixtape)

Jah Free - Jacques Chirac - Anti-nuclear vocal and dub from a long-

term conscious UK reggae legend. (Universal Egg, ‘96)

tragic accident. If you allow

it to become habitual then

Ketamine can take an

extremely heavy toll on you

physically. It is a corrosive

alkaline hydrochloride salt

so your nose will slowly

disintegrate from the inside

out, and a good wake up

call is if you blow your

nose and big lumps of flat

snot come out- it’s not

snot, it’s your nasal lining! This is caused

by the fact that when you snort it (in large

amounts) it sits around waiting to be

absorbed into the bloodstream, but while it

there it is eating away at the soft tissue

inside your head from the inside.

It also has a huge detrimental effect on

your urinary/renal system, causing an

extremely painful form of cystitis where you

will suddenly need to urinate very badly,

with strong burning pains in your bladder.

however when you attempt to urinate you will

find that you are unable to immediately and

will have to wait, whilst in the meantime it can

be painful to walk. Once it does come you will

feel like you are not be able to hold it in, but

it will still not come out for a few minutes.

When it does it can burn intensely. It is very

important to drink lots and lots of water in

order to flush the alkaline through your system

as all the time it is burning and eating at your

kidneys and bladder and can lead to infection

in both.

Notes on Ketamine

65

for minutes, which can become timeless,

obsessive and addictive, and there is not

yet a widespread understanding of the

dangers to the body of this drug and also

this crucial factor leading to psychological

dependence. Taken over longer periods of

time the psychedelic effects diminish as

tolerance builds and the high is similar to

amphetamines, with the possible

accompanying psychosis, delusion and

paranoia. It is no wonder the trauma of

modern life chases people to the door of

an addictive, dissociative pain-killing

substance. It is a seductive pleasure which

holds more problems

than people commonly

associate with it.

To those who have

seen the effects of

this drug, the

destructive situation

with ketamine in the

UK counter-culture,

particularly in London

and Brighton, is a

known problem for a

long time. Ketamine

has helped create an

atmosphere for the

acceptance of herion

and crack into areas

it has been previously

been denied. These

virus -like, parasitic

drugs operate as

control mechanisms on

social pressure, fueled

by the tension, trauma

and shock of our

repression. It creates

squalid, skitzo

atmospheres where the users are incapable

of taking care of other people or think

about anyone else but themselves. This is

important when the drug is being constantly

used in recreational social conditions where

there is a risk of accidents & psychosis

from unsuitable setting.

Ketamine is a seriously debilitating substance

that is not to be under estimated. This drug

has been encouraged and allowed to

proliferate and help destroy the cohesion and

creative rebellion of an entire generation of

young people. For the state some tendencies

are useful trends.

Every time these drugs provide some respite

from grief, the state rejoices in our addiction

and despair. Who amongst the users thinks

they are exempt from the contract?

Let’s be clear, these words are not for the

In fact it attacks your whole water system as your

body recognizes it for the poison that it is. Your nose

also runs and your spit glands go into overdrive. It is

extremely important to spit when you feel like it.

Although this is not socially polite, if you swallow the

spit you may find yourself with k-cramps as the

alkaline burns your stomach lining- this is excruciatingly

painful and can leave you doubled up in agony. It is

important to make sure that you always have food in

your stomach.

Excessive intake when ketamine is snorted can cause

a build up of salts in the renal system leading to

high blood pressure and hypertension. This causes

anxiety and is detrimental to eyesight function. It is

often said that there are no withdrawals from

ketamine, but this view is mistaken. The level of ph

is affected by ketamine as your blood becomes more

astringent. This causes itches and rashes but is also

highly dangerous as you have an alkaline coursing

through your body destroying the cell walls. In effect

you are burning your body from the inside out,

corrosively degenerating your kidneys, liver, heart etc.

You almost feel as if your entire body is becoming

alkaline and astringent, you can taste it in your saliva

and you feel like you are becoming like the properties

of an alkaline- astringent, sharp, edgy, tetchy, agitated:

corrosive.

There may be no visible signs of physical withdrawal

like those from heroin and other opiates, but there is

a marked psychological withdrawal which entices you

back to using.

Further consequences of ketamine abuse are increased

anxiety, irrational social fear and self-enforced solitude.

This has the effect of destroying your autonomy while

offering insights and speculative scenarios, effectively

removing you, psychically, from human community. At

the time these insights are extremely enticing.

The psychedelic, infinite, death-like atmosphere of

ketamine is a sure motif for this society of dislocated,

injured individuals who can barely recognise their own

broken conditions but carry on chasing a dream.

Despite being around on the underground for many

years, ketamine use recently exploded onto a whole

new level in UK with widespread availability in the

cities and suburbs. In France and Italy there are also

places with a growing ketamine scene penetrating the

squatter, nomadic, rave and anarchistic counter culture

for a long time. From our perspective, this narcotic

has done tremendous damage to ourselves and the

counter-culture. In the UK over the last 10 years it

has become very popular. Some people have reaped

quite a lot of money from the widespread desperation

to be put out of their misery

There should be a debate about the long-term

consequences of this drug in the counter-culture, squat

and rave scenes, because unlike the brief seconds of

non-ordinary consciousness at the peak of an LSD

high, ketamine enables the user to access this state

moralists who see nothing but trouble in these

narcotics, those who seek to scapegoat others for

their own lack of activity. Everything has its place

in the medicine bag, everything contains it’s

opposite. We are against legalisation and

criminalisation alike, and we recognise the value of

this medical and exploratory substance, in the

context it operates best in.

So people can do what they like, those who uphold

limited values bind themselves to mediocrity and

failure. All these people in the UK who are dealing

and snorting ketamine, who think they are getting

something for nothing, are deluding themselves,

because (unless we make

anarchy!) there is always a

price to be paid. We don’t

want to act like good little

consumers and take the dope

of the market.

We want something else.

Everyone must choose the

means for the life they lead,

but who benefits - you, the

supplier, the consumer, the

banks, the state, the prison

industry? Those who refuse the

wage economy and choose the

black market, for them there is

the situation, at best, of self-

rule, or we can easily see the

way which everyone is familiar

with, the tragic consequences

printed in the law & moral

propaganda of the state day-by-

day.

Either way, this is no part of

the solution for the crisis at

hand, to have comrades who

are addicted to drugs, addicting others, suffering,

being victim to, and creating, relationships of

organised crime of dubious consequence, being

imprisoned, in hospital, dead.

Ketamine is a seriously dehabilitating drug that

causes psychological dependence resulting in a loss

of autonomy which is antithetical to the survival of

the human spirit.

Ketamine offers a lot but produces nothing. It offers

a vision of perfection but removes the tools with

which you would need to get there.

Ultimately ketamine is a death drug: it kills your

body, it kills your spirit and reduces your autonomy

for the sake of a perceived artificial reality which

only contributes to the social disintegration which is

an endemic symptom of post-industrial, post-modern

society.

angry junkies against the stateangry junkies against the stateangry junkies against the stateangry junkies against the stateangry junkies against the state

66

War breaks out and the show goes on

The stock exchange collapses and the

show goes on

Ecosystems are being destroyed and

the show goes on

Markets set the price of our life

And submit schools to their needs

Let’s block this mechanism starting

from the universities.

Let’s block everything.

Let’s start from zero.

9 POINTS ON WHY IT IS NECESSARY TO

BLOCK EVERYTHING

1 – In a city whose life is based on

commerce and exchange of goods, to block

all commercial channels means to

interrupt normality. You might say: ‘This

will bring about discomfort’.

We answer that we feel much more

discomfort in pretending that all this is

normal, when banks, multinationals and

lobbies are deciding for our future. When

insecurity about life is turning into fear.

When the last fences of social and

environmental desolation are about to be

pulled down.

2 – A spontaneous march of 1,000 people

every day creates more disruption than a

big planned event of 100,000 people once

in a blue moon. This is the difference

between efficiency and empty

participation.

3 – The multiplicity of forms of struggle

and moments of conflicts from below

make us less controllable. In this way we

cannot be placed in prearranged

channels nor can we be labelled as

supporters of political parties or unions.

On the contrary we become more agile

and less predictable. We acquire a

richness of thought and action.

4 – We live in a frenetic society where the

logic of companies scans the rhythm of

life. Production-profit-rapidity at school,

at work, in the supermarket. We human

beings are like debris abandoned to the

flow of commercial exchanges, like

isolated bodies in virtual communication,

unable to fully understand the sense of

our movement. Engulfed by the

consolatory waves of spectacle, busy with

running after false needs and mirages of

career promotion, we are by now unable

to grab the possibility of real change.

Therefore it is urgent that we stop. We

must stop this wreck of ourselves.

Let’s block everythingLet’s block everythingLet’s block everythingLet’s block everythingLet’s block everythingThis leaflet was distributed in Milan (Italy) during spontaneous demos of students in struggle

against the reform proposed by the education minister.

5 – Let’s block everything (from the

schools to the streets) in order to take a

breath and stop this rush for profit, in

order to look at things from a different

perspective, a perspective of surprise

and pleasure in experiencing with

others some unexpected freedom. Let’s

create self-management and

widespread conflict so that we can take

back our strength and ideas before

starting reverse the course.

6 – An unexpected and joyful blockage

is an instrument of provocation. It is an

instrument for sabotaging the

mechanisms of a social machinery that

wants us to be indifferent to the world

surrounding us and insensitive to our

passions.

7 – To go out in the streets also means

to take back all urban space that has

been denied to us, to go through the

town and meet other realities without

forming ‘ghettos’ and ‘student’ ideologies

8 – If the economy blocks the free

circulation of people and knowledge, we

want to block the economy through

free and wild circulation of people and

knowledge. That is to say: if their

economy is aimed at looting and

destroying knowledge, our knowledge is

aimed at destroying and looting their

economy.

9 – Blockage is only one of the means.

There is no winning path, on the

contrary there are many possible paths

to be explored. We leave the drainpipes

to those who will soon flow back in

struggles compatible with power. We

leave the sewers to those who will try

to ride the wave of protest with the

only aim of bringing water to their

political basin.

We prefer the open sea.

Our first imperative is to take back in our

hands the helm of our drift.

“Socially speaking, the day when the costs of protecting property aregreater than the benefits it brings, property, that child of exploitation,will disappear.” - EMILE ARMAND (1872 - 1962)

(an insurgent anti-prison

zine of social war &

anarchy)