151712988 Research Project Skopje a Modern City

5/21/2018 151712988 Research Project Skopje a Modern City

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RESEARCH PROJECT #3

SKOPJE -

A MODERNCITY?

Authors

ELISABETH DEIPENBROCKMANDY HELD

CHARLOTTE HERBSTCHARLOTTE KAULENLUISE KHLERMAGDALENA PUDIMATMARIA ROHDEKEVIN VINCENT

AssistanceDIPL.- ING. MSC MAREN HARNACK


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INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

The maps are created by us withthe aid of satellite images as the-re were no adequate or afforda-ble ones available to us. Partly

they might be slightly imprecisein detail.

The results of our mappings baseon personal estimations. The ageof buildings could only be deter-minded by visual judgment. Toverify this data (e.g. by interviewwith the building owner) was

only in a few instances possible.

To avoid an unneccessary wasteof space the legend is not shownon every page. It is designed asa bookmark instead and can beapplied to all maps.

Only maps that are not north-bound feature a north arrow.None shown implies that the re-spective map is orientated nor-

thwards.

If no other source is given in the

list of illustrations, images arecreated by us.

As there is a lack of relformations on the subjecweb forums or interviewused as a source.

In this atlas the term Main context with present used synonymously witficial term Former Yugopublic of Macedonia (FY

IMPRINT

HafenCity Universitt Hamburg

DepartmentUrban Planning

ChairStdtebau und QuartiersentwicklungProf. Dr. Michael Koch2009/2010

AssistanceDipl.-Ing. MSc Maren Harnack

AuthorsElisabeth Deipenbrock, Mandy Held, Charlotte Herbst, Charlotte Kaulen, Lui-se Khler, Magdalena Pudimat, Maria Rohde, Kevin Vincent

sponsered by tuitions feesHCU HafenCity UniversittHamburg


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PREFACE

This report was created within thescope of the Research project #3(P3) at the HafenCity UniversittHamburg. Eight students of urban pl-anning worked for two semesters on

the subject of the city of Skopje.

We would like to thank Dipl.-Ing.MSc Maren Harnack who proposedand offered to conduct this projectwith us. Maren Harnack is an ar-chitect, urban planner and scientific

assistant at the HCU Hamburg. Dueto her former working experienceson Skopje she was able to provideus with basic information and helped

to establish contact to the Architec-tural Depar tment of the University ofSkopje. Thanks to Maren an entirelynew field of work opened up to us:

the Balkan region, its planning issuesand especially the particular ones in

Skopje.

Furthermore we would like to thankMladen Stilinovik and Slobodan Ve-levski, as well as Yane Calovski andDivna Pencik for the cooperationduring our study trip to Skopje andfor all the valuable information wegot through them. We also thankSilke Maier-Witt for the enlightening

interview about ethnic conflicts inMacedonia. Wed in particular liketo thank the students of architecturewe met in Skopje. Not only did theyshow us round but also gave helpfulassistance in the later course of ourwork.


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CONTENT

0 ENTERING SKOPJE 1PRE MODERN 2 MODERN

Introduction 8

History 10

Country Brief 19

Methodology 20

Input: Population 22

Introduction 26

INPUT: KALE FORTRESS 28

Old Bazaar 29Overview 30Mapping 32Architecture 36Specific Use Features 42Specific Urban Features 44Impression 45Conclusion 48

Maalos 49Overview 50Mapping 52Architecture 56Debar Maalo: Transformation 64

Novo Maalo: Stagnation 66Magir Maalo: Contingency 68Conclusion 70

Serbian Block Structure 71Overview 72Mapping 74Architecture 78Specific Urban Features 80Impression 82Conclusion 83

Pre Modern Conclusion 84

Categories

6 24

Introduction

Modernism and its Visi

Kenzo Tange and his PlOverview

Model Elements of the Plan Realization Conclusion

CityWall Overview Mapping Architecture Characteristics Conclusion

Ensembles Overview Communication Axis Education Axis Cultural Axis Transportation Center Conclusion

International ArchitectuOverview A Comparison

Conclusion Modern Habitation Overview Mapping Characteristics Conclusion

Modern Conclusion


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3POST MODERN 4 MASH UP 5 PERSPECTIVES

Introduction 186

Reconstruction 187Overview 188Skopje 2014 189INPUT: MONUMENTS 196

Skopje 2014: Opinions 202Conclusion 204

Kitsch 205Overview 206Mapping 208Architecture 212Conclusion 216

Do-It-Yourself 217INPUT: INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS 218Overview 222

Architecture 223A Comparison 231Conclusion 232

Globalized Architecture 233Overview 234Mapping 236Architecture 240Shopping Center 242Business District 244Conclusion 245

Post Modern Conclusion 246

Introduction 250

Mapping in Comparison 254

City of Contrasts 264

Do-It-Yourself in Comparison 274

Blacklisted Modernism 276

North and South 278

Urban Structural Development 280

Theater Skopje 281

Tange vs. Skopje 2014 282

Garden Skopje 284

The Conclusion Part I

Scenarios Introduction Scenarios for Skopje Worst Case Scenario

Best Case Scenario Trend Scenario

The Conclusion Part II

Sources

List of Figures

Legend

184 248


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INTRODUCTION

BRIEF ABSTRACT FOR MACEDONIAMacedonia is a country of just over

two million inhabitants in the sou-thern Balkans. The population ofMacedonia has always been and isstill of diverse ethnic composition.In 1991 Macedonia split peacefullyfrom Yugoslavia and declared itselfindependent. Among other contro-versies, the countrys name, Mace-donia, has come under dispute fromGreece who has a region in the north

also called Macedonia. In official do-cuments at the United Nations or in

the European Union the country isofficially called the Former Yugos-lavian Republic of Macedonia. Thecapital of Macedonia is Skopje, lo-cated in the north, with a populationof around 600,000 residents. Skopjewas almost completely destroyed byan earthquake in 1963.

RESULTS OF THE INITIAL RE-SEARCHAt the start of this project it wasnecessary to familiarize ourselveswith the country and in particularSkopje. Our initial research focusedon Macedonias turbulent historyand many power changes. A Slavicinvasion, the Roman Empire, Bulga-

ria, the Ottoman Empire, the King-dom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenesand finally Yugoslavia have all leftcultural and political marks on thecountry and Skopje. But an chaoticand aggressive political history isaccompanied by an equally turbulentgeological history full of heavily de-

structive earthquakes as a result ofits location along an active fault line.If Skopje wasnt being destroyedby conquering forces it was beingbrought to the ground by an earth-quake.

This led us to the earthquake of 1963and the destruction of the vast majo-rity of Skopjes city center. The resul-

ting UN competition seeking a newmaster plan for Skopje was won by

the Japanese architect Kenzo Tange.His Master plan for the city centerwas based on a Modernist, and morespecifically Structuralist, understan-ding of architecture and urban plan-ning. The level of destruction causedby the earthquake left a lot of spacefor rebuilding and a total transforma-

tion of Skopjes urban structure wasanticipated. Nevertheless, todays

cityscape remains a mix of many in-fluences from various time periods inSkopjes past. Additionally, contem-porary architectural trends continue

to shape the urban fabric. Like manycities, Skopjes history, and possiblefuture, are mirrored in architectureand urban planning. Cataloging thearchitectural styles and urban formsin Skopje would therefore lead to an

index of Skopjes past and presentpolitical influences.

MOTIVATION AND PERSONALINTERESTSThe diverse historical backgroundand developments in Skopje were

the major motivations for this group

project. We were interested iand experiencing other forunderstandings of urbanity otherwise available in Westepe. Additionally we were inin the impact of the earthquModernism on present-day We knew we wanted to focucity center, since it would ha

the most representative of influence. What we didnt kno

time was how politically act

could almost say abused) center is today. The goverplan for Skopje 2014 was during the course of this prowe knew immediately it had cluded in our work. We also hnections to and the suppordents in the Faculty of Archin Skopje and were looking

to the chance to travel to and

work in Skopje.

CENTRAL THEMES AND QUONSOur goals focused around aand cataloging the diverse eof urban design in Skopje. Whoping to understand the composition of Skopjes ciand thought this could be b

sented as an atlas detailingdings. The main questions wto answer throughout our wothreefold. First we wanted to post-earthquake Skopje. Is SModern city? The implemof a Structuralist master plahave led to a total Modernis


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formation of Skopje. But did it? If not,we wanted to know which traces ofwhich eras characterize Skopjes ur-ban structure; what are the ages leftbehind in Skopje and where we couldfind it. Likewise we wanted to find outhow Tange and the master plan areperceived today, not just in the citys-cape but also by the citys residents.Lastly, we wanted to understand thedirection planning and architecturewere taking for the future. How does

the current government use architec-ture as a political tool and what futurescenarios could we recognize basedon current trends?

In short, the main questions of our

works are:

Is Skopje a Modern city?

Which elements of different eras

constitute the city besides Moder-nism?

What kind of scenarios may resultfrom current developments?

In the course of answering our mainquestions, we tackled two additionalquestions. Firstly, we attempted toanalyze the extent to which Tangesplan was implemented. We focusedheavily on whether or not his inten-

tions, and not just his buildings, arevisible in the city today. Secondly, wewanted to see if current trends are

at all a result of former architecturaland planning developments; couldcurrent building activity be explainedby former events?

Likewise we stumbled upon relatedthemes throughout the course ofour work. We found it necessary to

incorporate the ethnic and politicalimplications of architecture, its ca-pability to create physical separationas well as unify by creating collectiveidentity. We came to the realization,

that Skopje and its architecture ex-tremely complex and controversial.This realization became central toour work.

IMPORTANCE OF THE WORKSkopje is relatively unknown in thefield of urban planning. There is verylittle written material on Skopje andeven less mapping material. Ourhope is to help make the city andits particular architectural and urbanfeatures more widely known while

providing quantitative mapping ma-terial to accompany our written ob-servations and research. We hope

that others will find this informationuseful for their own work, and wewant to help highlight the problemsin Skopje related to current architec-

tural and planning trends that mayotherwise go unheard.

ORGANIZATION OF THE ATLASAs a basis for our work we chosea study area roughly delineated by

the city center. We mapped everybuilding within this area and recor-ded each buildings height, state ofrepair, and use as well as all groundfloor uses. The purpose was to havequantitative data to support our qua-litative and subjective findings, not

only within each era but to use, aswell, for exploring similarities andcontrasts across all eras.

After a historical introduction, neces-sitated through diverse influences onurban form and the numerous histo-rically charged building projects in

Skopje, we divide Skopjes ature and urban form into thrbefore Modernism, Modernpresent-day trends. In ordeus answer our main questfound it useful to organize taround Modernism. Each ercussed in its own chapter asented chronologically in one through three. Each of tchapters begins with an intro

to that particular era as welthe chapter and its maps andrepresentations are to be rechapters themselves are divfurther sections highlightingor characteristics particularera.

In the fourth chapter we pmash-up of our findings, ring architectural and plannvelopments and their relat

throughout all three of tpresented in the previous cWhile based mostly on the gathered in Skopje, Chapter Foffers our subjective interp

of the neighborhoods, arcand urban forms we experienring our field work. The fifthdeals with our overall conand the possible outcomesrent trends in the future ofThese scenarios should stacall to attention for the dangchallenges facing the statecurrent patterns of developm


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Macedonia is located at the southernBalkan and do not access to theseaside. 2,04 million people live in a

total area of 25,333 square kilome-ters. (World bank (ed.) 2009)

Macedonia is a multiethnic state; itspopulation consist mainly of Mace-donians (64 percent), Albanians(25 percent), Roma (three percent)and Turks (four percent) and otherethnics groups (4 percent) (Cen-

tral Intelligence Agency (CIA) (ed.)2010). In 1991 Macedonia declaredits independence from Yugoslaviaand became a parliamentary demo-cracy. 120 countries have accepted

the country as sovereign state calledofficially Macedonia. Nevertheless

there are still countries that refusethe Republic of Macedonia becauseof the name dispute with Greece andjust accept the name Former Yugos-lavian Republic of Macedonia.

The country is divided in 85 munici-palities including its capital the Cityof Skopje. The territory of Macedoniais mountainous and has more than

50 lakes. Its main river is the Vardarthat runs from the northern direc-tion through Skopje to the south ofthe country. Traditionally land wasused for agriculture. Todays labor

force is divided by services 9 percent, industry 29,5 percagriculture 18, 6 percent. Thployment rate is about 34 (CIA (ed.) 2010)

MACEDONIA

Albania

Greece

KosovoSerbia

Bulgaria

COUNTRY BRIEF


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RESEARCHOur work on Skopje began with amassive gathering of information,facts and figures about the Macedoni-an country, its history, population and

the political as well as social situation.This was to give our group a first im-pression of Skopje, a city in a Balkanstate we knew next to nothing about.Aspects supposed to have an impacton urban developments were iden-

tified and clustered in the interest of

analyzing correlations between cer-tain phenomena and urban planning.

The research was complicated by alack of reliable information. There isvery little literature on Skopje, espe-cially architecture and urban planningare not sufficiently explored and do-cumented. Official statistical data is, ifexistent, usually not publicly availab-

le. Most information can be found onthe internet. This kind of information,however, is rarely objective but ideo-logically biased due to a politically andemotionally charged conflict betweendifferent ethnic groups.

FIELD TRIP IEspecially the need for informationand the need to get a personal impres-

sion made a visit to Skopje necessa-ry. On our first excursion in December2009, we were guided by Macedoni-an students of architecture. By talking

to them, we got an impression of theMacedonian way of living, society, po-litics and of course current urbandevelopments in Skopje. We found

realized elements of Kenzo Tangespost-earthquake Master plan as wellas historical remains from former pe-riods and newly built architecture. Onour first visit we already perceived thestrained relationship between the twomajor ethnic groups, Macedoniansand Albanians.

POSTPROCESSING | PREPARATIONOn returning, the various impressi-ons were collected and exchanged

to identify the most pressing andinteresting issues worth examining.In a SWOT-analysis we weightedstrengths, weaknesses, opportunitiesand risks to filter crucial factors thataffect the citys development and toscrutinize the capabilities of dealingwith the identified problems. Basedon these considerations, Skopje amodern city? was phrased as the to-

pic of our research and the intent ofour work was formulated. The innercity of Skopje was defined as the ex-amination area. Here, most develop-ments can be observed and we wereonly able to investigate a limited area.A greater scope would not have beenpractical.

One purpose of our work was to crea-

te material about Skopje that could beuseful to other urban planners. Hence,we chose to develop an atlas andmost findings will be shown throughmaps.

FIELD TRIP IIOn a second excursion, a comple-

te photographic documentamapping of the inner city owas accomplished, regardbuilding height, state of repding use and ground floor usdifferent historical layers. Minterviews were conducted veral experts, giving a deepein planning structures, sociaon and detailed knowledge aTange plan from 1963.

ANALYSISIn a first step, the architectuand styles which form Skmost were figured out and dearchitectural layers. In a seco

the knowledge about these stdeepened. The architecturawere characterized, for exadeveloping categories, showcharacteristic traits and bui

pes of the particular style. Wunderstand the historical andinfluences that shaped the arral styles of previous times acurrent developments of the c

SCENARIODifferent trends are distingwithin the city that will prehave an effect on future ur

velopment and living condSkopje. Those identified aspecombined in a model. Severarios of possible future develare the result. Further explan

this method will be given in Con the scenarios.

METHODOLOGY


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IMPRESSI ONS FROTHE WORKING PROCESS - MAPPING ASCOPING IN SKOPJAS WAL L AS ANAL


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In 2002 a census was hold in Mace-donia. The following numbers baseon this data.

Skopje has ten municipalities: Saraj,Gjorce Petrov, Karpos, Suto Orizari,Chair, Tsentar, Kisela Voda, Aero-drom, Gazi Baba and Butel. On ouranalysis we put our focus on the CityCenter which is in the municipalityCenter. In general the city has around500 000 inhabitants. Nine percent

of its population is living in the mu-nicipality Center. But important is aview on the ethnic mix of Skopje.Seven different ethnics are listed upin the survey. Macedonians, Alba-nians, Roma, Serbs, Turks, Vlachsand Bosnians. The official numbersshow that next to 67 % Macedonians33% other cultural origins are repre-sented. 20% of these are Albanians

and form the biggest part of foreigncivilizations. Despite this fact that re-veal Skopje as a multicultural city thepopulation in the municipality is ge-nerated by 85% Macedonians. Otherethnics are mixed from zero to four

percent (Serbs as the nextethnic group).

The Tsentar municipality disfrom the other district by theaverage of living space perThe average for Skopje is 19per person. Tsentar constitaverage of 24,71 s qm perThat results from two effe

the average flat space is bigin other districts and seco

number of household memthe lowest of Skopje with 2son per household. The m3,45 persons. In Saraj genehighest average with 4,44 pehousehold.

The investigation area offersed living surrounding with fobig flats. The ethnics are les

there, but Chair as the hotspotural diversity borders in the Tsentar and allows a slop omix to the central municipali

INPUT POPULATION

POPULATION OF SKOPJE

DISTRIBUTION

LIVING SPACE


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KISELA VODAAERODROM

GAZI BABA

TSENTAR

CHAIRKARPOSSARAJ

GJORCE PETROV

BUTEL

SUTO

ORIZARISkopje and its municipalites are map-

ped on the righthand side. This atlas

focuses on the district Tsentar in themiddle of the City of Skopje. It is cha-racterized by a small amount of foreigncivilization and high living standards.

ETHNIC DISTRIBUTION IN SKOPJE ETHNIC DISTRIBUTION IN TSENTAR

HOUSEHOLD SIZE


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For about 500 years beginning at thevery end of the 14th century Skopjeestablished itself as an urban cen-

ter of the Ottoman Empire in theBalkans. Development was concen-

trated on the nor th bank of the riverVardar and followed a very organicgrowth pattern. The citys growthwas greatly influenced by Islamic ur-ban form as was typical in the Otto-man Empire. The 500-year presenceof the Ottomans and particularly Is-

lam in Skopje appears to be a factoreither overlooked or possibly ignoredin current development practices, asdiscussed later in this atlas. Still, jour-neying through the neighborhoodsnorth of the Vardar affords a viewinto the citys Ottoman past, revealednot only in the presence of such buil-dings as mosques or hammamsbut also in remaining neighborhood

and street structures not entirely re-placed by Modernisms footprint ofmulti-storied residential towers andmixed-use complexes.

During the Ottoman era neighbor-hoods were organized roughly along

ethnic, cultural or religious lines.Thus, small, homogenous neigh-borhoods called Mahalla or Maalosdeveloped. Mostly these shared asimilar street structure as the Bazaar,however those that developed southof the Vardar such as Debar, Magirand Novo Maalo, discussed in thischapter, already showed signs of co-ming changes.

After the Balkan Wars in the early 20th

century the formation of the Kingdomof Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SCSKingdom) introduced a Western Eu-ropean influence in city planning andarchitecture. Many of the Serbianplanners had been trained in Ger-many or Austria and a few had wit-nessed the Secessionist movementfirst hand, providing the influence fornew development around the main

square south of the Vardar River (Ml-adjenovic 1995). The SCS Kingdomalso introduced the Western Europe-an city block, which remains as oneof the more noticeable differences inurban form between the north andsouth banks of the Vardar River.

Accordingly weve organizwork into three sections mshow the transition from Islban form though to the formning practices influenced m

the Serbians. Our analysis bethe remnants of Islamic urbin our focus on the Old Bazcontinue with a look into theon the south side of the riverwhile the third section focuseSerbian block structure foun

current city center on the south bank. Each section an introduction which providmation about the backgrounrespective urban forms. Nexmon aspects are shown, like building height or state which we recorded for all bin Skopje. They are suppgive a general impression of

roundings. The next part debuilding types that are charafor the individual building perbuildings location is then sha map, and a standard houscribes the buildings charaelements. Afterwards typicaand structural features of tare described and, in the casMaalos, the different neighb

are compared. Each of the tban forms will then be reflectbriefly. Finally, we summafindings and briefly discuss impressions of the future of and Serbian urban form in S

INTRODUCTION


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THE OLD BAZA


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The houses in the Old Bazaar arerather low. Most of them belong to

the type Bazaar House or Kiosk(see Architecture) which consist ofrespectively two or one level(s). Alt-hough the public buildings from theOttoman era are also categorized ashaving a height of two floors, they arenevertheless much taller and standout against the shops.

Building Height

50m

MAPPING


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State of Repair

Like in most other parts of the townall kinds of condition can be foundin a completely haphazard fashion.Well preserved buildings exist next toruins and ancient buildings from theOttoman period are plastered withmodern additions.

50m


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The uses found in the Old Bazaar re-flect the traditional uses associatedwith Ottoman markets. There is verylittle residential aspect and groundfloor uses reflect the general buildinguse.

Building Use

50m


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The Old Bazaar maintains its primaryfunction as a market with many smallretail shops and artisans work-shops. Gastronomic uses assumea secondary role within the Bazaarwhile daily needs such as grocery orconvenience stores are almost non-

existent.

Ground Floor Use

QUANTITY

50m


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ARCHITECTURE

50m

Ottoman Architecture

This type consists of large public buil-dings from the Ottoman era. Some of

them date back to the 15thcentury.Despite their size they are mostlyhard to find because little shops are

attached to them (see Specific Ur-ban Features). Their state of repairis slightly better than that of otherhouses in this quarter. The MustafaPasha Mosque (the most westernbuilding) is being renovated.


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CHARACTERIST ICS

DOMED ROOFS

DECORATIVE OR

ORNAMENTAL

BRICKWORK

ROWS OF TER-

RACOTAA POTS

TO ABSORB

REVERBATIONS BRICK AND BROKEN

STONE MASONRY


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Bazaar House

The Bazaar House is the most com-

mon type of building in that area. It isdifficult to find out how long this typeof building has been around or howold the existing ones actually are.Their condition varies from brand

new or renovated to completely rundown. The Bazaar Houses architec-

ture clearly illustrates its main purpo-se: Selling.

50m


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CHARACTERIST ICS

AWNINGS PROVI-

DE EXTRA SHOW

SPACE

SECOND FL

WINDOWS

OBSTRUCT

TWO STORIES

GROUND FLOOR

FEATURES DISPL

WINDOWS


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Kiosk

The Kiosks are another common

type of building. They are almost al-ways attached to other buildings andcluster in certain areas.

50m


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SINGLE STORY

THE KIOSK IS FOR ALL

INTENTS AND PURPO-

SES ON BIG DISPLAY

WINDOW

CHARACTERIST ICS


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SPECIFIC USE FEATURES

SUQ ORGANIZATION

As explained in the introduction ba-zaars are structurally divided intosuqs or clusters of similar goods. Anarea featuring mostly gold merchan-

ts is the most intact example of a

suq (see Overview), while two smallclusters, one featuring textiles and

the other kitchen wares provide twofurther possible examples. To whatextent these areas reflect the histo-

rical occupational groupingthe Old Bazaar is difficult to

JEWELLERY

CARPETS HOUSEWARES

50m


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Dividing the Bazaar into two cate-gories, its main thoroughfare and

the outlying regions, reveals a moresubtle look at the current uses of

the Bazaar within the context of thebroader city as a whole. The traditio-nal use of the Bazaar as a market is

exemplified by the many retail shopsin its core, along the main thorough-fare, while the side streets and out-lying areas of the Bazaar house the

majority of the empty shops andservices such as barbers or travelagencies who have moved into theareas bordering the modern city. Onepossible explanation is the growthof residential uses directly adjacent

to the Bazaar. New residential com-

plexes could affect the Bazaar intwo ways. Commercial floor spaceon the ground floor of residentialbuildings either attracts commercial

uses away from the Bazaarshops empty while at the saencouraging useful servicesnew residents to move incomplementary developmenaccount for both the high rate as well as the non-tr

services found in the Bazaar

MAIN AND SIDE STREETS

SIDE STREETS

MAIN AREA

50m


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SPECIFIC URBAN FEATURES

When Ottoman travelers and mer-chants reached a city they neededaccommodation and a place to ba-

the before exercising their religiousduties. Thus, architectural trinities ofan an (caravansary), a hammam(bathhouse) and a mosque develo-ped in Ottoman towns (Oppeln 2009: Hammam and Murat Pasha Mos-que

TRAVELLERS TRINITY

The streets going downhill are builtslightly concave in order to allow

rainwater to run off properly.

CONCAVE STREETS

+ ( + + + )=

Shops are built against the outer wall

of large public buildings to shelterthem.

ATTACHED SHOPS

50m


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On a busy weekday you hardly noticethe shops at all. The displays in thewindows and on the streets catchyour eye so much easier. The peo-ple in the street shopping, meeting,chatting or just sitting and drinking

tea make such a bigger impression

on ones mind. The muezzins regu-lar call keeps reminding you that youare in an oriental quarter.

IMPRESSION


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The Old Bazaar remains a beautifulexample of Ottoman architecture andplanning in the Balkans. In its currentstate the Bazaar covers roughly halfof its original size, leaving it to theviewers imagination to reconstructOttoman life as it would have beenin the flourishing years of the 16thand 17th centuries. The fire of 1689,set by the retreating Austrian army,destroyed the original Kapali Cars-ji, or covered bazaar, as well as a

huge swath of shops, much of whichwas never fully rebuilt (Kiel 1990: VIII161).

The remaining examples of Ottomanarchitecture in Skopje within our stu-dy area are mostly the buildings of theKlliye, including several travelersquarters or Ans and the hammam,along with remnants of the old be-

desten and the Kapali Carsjia. Sever-al mosques can also be found in theBazaar. Other typical constructionseither destroyed or found outside ourstudy area include the Saatkule orclocktower, Medreses or collegesand Imarets or soup kitchens where

the poor could receive two mealsa day (Kiel 1990: IV 305-307). Asindicated in the preceding graphics,

those Ottoman buildings within ourstudy area remain in fairly good con-dition and for the most part open to

the public, though used for purposesother than what they were originallyintended. Only the mosques retain

their original function. Unfortunatelymost of the Cloisonn work has

worn off the buildings exterior. Thisdecorative enamel work was typicalof Ottoman architecture and, thoughlocal Balkan tradesmen exerted no-

ticeable influence, Cloisonn wouldstill have been applied to many of

these buildings (Kiel 1990: xiv).

The presence of Ottoman architec-ture lends a certain amount of au-thenticity to the Bazaar as a whole.During our research in Skopje we of-

ten found ourselves confused aboutthe time period in which many of theBazaar Houses and Bazaar Kiosks,as weve termed them, were built.The buildings height and the use ofmaterials reflect traditional Ottomanconstruction. Likewise, the shopsare built back-to-back or attached

to larger public buildings as is cha-racteristic of Islamic urban form. The

combination of traditional construc-tion and form makes it difficult to seethrough the layers of stucco usedwhen remodeling or rehabilitating thehouses. Many have been so well re-novated that they would appear to benew constructions, except that newerbuildings in the Bazaar, although alsogenerally two stories, tend to appeara half or full floor taller than the stan-

dard, two-story Bazaar House.

The patch-work appearance of reno-vated ground floors, droopy secondfloors, the Bazaar Kiosks colorfuland overflowing store fronts, newconstructions and 500 year old Otto-man architecture makes the Bazaar

extremely visually active. Tvity is compounded by the

tions of the people who shobusiness in the Bazaar and hvisitor forget the outside forare influencing it. Modernexample, creeps into the Bits edges in the form of a mlarge shopping mall and a re

complex. Likewise many cellphone stores, cafes and reshave moved in to the areas ozaar that border the neighbbuilt during the Modernismin 1960s Skopje (see Chapteobserved in the ground flohowever, these same neighbappear to be drawing reta

the Bazaar and leaving a nuempty shops behind. Whstark contrasts are typical fo

the future of the Bazaar is an interesting one, as the ment in Skopje builds its s(Re)constructionist buildingChapter III) along the north

the Vardar River, symbolicphysically blocking out a deminder of the citys Muslim present.

CONCLUSION


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MAAL


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DEBAR MAALO*

MAGIR MAALO

NOVO MAALO

50m

LOCATIONThe map shows the location of theremaining Maalos in Skopjes InnerCity. In the eastern part some of

the oldest neighborhoods of Skopjecan still be found. Developed under

the Ottoman Empire during the late

1800s, Magir Maalo (the biggestone) and Novo Maalo create small,historical islands between big, mo-

dern structures. After the ear thquakeand the new master plan for Skopje,

these Maalos became an informalpart of the city and will often be re-ferred to in the course of this workas the informal Maalos. The currentsituation lacks a plan for this area.

That creates a precarious situationfor the residents. Debar Maalo in thewestern part was developed in the

late teens and early 20s of century. Due to our conteunderstanding of urbanitypears more structured and u

than Magir and Novo Maalofollowing section will show lysis and comparison of the

and point out their differensimilarities concerning arcand specific characteristics.

* Owing to the delineation of our studyarea only a part of Debar Maalo is in-

area extends to the west of what can be


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PITCHED ROOF

TIMBERED FRAMING

CHIMNEY

SMALL ADDITION, S

GARAGE BUILT ON T

OFTEN CONNECTED

FENCE AND GATE

SMALL, IRREGULAR

WINDOWS

PLASTER COVERS

ORIGINAL BRICKWORK

MOSTLY SINGLE

STORY, SOME STORIES

CHARACTERIST ICS


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This residential architecture is oftentwo or three stories tall and is typicalof the first years of the SCS Kingdom.The houses year of constructionis often styled onto the facade andcould range anywhere from 1921 to1929. One or two of these houses

even appear in the Bazaar, thoughmostly theyre found in Debar andMagir Maalos. We believe these wereoriginally villas for wealthy families,e.g. a doctors family. Conditions to-

day are diverse.

Inter-War House

DEBAR MAALO

NOVO MAALO

MAGIR MAALO

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CRUDE BAYWINDOW-TYPE

STRUCTURES ADORN

THE FRONT

ORNAMENTAL CARVINGS

OR ORNATE MOLDING

HIGH WI

SYMETRICAL

BETWEEN 1.5 AND 3 STORIES

CHARACTERIST ICS

BETWEEN 1.5 AND 3 STORIES

SYMETRICAL

CRUDE BAY

WINDOW-TYPE

STRUCTURESADORN THE

FRONT

ORNAMENTAL CARVINGS

OR ORNATE MOLDING

HIGH W


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Extremely simple shops can be foundin both the informal Maalos of theeast and Debar Maalo. They are al-ways single-story constructions builtout of cheap materials. Many are va-cant, while those still in use tend tohouse restaurants or conveniencestores.

Shop

NOVO MAALO

MAGIR MAALO

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CONDITION IS OFT

RUN DOWN

SINGLE STORY

BUILDING IS USUALLY

USED AS A CONVENIENCE

STORE OR RESTAURANTTHE FRONT FEATURES

A ROW OF WINDOWS

BUILDING IS SELF-

CONSTRUCTED UTILIZING

CORRUGATED ALUMINIUM

CHARACTERIST ICS


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DEBAR MAALO


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MAGIR MAALO


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Appearance

DEBAR MAALO: TRANSFORMATION

At first sight Debar Maalo doesnt ap-pear as a typical Maalo. The earth-quake destroyed a lot of the historicaland typical Maalo houses. Thus, alarge proportion of Modern, Post-Modern and contemporary architec-

ture can be found there today.

Due to the fact that Debar Maalo wasconstructed in the late teens early20s of the 20thcentury, it has alwaysbeen a more urban neighborhood,

with stately houses for the wealthy.The urban appearance is underlinedby the diversity of retail, restaurantsand business as well as the highnumber of five to eight-story buil-

dings. Moreover there is a high num-ber of parked cars.

Debar Maalo is characterizedcontrasts concerning quality,

type of the buildings as weluses. The ruins of old Turkish residential apartment buildin

the Modern period, Post-Mocontemporary buildings with

uses are located side by sidheterogeneous Maalo with a number of newly built houses

Thus Debar Maalo can be de

a quarter of inner contrastsMaalo with the biggest chanappearance and the process formation that started direc

the earthquake is still going o

Contrasts

What remained is the same ortho-gonal street raster as it was intro-duced by the SCS Kingdom in theearly 1900s. The raster was strictlyplanned and the newly constructedbuildings were forced to subordina-

te themselves to it. In contrast to the

original structure of the Maalos withstreets extending outward from cen-

tral markets, Debar Maalo shows amore urban street raster that differsfrom former Maalos.

Structure


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It feels like a time travel while walkingthrough Novo Maalo, since scarcelyanything changed after the earthqua-ke. The neighborhood is very quiet,aside from some typical sounds onemight find in a village. One can hear

the sound of a craftsman working in

his garage, neighbors talking to eachother, dripping water or some birds,cats and dogs.

As already mentioned, both Novo

Maalo and Magir Maalo became in-formal after the earthquake and theresulting adoption of a new masterplan for Skopje. There is no currentdevelopment plan and nothing seems

to happen from government quarters;the Maalos dont get an official hea-ring.

Hence, Novo Maalo in particular ap-

pears quite rural and underdevelo-ped. The streets are to some extentin very poor condition, there are dirt

tracks and no sidewalks. Most of thehouses lack access to public water

and electricity.

NOVO MAALO: STAGNATION

Novo Maalo is surrounded byand contemporary urban strThe contrast between the smlo and its environment is enBesides a main road that divneighborhood, a modern aphouse-complex and a big pu

border on the old historical vaddition, a huge new shoppmade of glass was built veaside.

The Maalo itself appears vergeneous with regard to houslity and style. As the mappi

ted out, especially the southis characterized almost solel

or two-story Turkish Housesstate of repair.

By facing these characteristiMaalo can be recognized as t

lo of stagnation. It seems likneighborhood is waiting fo

thing and therefore stuck in t

The street structure in Novo Maalo,like Magir Maalo, is difficult to cate-gorize. It was one of the last Maa-los built under Ottoman rule and oneof the first built on the south side of

the river Vardar. Lacking the tiny cul-de-sacs of Ottoman urban form, its

possible that the street raster wasadapted for geographical reasons orwas just never fully developed, inter-rupted by the Balkan Wars and theSCS Kingdom.

Appearance ContrastsStructure


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Magir Maalo appears as a small vil-lage on its own in the middle of thecity of Skopje. It seems very peacefulsince one can observe playing child-ren, cats and dogs sitting around orrunning wild, old people observing

the neighborhood out of their win-dows, or men sitting and talking onbenches.

Nevertheless the streets seem quitedeserted. A lot of walls and fences

insulate the activities of the maalo-dwellers from the public, which is

typical for the architecture of the ot-toman period. Moreover, and in con-trast to its past, only a few neighbor-hood stores can still be found there.Hence, Magir Maalo lacks some spi-rited and lively meeting places for itsresidents.

Although the feeling of Magir Maalosuggests a place that still leaves itshistorical mark on the neighborhood,one can sense a gentle change, sinceseveral residents have started to re-novate their houses.

MAGIR MAALO: CONTINGENCY

Contrasts can be recognizethe Maalo, especially by lookborders. Magir Maalo is boubig urban infrastructure sucmain railway and bus statioarteries and parking spaces.ra-Maalo contrasts are charaby disparities in the level sing quality and style. The shouses (see section Architeboth shabby and renovated,companied by newly built an

kitschy detached houses informs.

Hence, Magir Maalo can bebed as a Maalo of developmepositive and negative. Agabackground of a missing ment plan, quite a lot of housa good state of repair (see mSo it develops under hard co

On the other hand the missforces some people to mof their houses, because thmoney for a redevelopmenpositive and negative develocoexist side by side.

Magir Maalo was kind of a precursorconcerning a developing plan for arather orthogonal street raster, whichwas remarkable for that period of

time (late 1800s). Compared to thelater formed Debar Maalo, the rasteris not strictly orthogonal, since thereare still some radial streets encoun-

tering each other at a central square.

Appearance ContrastsStructure


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CONCLUSION

Skopje and its Maalos are increa-singly becoming forgotten history.It seems like a hidden world that ispartly stuck in time. Magir Maalo andNovo Maalo appear as old and ruralneighborhoods, while Debar Maalois unfortunately transforming intoan urban quarter and thereby losingits original character. Looking at the

typical architecture of the Maalos,the standard houses show somecharacteristics that cannot be found

elsewhere. Thus the architecture ofthe Maalos is unique and creates re-cognition value.

The mapping reveals some diffe-rences and similarities between the

three Maalos. The most noticeablefactor is the juxtaposition of new orrenovated houses directly to deca-ying ruins. Especially in Magir and

Novo Maalo, the condition of thehouses is deplorable. Since 1963 itis unclear what will happen to the oldneighborhoods. There are no officialplans for those areas and nothingseems to happen on the side of the

government. Thus, any building ac-tivities are informal.

The special atmosphere of the Maa-los could be preserved, but uncer-

tainty makes it hard for the residentsto maintain their houses. The questi-on is, what will happen to them in thefuture? With the new developmentplans for Skopje they are in seriousdanger to disappear in the near future.Nevertheless the strong visual iden-

tity of the Maalo is unique and can-not easily be replaced(Sekutkovskan.d.). The spontaneous individualityof architecture creates a strong con-

trast to the environment. The Maalosare worth preserving and should beprotected and developed as an im-portant reminder of Skopjes history.


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SERBIAN BLOCK STRUCTU


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Building Height

Most of the buildings in the Serbianblock structure have between four

and six floors. This is characteristicof both the buildings from the Mo-dern era as well as the SCS King-dom. Buildings smaller than four to

six stories were all built before theSecond World War.

50m

MAPPING


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State of Repair

Especially the Modern buildings arein a rather bad condition. Often, only

the ground floors are renovated whilethe higher ones are unkempt. Manyof the Secession buildings from the1920s are in good repair, well pre-served and maintained.

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Building Use

The majority of buildings within theSerbian block structure contain someresidential aspect. One of the morenoticeable findings, however, relates

to the Secessionist and early Moder-nist architecture. These buildings pri-marily house public uses such as the

offices of political parties or foreignconsulates. These and other exa-mples of early Modernist residentialbuildings, characteristic of Yugos-lav architects and found in the city

center will be discussed in ChapterTwo. A look behind some of thesebuildings, all of which are built facing

the street, reveals some fading rem-nants of Skopjes Ottoman past. In at

least two instances we found TurkishHouses almost completely coveredup by pre-World War Two Yugoslavdevelopment.

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Ground-Floor Use

There is a lively mix of commercialand gastronomic uses as well asgrocery and convenience stores. No-

ticeable in this case are the relativelyfew vacant store fronts. The largestinfluence in the SCS block structureremains the mix of uses propagated

by Modernist planning principles.

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QUANTITY


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ARCHITECTURE

This architectural style bridges thedifference between Secession and

Modernism. On the surface it ap-pears to feature only elements of theformer style. However, modern buil-ding materials like self-supporting

windows were used to some extent.

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WROUGHT-IRON BALCONIES

NOTICABLY TALLER

INDIVIDUAL FLOOR

HEIGHTS

FLORAL OR GEOMETRIC

FACADE ORNAMENTATION

CHARACTERIST ICS


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SQUARE

SQUARE

SQUARE

SQUARE

AXIS

AXIS

AXIS AXIS

AXISAX

IS

AXIS

AXIS

AX

IS

Street Structure

CONTEMPORARY STREET STRUC

SPECIFIC URBAN FEATURES

MACEDONIA

SQUARE

System of Axes

MACEDONIA

SQUARE

OLD STREET STRUCTURE

50m50m

250m


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BUILDINGS FO LLOWING THE OLD STRUCTURE. . .

...OF WHICH ARE ACTUALLY OLD

50m

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The Serbian city blocks hold a spe-cial place among the pre-Modern de-velopment in Skopje. The structurepreceded Modernism yet most of itsbuildings were built in Modern timesand used to fill gaps. In a manner ofspeaking they were reconstructed.However, although reconstructionwill be reviewed rather critically in

the course of this work, in this caseit may have been a wise measure.By acting this way the citizens could

at least retain an impression of animportant part of their pre-Modernhometown. Despite the fact thatmost of the houses are Modern theold perimeter structure is still clear-ly visible both on the map and whilewalking through the streets.

Especially near the MacedoniaSquare the linear street axes of the

perimeter construction resemble atypical Western European city cen-ter. A fact rather atypical is that thesquare opens towards the Vardarriver. The adjoining pedestrian areacharacterized by concrete is similar

to those in German towns destroyedduring the Second World War.

For the Slavic-Macedonian part ofthe population the Serbian blocks are(apart from the big malls) the mainshopping area. Major foreign brandsand companies (e.g. Nike, Telekom)have their local branch here. The ver-

tical division is noticeable. Shops,restaurants and services are usuallyon the ground floor while apartments

can be found on the upper ones.Interestingly the condition of thehouses shows a similar pattern. Theground floor is mostly in good repairand well kept while the levels aboveare untended and decaying. Never-

theless, in this area a visitor fromCentral Europe feels most at home inSkopje because of the familiar archi-

tecture and the shopping structure.

Additionally the quarter has a strongpolitical aspect. Demonstrations takeplace and many countries have setup their embassies in prestigious de-corated old buildings. Especially be-

cause of those institutions thhigh rate of surveillance and

tion. A great number of camvisible and many buildings hown security guard.

CONCLUSION


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84

The history of Skopje and Macedo-nia has been rather unsettled. Con-

tinuous changes were more oftenthan not the sole constant. For thelast 1,500 years only the Ottomansmanaged to retain their power over

the region for a longer period. After

some struggles during the seconddecade of the 20th century theywere succeeded by the Serbs whoruled until the Second World War.Just as the history of Skopje is cha-

racterized by breaks and changes, amain characteristic of the remainingpre-Modern architecture is contrastsand differences. These become morevisible as the remaining old buildings

mass in certain city areas. Especiallythe Bazaar and Maalos form regularpre-Modern islands in Modern sur-roundings.

A major contrast can be seen in thestreet structures of the two differenturban types. In the Bazaar the short,winding streets follow a rather ran-dom course. The same applies to

some Ottoman Maalos on the northside of the Vardar river which werenot analyzed in the course of thiswork as they are outside the areaunder investigation. The Maalos in-

cluded in our study area were builtduring a changing of the guard andare difficult to characterize. The Ser-bian blocks, however, were built aftera formal plan. Their streets are longer

and straight.

While Skopje has long been an urban

center, the Maalos have taken on theappearance of a village structure.Their current condition, detachedhouses only connected by walls orcourtyards and with scant resour-ces, reflects the changing focus inSkopje. The traditional bazaar and

Maalo architecture is low and timber-framed and the adjoining streets arerather narrow. Maybe this small sca-le construction and the closeness of

the buildings are reasons why most

inhabitants or passersby know, greetand talk to each other. Life in the peri-meter blocks seems to be more ano-nymous and the houses are different.In contrast to those in the other old

areas they are higher and consist offour or more floors. Modern buildingmaterials were used to some extent.

Great contrasts are discernible con-

cerning the use of the Bazaar andMaalos: In the former, countless littleshops can be found while hardlyanybody lives there. The latter areresidential areas with very few op-

portunities to purchase goods. Informer times there were plenty ofshops for daily amenities, but theyclosed down, a fact maybe due toshopping centers and supermarkets

opening near the city center. The pe-rimeter blocks, which are located inthat area, are used for habitation aswell as commerce.

The contrast between European andoriental architecture is palpable foranybody crossing the Vardar River

over the Stone Bridge. Whilerimeter blocks were erecte

the Serbs reign, who preferrropean style of architecture, bazaar was built under the rule. Today, the two quarstill characterized by two

ethnicities. The old bazaar ly frequented by the Albanialation and the way of life is Slavic-Macedonians rather aarea and stay on the other sid

river. The situation in the Mslightly different: In the pastlage was always inhabited bbelonging to the same ethnbut that does not hold true a

As the Macedonian governmvors the architectural styleSerbian era there are planconstruct large prestigious b

from that time. The larger hothe perimeter blocks are mgood repair and well tended, wever, that does not apply

them, especially not for the

ones. They are in the same cas old houses in other areasvation measures are mostlyIn the Bazaar, for example, mosque is being refurbished

any public funds. For regularthe respective owner is sosponsible. Hence, buildingsrepair or even new ones are fly found directly attached to

ruins. This situation is charafor any old quarter in Skopje.Maalos, the condition of the

PREMODERN CONCLUSION


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is even more dire. As there are noofficial plans concerning those areas

any building activities are informal.This state of affairs impedes anynecessary improvements like a bet-

ter water or electricity supply. A planrespecting the Maalos should be de-

veloped. Generally speaking, a grea-

ter care for remaining old structuresinstead of erecting new buildings

would be desirable to retain the hi-storically interesting Bazaar, Maalosand perimeter blocks.

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During the early hours of July 26th1963 Skopje was struck by an earth-quake with a magnitude of 6.2. 1,070citizens lost their lives and more than3,300 were seriously injured (Pet-rovski n.d.).

Up until 1963 there were no speci-fic regulations about natural disastermanagement in Skopje. As a result,a buildings structural integrity andresistance to shock was usually not

taken into consideration in the townplanning process. This lack of con-sideration may have amplified the

devastating outcome of the earth-quake. 80.7 percent of the houseswere demolished or heavily dama-ged and 75.5 percent of the popu-lation left homeless. Both residentialand public buildings suffered greatly.19 schools, nine polyclinics and anequal number of state institutions

were completely destroyed. Otherimportant public edifices were ruinedor so heavily damaged that they had

to be pulled down afterwards. Impor-tant examples are the MacedonianNational Theater and the Officersquarters on Macedonia Square.Their loss is still mourned. Othereven older historical buildings suffe-red as well. A number of mosques,minarets and the caravansary Kur-sumli An, which dates back to the16th century, were heavily damaged.The latter, however, was reconstruc-

ted. (Bchsenschtz 2000 / MCIC

(Ed.) 2006 / Petrovski n.d.)

The greatest degree of destructionoccurred in the center of the city,inflicting various degrees of damage

to the building stock. The levels ofdamage can be roughly categorizedinto three groups. The first consists

of old adobe structures band without timber bracing. Tof construction, although dwithstood the earthquake ratively well. The second gcludes buildings belonging phases of Modernism. Afta rapid increase in populatiored the construction of rebuildings. More than 3,00ment units were constructeyears following, mainly on tside of the city. The new rebuildings were usually five-ssonry houses of similar conand of low to moderate qualse and other brick structurered most from the earthquaccounted for the large nudeaths. This was mainly duapplication of Modernismsaesthetic without adequate c

tion methods and quality mThe third category consistsrise Modernist buildings witforced concrete skeleton. Thrienced relatively little damag

the use of modern building mand techniques that in somhad even accounted for windAdditionally, the specific seisquency appeared to affect th

(Petrovski n.d.)

After the earthquake the need brought on by the poboom of 1950 only intensifie

than 140,000 citizens hadevacuated and 20 tent settproviding 10,000 tents were

INTRODUCTION


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The urgent demand for residentialunits was answered in the followingmonths by the construction of pre-fabricated housing and repair andstrengthening of damaged buildings.(Petrovski n.d.)

The international solidarity shownafter the earthquake was immen-se. Help was provided from foreigngovernments and international orga-nizations. All together, 914 dwellings,over 50 schools, hospitals, ambulan-ces, a prefabricated apartment buil-ding factory and more were donatedover a period of ten years (Petrovskin.d.). Another important element of

the international contribution wasthe help in the planning process torebuild the city. A competition washeld for that purpose, the winningplan followed Modern principles.

This chapter deals with Modernismand its influence, not only in the for-mer Yugoslavia but in particular inreshaping post-earthquake Skopje. Abrief introduction to Modernisms in-

ternational importance and its strongvisionary character will be followedby explanations of various trendswithin Modernism and their meaningfor Skopje. It is important to recogni-ze two broad phases of Modernismin Skopje. We make a distinction bet-ween Modernist influence before theearthquake and the vision of Moder-nism embodied in the rebuilding of

Skopje. While both phases are inclu-ded in this chapter, we have focusedmostly on the post-earthquake po-

tential for a Modern vision in Skopje.

The results of the international com-petition for a new Master plan and thewinning Master plan by the Japanese

Skopje after the eartquake. People exa-mine the damage and helping to rebuilt

their city.

architect Kenzo Tange will be parti-cularly emphasized. An analysis ofTanges plan is followed by a detailedlook at the remaining elements ofModernism that can still be found inSkopje. Weve categorized these asTanges City Wall, a major element

of the new city after the earthqua-ke, Ensembles inspired by KenzoTange and his plan and lastly as In-

ternational Trends, showing thosebuildings influenced by the overar-ching principles of Modernism. Thelast category describes residentialbuildings of the Modern era. Last-ly we present an explanation of theway in which Modernism is current-ly handled in Skopje and its position

within the city fabric.


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After the earthquake the level of de-struction of the city of Skopje requi-

red immediate interventions. Since

80 percent of the building stock had

been destroyed, the main problemsfacing the city were the loss of infra-

structure and the incredible housing

shortage. A concept for the citys re-

construction had to be found.

The tragedy had aroused internatio-nal attention. 77 countries declared

their solidarity with the city and gu-

aranteed support. A United Nations

Fund was created to help support

reconstruction. But support was notjust financial. The international com-

munity also aided in the supply of

technological expertise and resour-

ces, such as Russias donation of

a factory for pre-fabricating buildingelements. In 1964 a town planning

department was founded in Skopje

and, following international guideli-

nes the city tendered an international

competition for a Master plan en-

compassing the city center. (United

Nations (Ed.) 1970: 33)

Expectations for the plan were high.The rebuilding of Skopje offered the

chance to realize a contemporary,

socialist city that created a better

life for its inhabitants. More than justa Master plan to rebuild the social,

economic and technical conditions

in Skopje, it was a chance to shape

a modern society. The Master plan

became an expressed commitment

to Modernism.

Neither Modern architecture nor its

surrounding philosophy was a new

movement. The idea of Modernism

was internationally known and re-presented the zeitgeist of that time.

It was a way of thinking that arose

as a result of the industrial revolution

in the end of the 19th century. The

intense urbanization and industria-lization resulted in social and envi-

ronmental injustices which needed

to be resolved. Therefore Modernism

was founded as a reaction to the in-

dustrialized cities. Representatives

of Modernism declared that the his-

torical cities did not fulfill social re-

quirements and, considerintechnological advances, w

of date. Modernism did not

an improvement of structura

tions, it demanded a total sophysical transformation.

The vision of a better life fo

ter society could only be re

the right built surrounding

architecture and society areinterrelated. Architecture wa

one hand, supposed to shap

ety while at the same time m

it. The idea of a Modern soc

based on the fulfillment of thof city inhabitants. A city ha

serve space for residential, w

sure and transportation use

elements had to appear in

ted zones in the city in ordethe city and its inhabitants

structure. The idea of Funct

arose during this time. In

Corbusier developed a prop

an ideal modern city. He div

city of Paris into four zon

transportation infrastructure

MODERNISM AND ITS VISION

Modern Vision

TIMELINE


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KENZO TANGE AND HIS PL


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Kenzo Tange was born in 1913 inOsaka, Japan and died 2005 in To-kyo. During his lifetime he becameone of the greatest and most impor-

tant architects of the 20th century.His work is appreciated and admi-red by generations of planners andarchitects. More than in the worksof any other architect of his genera-

tion, the features characterizing the

present phase in architecture areexpressed to perfection [...]. Thesefeatures are: economy, emotionaliza-

tion, symbolic shape, urbanization,structurism (Kultermann 1970: 8).

More than just an architect, KenzoTange also developed a new conceptof urbanity. His idea of urbanism isbased first and foremost on urbanspace as a place of human commu-

nication. He was attempting to defineand design an expression of socialstructure. He was further influencedby statics and economics and fo-cused throughout his career on thequestion: Where and how do peoplemeet?

These theoretical ponderings and in-fluences led to the evolution of Struc-

turalism, a new kind of Modernismthat left behind what Tange foundstagnant in Functionalism. In his opi-nion, Functionalism was based on astatic relation between function andspace (Kultermann 1970: 10). Asone of the originators of Structura-lism, Tange was pursuing an open

and flexible city and housing design.Further Kenzo Tange was one of theJapanese architects known as Me-

tabolists, inspired by biological sys-tems and incorporating these naturaldesign processes into architecturaldesign.

The result was a megastructure thatcould grow, change and regenera-

te depending on peoples current

needs. With this idea he turned awayfrom Le Corbusiers conception ofurban planning. Tange wanted to fillspaces with emotions and createstructures that reflected their indivi-dual and unique building site. In allhis designs he captured the modern

way of thinking as well as trJapanese style.

Working examples from portfolio include the Peacein Hirsoshima and the Com

tions Center in Kofu. Impowell is his Master plan for T1960, which gathers up anses everything he is intereste

ing (Kultermann 1970: 112and structure, his main motwere developed to perfectioa total urban structure. With he wanted to not only expandbut also rethink the nature ofitself. This background heform his Master plan develoSkopjes city center in 1964

Although, until now, we have abstractly called spaces a place to live or a place to work, we cannot presspace from such a static pattern alone. The prescribing factor must be the mobility and flow of people anand visual communication - Kenzo Tange

OVERVIEW

Kenzo Tange was one of the primarly representatives of the modern style of Structuralism. He designed tterplan for Skopje after the earthquake. His comprehension of Structure was magistral for the idea behind t

Skopje should have become a City adapted to the needs that the Structuralism shaped.On the following pages Kenzo Tange and his Master plan for Skopje are presented.

Life and Work


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Guidelines for the Masterplan

After the incredible demolition ofSkopje in 1963 more than $30 million(U.S.) in financial aid was offered from

the UN, the federal government of Yu-goslavia and many other countriesand international organizations. A fewcountries offered reconstruction loansand the Yugoslav government leviedadditional federal taxes to help cover

the costs of rebuilding (Ladinski n.d.:75). Additionally the United Nationsset up a Skopje Urban Plan Project

and called for a competition to designthe new city center of Skopje. In 1965seven international teams participatedon invitation in the competition.

The regional plan for the entire citywas already in line with the SkopjeUrban Plan Project developed by theGreek firm Doxiadis Ass. and a Po-lish group (Kultermann 1970: 262).What they were looking for now was amodern and new city center to identifywith and reinvigorate Skopje. Inspiredby international architectural trends of

the time, the jury favored large scaleproportions instead of small patternsand little roads. The Jury consisted of

representatives of the United Nations,project manager Adolf Ciborowski and

the town-planning director of Skopjeamong others.

The Jury recommended a fewnes for the 295 acres design ahough one third of the new bwas set aside for residential hope was to create a new ad

tive and political center for Skwould represent on a grand sstature of the city. The six mdelines are summarized on th(United Nations 1970 (Ed.))

The plan focused on the rive

and both river banks.

Nothing should be allowed tofrom the pre-eminence of Kal

the centres highest natural Landscaping and additional refacilities are allowed. The imaspect is that there will be no hdings between the city center view to Kale Hill.

1

2


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Carsija is to be preserved, but served. A gentle and traditionlopment towards a useful ele

the centres functional compos

Densities in residential redeveareas should take account of swell as economic and techn

tors. The quarter next to Ca

better into the townscape with housings.

The Marshal Tito Street is tofilled consistent with the cha

the remaining, surrounding bui

Ameliorate the microclimate-O

on, use of volumes and plantinimprove the natural climate coin Skopje.

3

4

5

6


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The proposed plan from Kenzo Tan-ge, which influenced the final plan

the most, [...] was less about sti-mulating the growth and redevelop-ment of a living city than it was aboutestablishing a total image aroundwhich a devastated city could be re-surrected. (Lin 2010: 192)

For his proposal Tange relied hea-vily on the Structuralist principleshed helped to develop in urban pl-anning, expressed in the interplaybetween structure, communicationand symbolism. The city itself was

to provide the spatial structure ne-cessary for human interaction andcommunication. The organization of

the spatial structure was meant toreflect the needs of the people andshould be flexible enough to changewith humanitys changing needs and

technological progress. Further fos-tering communication was the sym-bolism imbued in the citys struc-

ture. Because modern society wasa technological society, Tange oftenworked to answer the question:

Can modern technology restore Hu-manity? (Kultermann 1970: 13)

If the city is a translation of contem-porary society into spatial structureit needs elements to allow the inter-change between city, technology andhuman values. Kenzo Tange divided

these elements into transformers

and vessels. Transformers are the-re to convert the scale and speed ofmans equipment down to the scaleand speed of man himself (UnitedNations (Ed.) 1970: 315), an examp-le would be the railway station. Thevessel is a possibility to preserve oldhabits and meanings. Its about con-

taining both old and new manifes-tations of the human spirit (UnitedNations 1970 (Ed.): 315). Walkingdistance is used to measure the di-mension of a vessel, which couldbe, e.g. a residential building or asquare.

Based on these principles Tangesintent was to create a city with which

the inhabitants of Skopje could iden-tify and that would offer the possi-bility to interact and move. His draftconsists of large scale structuresand transportation arteries, fittingnot only his working style but also

the requirements of the Master plan.Tange took into account the long

building period for these large scalesand assigned the buildings to variousconstruction phases.

RETROVERSIONWork on the Master plan itself went

through a lot of changes and sawmore than one version produced.The last version is known as theninth project, though not all steps

leading to it can be retraced (Kulter-mann 1970: 262). However threephases can be recognized clearly,with the last two developed during

the collaborative work with the Cro-atian team.

The first stage consists of the firstmodel Kenzo Tanges team made.This first model won the competiti-

on. The main elements are alreadyexpressed. Throughout the next pl-anning phases improvement and ad-aption took place.

During the second stage Tange en-deavoured to bridge the yawning gapbetween the design on paper and the

practical realization (Ku1970: 262). In this plan grezones are incorporated.

In the third phase they macrete architectural-urbanisticsals covering the entire stru

the centre of Skopje and certvidual key complexes (Ku1970: 262). Especially thelements experienced chanwere revised in a more realisAs a result the City Gate duced slightly in scale and tWall changed in its architectout.


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102

Thoughts Behind the Masterplan

AMELIORATION OF LIVABILITY

Even if the slum-like dwellings (Maalosand housing next to the Bazaar) withdifferent cultural traditions were res-pected, they would have been clearedby 1971 and replaced by medium-risehousing to allow for a better living stan-dard. A big survey after the earthquakeshowed that the general housing stan-dard was very low with eight sqm perperson while many non-Macedonian

ethnic groups lived in even smallerhouses with a lower average of sqmper person (4,7 sqm) (Home n.d.: 18).But residential use wasnt the focus of

the city center, even if housing unitswere planned in the Master plan. Theresidential areas were mainly around

the inner city. Aerodrom, the neighbo-ring municipality is a result of these pl-anning activities. (Home n.d.: 14)

The intent for the city center was toprovide the facilities necessary for amodern city. The focus was on newinfrastructure responding to currentand projected interests such as car-friendly streets and a railway systemconnecting Skopje to national and in-

ternational cities. Likewise commercialspace was provided for retail shopping

and and grocery and supermarkets, toencourage purschasing food insteadof families growing their own foodin garden plots (Home n.d.: 18). Be-cause cities were seen as centers ofindustry and economic progress agri-cultural traditions were relegated solelyoutside the city.

EDUCATION

Because planners and architectsviewed themselves in the 1960sas educators of the society theypromoted new guidelines for living,which ignored the traditional housingsituation. The new houses that werebuilt declared the old functions of re-ceiving guests and providing privacyas dysfunctional and aspired instead

to re-educate the people into a more

rational and efficient use of domesticspace, through the medium of tenantcommittees in the new housing es-

tate (Home n.d.: 18 et seq.). Alsofamily life was remodeled. The newflats served a typical family situationand ignored the tradition followed inmany cultures of housing for mulitp-le generations such as the Roma orAlbanians (Home n.d: 18 et seq.).

CONNECTION

Before the earthquake the citwas concentrated around MaSquare on the south side of Although Skopje was an urba

there was a stark ethnic sebetween the north and souof the river Vardar. The final p1966, therefore, was inadvepiece of social engineeringseparation was supposed t

conciled focusing the urbanon both sides of the river anfore neutraliz[ing] the socinicious division of the cityn.d.: 17). Likewise the plannlic buildings were concentranew axis to allow an advancnection. As seen in the grafurther vertical axis from theway station towards the Baz

transformed into a horizonnext to the Vardar River. Pub

ties and buildings made up taxis along the river. Startinwest with a communicati

ter, crossing Marshall Tito today Macedonia Square, anby as well the old axis and ing with a cultural center, scenter, the Republic Square

towards the new railway stpassing a boulevard of officeces and other public facilitieelements will be further disc

the following section.


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100m

SHOPPING

UNIVERSITY

REPUBLICSQUARE

BUSINESSCENTER

NEW STAT

BIT BAZAAR

CARSIJA

LIBERTY SQUARE

TITO SQUARE

M. TITO STREET

JULY 26 SQUARE

OLD RAILWAYSTATION

CULTURAL

CENTER

AXIS OF THE CITY - OLD AND NEW

Location of the main attraction point in the city center. Red signalises the points on the old axis before the earthq

blue demonstrtes the propsed axis in the Master plan.


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104

THE MODEL

Birds eye view on the first submitted model of the Master plan for the competition by Kenzo Tange and his teamright-hand side detail pictures and images of the working process. Streets with seven lanes for each direction wereto avoid congestions in the Modern city.


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106

THE ELEMENTS OF THE MASTERPLAN

City Gate

This element was the the Masterplans eye-catcher and the heartof the project. The City Gate forms

the new axis of the town - a rotati-on of 90, with Macedonia Square as

the rotations fulcrum. (Kultermann1970: 262)

It could also be called the unitedways of movement, since all pos-sible forms of infrastructure andmovement are concentrated in this

structure. There is an air terminal, aheliport, an underground passengerrailway station, two level highway,car parking and a pedestrian deck(United Nations (Ed.) 1970: 263).Due to this centralization unneces-sary congestion should be avoided(Kultermann 1970: 112). The CityGate would have allowed entry into

the city center with every possible

mode of transit through this axis,as the name City Gate implies. Also

the architecture was relevant sym-bolically. High rise buildings line theboulevard leading from the outsidein the east towards the city centerin the west, delineating a sequentialhierarchy of scale. From high in theeast they begin diminishing to thelow buildings and narrow streets in

the old quarters. (Kultermann 1970:263).

The City Gate changed during the re-vision process. The scale was pareddown. In the first model the centralpassenger railway station was anunderground construction. In the last

phase the railway station edged theboulevard and was re-modeled asan overground station. Next to therailway station communication andbusiness operations were to be pro-vided.


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THE ELEMENTS OF THE MASTERPLAN

City Wall

The City Wall, discussed in detail inthe next section, was designed andbuilt as an enclosure for the innercity. In its full realization it wouldhave circled the entire center. How-ever due to the topographic situationa circular construction was not reali-stic. The basic layout was high den-sity dwellings in vertical slab blockswith cylindrical shafts and standingon trapezoidal bases (United Na-

tions 1970 (Ed.): 317). Building ma-

terials and construction techniquesprovided resistance to earthquakes.Inspired by his work in Kofu Tangeadded communication towers for

the inner building infrastructure. TheCity Wall was not only about protec-

ting the center but also to improvelivability. Hence, in the ground floorshops, cafs and services were pl-anned for a better supply infrastruc-

ture, as well as underground parking.For a more friendly atmosphere thegreen space should run along side(United Nations (Ed.) 1970: 317)

the new apartment buildings. Shopsshould face the inner city and the

green spaces and parking entranceswere on the outer side. Tange also

took into consideration the amelio-ration of environmental conditionswithin the city as a whole, adding anempty fourth floor in the City Wall toallow the circulation of air through

the city center.

During the revision process the heightof the buildings was diminished and

the empty fourth floor for improving

the micro climate was left out. Thegreen spaces were developed intosmall courtyards accompanyingeach building. The slab blocks weresplit up in solitary high rise buildingsand blocks (Kultermann 1970: 264).

Instead of providing social housingthe apar tments in the City Wall werebuilt with a high class standard and

as condominiums, not cooperativehousing.


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Republic Square

The Republic Square was designedas a link between the Shopping Cen-

ter and the City Gate. An outstandingfeature is the spanning of the river.An elevated pedestrian system ties

the entire City Gate area together andmoves people across the river to theneighborhoods on the other side(United Nations (Ed.) 1970: 318). At

the Republic Square all stakeholdersin the state come together. It is a civicsquare surrounded by municipality

and state facilities such as a court,the house of the communist partyand government offices (United Na-

tions (Ed.) 1970: 318). The publicwas symbolized by two museums

that were planned.

Liberty SquareCultural facilities for the city were tobe concentrated on the northern partof the river. Liberty Square was plan-ned opposite the former Marshall TitoSquare, connected by the old 15thcen-

tury Ottoman bridge that endured theearthquake. This square opens northinto the Bazaar and east into the cul-

tural center. The Square, though able

to stand alone, would have connectedthe cultural center and the Bazaar. Al-most all of the planned buildings weredevoted to folklore: a ballet theaterand school, educational facilities, ahotel and a church.


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110

Kenzo Tange and his team were po-sitive about the implementation of

their plan, which in general experi-enced very little resistance. First andforemost the plan was needed. Politi-cians supported the plans ideas andprocuring the necessary propertywas certainly not a problem. The-re was also a lot of money put into

the rebuilding of Skopje. Nowadays,however, one can see that despiteinitial positivity, practical realization

was difficult. Nevertheless in 1980Skopje celebrated the rebuilding withan exhibition. (Home n.d.: 19)

The earthquakes direct losses wereestimated at over $1 000 million(Jordanovski 1993 in Ladinski n.d.:75), a sum nearly equivalent to theentire annual budget of former Yu-goslavia or 15 percent of the former

Yugoslav Gross National Product forthat year (Ladinski n.d.:75). Helpcame from all sides after the earth-quake. The Soviet Union even dona-

ted a factory for prefabricated apart-ment blocks. For the reconstructionin the following years a Fund forReconstruction and Developmentwas opened. The main period for

the realization was supposed to end

in 1970, but the work continued till1973 (Ladinski n.d.: 80). Buildingslike the University, the Telecommuni-cation Center, the Bank Complex and

the Cultural Center were all realizedduring 1974-79 (Penviv; Tolic et al.2009). Almost all planned construc-

tion activities started. However Ne-

arly all [...] projects were not fullycompleted due to the lack of financi-al resources. The income generatedfrom the Fund was not sufficient tosustain construction requirementsand the race against inflation at thesame time. (Ladinski n.d.: 80)

REALIZATION

Usage plan by Kenzo Tange for the inner City Center, distinguished by buiand usage zones

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151712988 Research Project Skopje a Modern City