13086820 What Purpose Do Small States Serve

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    EUPHORIA OVER SMALL STATES

    AND

    THE OTHER SIDE OF THE COIN

    Tadepalli Lalitha Bala Subrahmanyam, May, 2001.

    The turn of the century has opened a Pandoras box in Indias geopo-litical sphere with the emergence of three new States on its map and

    raked up a host of controversial issues. On a different plane, the event

    is historic and has more potential ramifications than Indias partition

    in 1947, in the view of the spurt it has given to separatist elements in

    various pockets of the country. Following the creation of Jharkhand,

    Uttaranchal and Chhattisgarh, voices in favour of separate Kodagu State,Vidarbha, Konkan, Telangana, Ladakh and Jammu have grown more assertive

    and strident. At a stroke, all the old ghosts were resurrected from their

    graves. Just a resolution in the parliament, and well form our own

    State- seems to be the dominant trend across the country. Whoever

    disagrees with the separatist demand is deemed enemy of the region and

    its development.

    WHY THIS SUDDEN SEPARATISM ?

    The creation of three new States has left many wondering, with what

    ease and expediency the Indian Parliament could make and unmake States

    at will. They have understood that the so-called linguistc States of

    India have no sanctity and indestructibility, but can be freely tampered

    with. A constitutional provision exists enabling the Parliament to this

    effect, but this statute was sparingly used in the past with only a few

    States coming into existance after the first reorganization of States on

    linguistic basis. It is worth recalling that-for all their despotic

    tendencies, late Indira Gandhi and her son and successor late Rajiv

    Gandhi had never compromised on the principle of national unity and

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    EUPHORIA OVER SMALL STATES AND THE OTHER SIDE OF THE COIN 2

    mercilessly crushed all separatism in its umpteen avatars. While Indira

    dealt with the separate Telangana and Jai Andhra movements with an iron

    hand, Rajiv was rather curtly outspoken in his aversion to creating new

    States. But a constitutional provision is apparently on the verge of

    being misused well on the lines of Article 356 behind the veneer of

    public demand and correcting regional imbalances.

    (i) Regional backwardness is cited as the principal reason for which the

    new States were created. Ironically enough, the party in power in all the

    3 bifurcated States had traditionally been the Indian National Congress

    that now merrily voted for their bifurcation. Then, is it the fault of

    the integrated State or the party in power there ?

    (ii) Now, confronted with the intellectual bankruptcy in the wake of aglobally sweeping market economy,political entities have lost their

    ideological ground and are in search of fresh issues to make headlines in

    media. Demand for separate States comes handy at this juncture.

    (iii) Besides the political arithmatic of small States makes it possible

    for a half or one-third of the MLAs to occupy miniterial berths which is

    not the case with a big State having 200 assembly seats.

    (iv) Unlike reservation quotas, a demand for a separate State strikes an

    emotional chord with every inhabitant of the region, thus lending its

    divisive content a touch of democracy. Thus the demand holds a sure-shot

    political promise worth investing in by politicians of all hues.

    (v) Moreover, the Indian polity is often termed as quasi-federal, while

    in fact, it has few or no federal features worth the name except the

    existence of 28 States. The Centre loves to view these states more as

    mere administrative units than manifestations of the cultural aspira-

    tions of various sub-nations in the country. Thus, strong sub-nations

    are perceived as a threat to the constitutionally centralized powers

    arrogated to themselves by successive Union Governments during the last

    53 years. Therefore, the centre is ready to bifurcate or even trifurcate

    big States just on demand, pending a number of other bills of more

    urgency and importance.

    (vi) When the Indian leaders at the dawn of independence decided to form

    States on linguistic basis, they were not motivated by any vested

    interest, but only an urge to emancipate the native cultures, languages

    and people subjugated under the colonial yoke. With the memory of those

    leaders and their movements in the Gandhian era slowly fading out of

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    EUPHORIA OVER SMALL STATES AND THE OTHER SIDE OF THE COIN 3

    public memory, divisive politics now usurp the vaccuous ideological

    space.

    IS SMALL REALLY BEAUTIFUL ?

    (i) According to the advocates of small States, they are easy to govern

    and develop. Small countries like Japan, South Korea, Singapore, Taiwan

    and a host of European countries have made faster material progress than

    big countries like India, China, Brazil and Indonesia. Apart from the

    selective exemplification, this contention has basic fallacy abou it. A

    dignified municipality called the (constituent) State of India can not

    be likened to an independent republic of sovereign powers, which can

    decide and dictate its own future. Under the existing dispensation, the

    so-called States are toothless for all practical purposes with no powers

    to sanction either a small industrial ot irrigation project. They cannot even rename a place without the Centres approval. All minerals and

    underground resources squarely belong to the Centre. States can not

    grant permission even to start a newspaper or journal. No resolution

    passed by a State becomes an Act without the Presidents seal of appro-

    bation. All avenues of revenue were monopolized by the Centre long ago,

    leaving the States to fall back upon sales tax, octroi and registration

    fees only. Almost all subjects in the States list were gradually

    transferred to Concurrent list, thus enabling the Centre to poke a

    finger in all internal affairs of the States. Given this ground situa-

    tion, what additional progress can one expect from the new (small)

    States, without fighting for true federalism in our constitutional

    framework ?

    (ii) Secondly, did all small States progress ? If they did, what could be

    the reason ? Orissa, a small State of approx. 1,55,000 sq.k.m. (half the

    size of Maharashtra), was formed way back in 1936 and is still rated as

    a backward State. Still smaller states like Haryana and Punjab (each

    having an area admeasuring approx. 50,000 sq.k.m.)were formed in the

    60s and they made rapid strides, owing not as much to their small size

    as to the Green Revolution, centrally sponsored irrigation projects and

    inflows of foreign exchange as also their proximity to the nationalcapital.

    From a global perspective too, not all small countries can be

    credited with progress. Well in our neighbourhood, we have under-devel-

    oped small countries like Nepal, Bangladesh and Bhutan.

    (iii) The issues arising out of the rapid technological advancements in

    the world put governments under stress to cope up with them and made them

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    EUPHORIA OVER SMALL STATES AND THE OTHER SIDE OF THE COIN 4

    increasingly variegated and complex. New laws and systems are to be

    devised on a continuous basis. Thus, small States too are constrained to

    keep as many as departments as big ones. Can they financially afford it

    ? What surplus funds are they left with for development, if revenues areexhausted on the administrative machinery itself ? Uttaranchal State is

    a case in point whose revenue receipts are well below Rs.350 crores, but

    whose annual expenditure exceeds Rs.1,500 crores. It is for this reason

    that it was recently accorded status of the Special category State,

    which means more grants and fewer loans. The plight of Chhattisgarh is no

    different too. Thus the concept of small States subjects the States to

    incremental dependence on the Centre and leads to regional jealousies,

    charges of favouritism and ultimate loss of faith in national integra-

    tion.

    (iv) The inter-State boundary and river water disputes between a number

    of States are still unresolved with many of them remaining perpetually

    sub-judice. For Instance, Karnataka alone has been in conflict with a

    couple of States over disputed territories (Kasargode and Belgaum) and

    with another couple of States on water-sharing (the Krishna and Cauvery).

    The disputes are so emotive that they turned not only governments

    against governments, but also the people of one State against those of

    another and sporadic trading of violence is not uncommon. Given this

    record, more States means more disputes which will ultimately threaten

    to erode the very spirit of Indian nationalism.

    (v) This dangerous doctrine of small States gives a fillip to the

    secessionist outfits like the LTTE, ULFA. JKLF, and Khalistanis who

    might find in it a cloaked and implicit endorsement of their balkanization

    programme. If small States are OK, why not small countries ?they might

    ask. We have no answer.

    (vi) The parameters to determine the optimum smallness are vague. We

    can reorganize India into 88 Keralas, or 120 Nagalands or 250 Sikkims.

    This number could be endless. They will serve no loftier purpose than

    solving the political unemployment of a few.

    STATUS QUO IS NO STAGNATION

    The argument that big States have grown unwieldy by virtue of their

    vastness and population is untenable and anachronistic for the simple

    fact that we live in the age of internet, video-conferences, cell

    phones, express haighways, jet planes and superfast railways. Will these

    small advocates agree to divide India into 2 more free and independent

    republics because her population tripled since independence ?

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    EUPHORIA OVER SMALL STATES AND THE OTHER SIDE OF THE COIN 4

    Any ardent reader of history can tell us that the British conquest

    of India became possible not for want of powerful principalities, but

    only for want of strong nation-states on its soil. In contrast, the age-

    old linguistic states like England, France and Japan were never colo-nized but have colonized other countries.

    Reorganization of India on linguistic basis was the best thing that

    happened to her in her 5,000-year-long history. It demonstrated to the

    world that we have politically come of age on par with the advanced

    nations of the world. Any attempt to undo this mature regime will amount

    to putting the clock back by millenia.

    A nation or sub-nation is a homogenous group that organizes itself

    on a permanent basis. No country in the world ever prospered, constantly

    fiddling with its boundaries which amounts to anarchy, unrest, indisci-

    pline and instability. It has been the curse on Indias fortunes since

    time immemorial. Long-term unity and integration should not be sacri-

    ficed at the altar of petty development issues which can be resolved with

    proper planning, political will and time-bound implementation.

    There are better ways to escape our boredom than agitating for

    separate States.