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Migration and Its Impact in Riau Province, Indonesia:
An Analysis of Population Census Data and Topographical Maps
Yusuke KOIZUMI
The University of Tokyo
Abstract: Although recent economic development in Indonesia is based on urbanization and industrialization, the palm oil
industry continues to contribute to economic growth. Large-scale development by plantation companies has
seriously impacted the natural environment and rural livelihoods. The outer islands of Indonesia, particularly
Sumatra and Kalimantan, are affected by many issues such as the recent haze problem. Moreover, as NGOs have
criticized, plantation companies are powerful enough to take over local people’s land.
However, the number of smallholders is increasing and their economic position is improving to an unprecedented
extent. In the last half-century, the expansion of oil palm cultivation by both plantations and smallholders has
drastically changed livelihood strategies and the landscape of rural societies in the outer islands of Indonesia.
To explain the transformation associated with oil palm cultivation, especially in Riau Province where oil palm
cultivation by smallholders has expanded most substantially, this study maps social changes based on population
census data and examines geographic dynamics using large-scale topographic maps. Riau Province has seen
substantial in-migration in recent years and in-migrants especially from North Sumatra Province are the main driver
of the expansion of small-scale oil palm cultivation. This study concludes that the migration of Christian Bataks
from North Sumatra Province into Riau Province is largely connected with the established infrastructure of the Trans-
Sumatran Highway.
Keywords: Riau Province, Oil palm, Migration, Indonesian population census, Topographical maps.
1. Introduction
As the demand for edible and vegetable oils has increased on
the world market, the area dedicated to oil palm cultivation in
Southeast Asia has dramatically expanded. Indonesia and
Malaysia are the leading producers of palm oil and dominate 80%
of the market. In 2006, Indonesia surpassed Malaysia in regard to
total palm oil produced.
Although urbanization and industrialization are at the core of
recent economic development in Indonesia, the palm oil industry
still contributes to economic growth to a certain extent. Large-
scale development undertaken by plantation companies has
seriously impacted the natural environment and rural livelihoods.
The outer islands of Indonesia, particularly Sumatra and
Kalimantan, are affected by many issues, such as the recent haze
problem caused by fires for forest clearing. Moreover, as NGOs
have criticized, plantation companies are powerful enough to take
over the land of local people. At the same time, it is, however,
also true that the number of smallholders is increasing and their
economic position is improving to an unprecedented extent.
Historically, private and governmental companies had
monopolized the palm oil industry because substantial capital is
required to plant, fertilize, harvest, and process oil palms. Only
plantation companies have had the technical capability to build
palm oil mills able to process fresh fruit bunches of oil palms in
order to obtain crude palm oil. Smallholders have cultivated
rubber, cacao, and coconut on their own land since the 19th
century, but none could even try to cultivate oil palms for a long
time.
This situation changed under the regime of President Suharto
(1968–1998). He initiated a rural development project called
Nucleus Estates and Smallholders (NES) at the end of the 1970s
that was strongly supported by the World Bank and international
donors. People who participated in this project, who were called
“plasma smallholders”, were given two-hectare plots inside
company plantations on which to cultivate cash crops such as
rubber or oil palms. The NES projects were implemented at
several times and in several places in Indonesia and made small-
scale oil palm cultivation in Indonesia possible for the first time.
In the 1990s, independent smallholders, a new type of
smallholder, appeared to increase in number in Sumatra.
Independent smallholders were attracted by large profits from oil
palm cultivation and influenced by plasma smallholders whose
successes they had witnessed. In the last half-century, oil palm
cultivation by both plantations and smallholders has expanded;
this has drastically changed livelihood strategies and the
landscape of rural societies in the Indonesian outer islands. Based
on the 2013 Census of Agriculture, smallholders cultivated
3,133,711 hectares with oil palms in Indonesia1. As can be seen
from the map of the distribution of areas of cultivation, Sumatra
is at the core of this expansion (Figure 1).
This paper examines the adaptation of rural societies to the
expansion of oil palm cultivation in Indonesia by focusing on
Riau Province, where oil palm cultivation by smallholders has
expanded most substantially.
2. Reviews of previous studies and the analytical
framework of this study
Several studies have already noted the consequences of the
expansion of oil palm cultivation in Southeast Asia. McCarthy
indicated that the resignation of President Suharto in 1998
Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 3-10
3
ushered in a “laissez faire period” in which oil palms were more
largely introduced into villages and a process of differentiation
deepened (McCarthy 2010: 824). Rather than explain the process
of differentiation by using the simple terms of “inclusion” and
“exclusion,” McCarthy based his approach on the concept of
“adverse incorporation” to argue that local people engaged with
the oil palm boom on terms that were disadvantageous to them
(McCarthy 2010: 824). Many other scholars have also critically
indicated that differentiation occurred in rural villages where oil
palms became a significant presence in everyday life and
strengthening the concept of capitalist labor process.
By contrast, Rist et al. inquired as to why local people were
so attracted by oil palm cultivation despite the fact that NGOs
frequently reported that oil palms negatively impacted rural
societies. They found that oil palm cultivation significantly
improved livelihoods in many rural communities, though it was
also possible for indigenous people to become impoverished by
selling their land (Rist, Feintrenie, and Levang 2010: 1019).
Another study showed that oil palm development brought new
jobs and income opportunities to local people (Feintrenie, Chong,
and Levang 2010: 394). These studies have demonstrated that oil
palm cultivation does not necessarily play a negative role in rural
societies; it can also be a positive force for raising incomes.
In a case study of the oil palm frontier in Papua New Guinea,
where global capital in the form of oil palm production is
interacting with local communities, Curry and Koczberski
pointed out that the indigenous system of land tenure for
traditional landowners has been modified but continues to be
maintained in a new style (Curry and Koczberski 2009: 108). In
the similar case of Riau Province, Potter and Badcock conducted
a field survey in two villages and found that local people were
slow to embrace new opportunities by adapting their livelihoods
and had even sold their land for temporary income, though it is
contrary to tradition (Potter and Badcock 2004: 354). Although
the land rights of local people are in danger of being taken over
by plantation companies, local elites, and outsiders, who are
typically in-migrants (Colchester 2011), oil palm cultivation is a
new opportunity for local people, who can adapt oil palm
cultivation to their traditional forms of land management.
As these previous studies have indicated, the expansion of oil
palm cultivation by smallholders can create differentiation and
stratification in rural societies; on the other hand, the oil palm
economy can also raise incomes and bring new employment
opportunities to rural economies. In addition, the social impacts
are not simply negative—local people are able to adapt their
customary ways of life and forms of land management to new
systems.
However, it is still unclear who the key players of small-scale
oil palm cultivation are. This is partly because few previous
studies have taken a broader point of view on their research,
though many have conducted detailed field survey in rural
villages. It is definitively important to examine micro-level
changes in a profound way, but the dynamics of rural societies at
the meso-scale, which I define here as provincial-level, should
explain the geographical patterns of oil palm smallholdings.
Based on this meso-scale perspective, this study tries to reveal
who plays the leading role in oil palm smallholdings in Riau
Province.
A path-breaking study by Nagata et al. investigated the social
and geographic configuration of Riau Province by mapping its
population distribution, including by ethnicity, based on the 2000
population census (Nagata, Arai and Manurung 2015). But the
study’s conclusions pertained only to the dynamics of population
itself; the study did not examine oil palm cultivation by
smallholders, which is what is actually driving changes in social
and geographic configuration in Riau Province. To address the
Figure 1 Areas of oil palm cultivation by smallholders in various districts (kabupaten).
Source Indonesian 2013 Census of Agriculture. The data are available on the Statistics Indonesia website (http://st2013.bps.go.id/).
Note The figure divides Indonesia into districts. Districts where oil palms are cultivated by smallholders are shaded in dark green.
Districts where smallholders cultivate more than 1,000 hectares of oil palms are indicated by orange circles corresponding in
size to the total area cultivated in that district.
Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 3-10
4
limitations of previous studies, the following sections consider
social dynamics in Riau Province caused by oil palm cultivation
in rural villages based on an analysis of population census data
and topographical maps.
This study encompassed two analytical procedures. First,
contemporary social changes in Riau Province were mapped,
with a special focus on migration from other provinces, based on
the 2010 population census. Until the 1980s, the population
density of Riau Province was low and land had still not been
opened up for plantations or cultivation by smallholders. In-
migrants primarily from North Sumatra Province and Java Island
are currently eager to clear the land for oil palm cultivation in
Riau Province.
Second, rural social dynamics were investigated in detail
through an analysis of topographical maps at the 1:50,000 scale.
These detailed topographical maps, which display vegetation,
roads, houses, and religious establishments, provide information
crucial for understanding social changes associated with the
expansion of oil palm cultivation. Symbolic geographical
features were analyzed as indicators of how in-migrant
communities have developed.
3. Characteristics of in-migrants to Riau Province
Riau Province has an area of 89,150.16 km2 and is located in
the middle of Sumatra Island. It shares its northern, western, and
southern borders with North Sumatra Province, West Sumatra
Province, and Jambi Province, respectively (Figure 2). On its east
side, it is divided from Peninsular Malaysia by the Strait of
Malacca. There are several small islands on the southern edge of
the strait, including Batam, Bintan, and Lingga Islands, which
were split off from Riau Province to form a new province, Riau
Islands Province, with the promulgation of Indonesian Law No.
25/2002 (Undang-Undang No. 25 Tahun 2002).
Hemmed in between the Strait of Malacca on its east side and
the Barisan Mountains on its west side, Riau Province has
expansive lowlands mostly covered with peatland. Because of
four main rivers (the Rokan, Siak, Kampar, and Indragiri Rivers),
Riau Province has a bumpy, swampy landscape. From Figure 3,
which draws vegetation and land coverage in Riau Province,
swamps can be found on the east coast. On the other hand, south
east side of mountainous area is covered with forests. In the
midland, there are huge development area of plantations and farm
land; both of them are mostly oil palm cultivation. The pink
colored area is Industrial Plantation Forests, where timber
companies and pulp and paper companies plant teak and acacia
for their commercial purpose.
Figure 2 Map of Sumatra Island
Source For the digital elevation model, the data of Global
Multi-resolution Terrain Elevation Data 2010 (Data
available from the U.S. Geological Survey) is used.
Figure 3 Land coverage of Riau Province
Source Data of land coverage in 2011 downloaded from the
website of Direktorat Jenderal Planologi Kehutanan,
Kementerian Kehutanan Republik Indonesia
(http://appgis.dephut.go.id/appgis/download.aspx).
Although revenues from oil and gas dominate the Riau
Province economy, profits are not necessarily redistributed to
locals because only big companies are involved in the oil and gas
industry. By contrast, oil palm cultivation is relatively open to all.
Consequently, oil palm cultivation attracts not only large
plantation companies, who engage in large-scale cultivation, but
also locals, who engage in small-scale cultivation. Figure 4 shows
the areas in which plantation companies and smallholders
Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 3-10
5
engaged in oil palm cultivation between 2004 and 2013. The
figure shows that the area cultivated by smallholders exceeded
that cultivated by private and governmental companies.
Independent smallholders with little support from the local or
national government play a leading role in oil palm cultivation.
It is generally said that in-migrants from other provinces
comprise the bulk of independent smallholders engaged in oil
palm cultivation. To determine the impact of in-migrants that
have come to Riau Province to engage in oil palm cultivation, this
section provides a preliminary outline of their characteristics
based on an analysis of 2000 and 2010 population census data.
Figure 4 Areas of oil palm cultivation by the main actors in
Riau Province.
Source Statistics of Estate Crops in Riau province from 2004
to 2013.
The first population census in Indonesia was conducted in the
1930s by the Dutch colonial bureaucracy. The modern population
census was initiated in 1961 and has since been conducted every
10 years (in 1971, 1980, 1990, 2000, and 2010). Because of
Indonesia’s huge population and size, some critics have alleged
that data collected and maintained in the census are inaccurate for
analysis (Hull 2010). However, for researchers, the raw data from
the 2000 and 2010 censuses have the merit of being available to
the public. Taking inaccuracy into account, these raw population
census data (individual data) are worth examining to analyze rural
social dynamics at the meso-scale.
The total population of Riau Province was 3,755,485 in 2000
and 5,538,367 in 2010. Over the decade between 2000 and 2010,
the population growth rate was 47%. This rapid increase is the
result of both natural population growth and migration from other
provinces. As aforementioned, in recent years, there have been
many in-migrants to Riau Province from North Sumatra, West
Sumatra, and Java Island. Most of these in-migrants are seeking
opportunities to become oil palm smallholders.
Table 1 shows the population by birth province; as shown in
the table, the number of in-migrants has consistently increased.
The most surprising point is that the number of in-migrants born
in North Sumatra Province doubled in a decade. Land prices in
North Sumatra are several times higher than those in Riau
Province; in-migrants from North Sumatra Province typically
seek to purchase land for oil palm cultivation. In-migrants from
Java Island also pursue oil palm cultivation in Riau Province
through the government’s internal migration project
(transmigrasi), which has sought to move landless and land-poor
people from densely populated areas in Java Island to less
populous areas such as Sumatra and Kalimantan Islands.
Furthermore, the number of free migrants from Java Island has
increased as well in recent years. In-migrants from West Sumatra
Province, who comprise another relatively large group and are
primarily Minangkabau, tend to settle in the capital of Riau,
Pekanbaru, or in suburban cities of Kuantan Singingi District in
order to engage in commerce and trading.
Because migration from other provinces began centuries ago,
people born in Riau Province also vary in ethnic background:
according to the 2010 population census, the population is 48%
Melayu2, 20% Javanese, 9% Minangkabau, 8% Batak, and 6%
Banjar; people of other ethnicities comprise 9%3.
Furthermore, it must be noted that birth province does not
necessarily correspond with ethnicity. While migrants from West
Sumatra Province and Java Island are almost all Minangkabau
(91%) or Javanese (93%, including Sundanese), respectively, in-
migrants from North Sumatra are highly ethnically diverse: 45%
are Javanese, 40% are Batak, and 15% are other ethnicities (Table
2). There is a historical reason for the high proportion of Javanese
among people from North Sumatra Province: Javanese began to
migrate to the northern part of Sumatra to work as plantation
laborers at the end of the 19th century. Current Javanese in-
migrants from North Sumatra Province are thought to be
descendants of people who had originally migrated from Java
Island.
In-migrants to Riau Province significantly differ in regard to
social background and ethnicity. Furthermore, they have taken
multiple migratory paths, as evidenced by the second-generation
Javanese migrants from North Sumatra Province. The next
section considers the correlation between migration from other
provinces and small-scale oil palm cultivation in Riau Province.
Table 1 Population of Riau Province by birth province.
Birth province 2000 2010
Riau 2,608,240 69% 3,626,607 65%
North Sumatra 401,861 11% 914,716 17%
Java 399,081 11% 483,875 9%
West Sumatra 237,367 6% 334,256 6%
Other provinces 108,936 3% 178,913 3%
Total 3,755,485 100% 5,538,367 100%
Source Indonesian 2010 population census.
Table 2 The proportion of ethnicity according to respective
birth province.
2010 Birth province
0
400,000
800,000
1,200,000
1,600,000
2004 2006 2008 2010 2012
Smallholders (total) Independent Smallholders
Private company Governmental company
(hectares)
Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 3-10
6
Riau North
Sumatra
West
Sumatra Java
Melayu 48% 4% 3% 1%
Javanese 20% 45% 2% 84%
Minangkabau 9% 2% 91% 2%
Batak 8% 40% 2% 1%
Banjar 6% 1% 0% 0%
Sundanese 1% 0% 0% 9%
Nias 1% 5% 0% 0%
Others 7% 3% 1% 3%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Source Indonesian 2010 population census.
4. Meso-scale analysis of the impact of migration
In Riau province, an “oil palm plantation belt” extends from
the province’s northwest to its southeast. This is partly for
geographical reasons; the west side is hilly, the east side is
swampy peatland, and neither is suitable for oil palm cultivation.
Most oil palm cultivation by smallholders is in line with the
plantation belt. Figure 5 shows areas of oil palm cultivation by
smallholders in each sub-district (kecamatan) in 2010 based on
statistical data on estate crops from the Regional Office of
Plantation in Riau Province4. We can see from this figure that
there is a large cluster of oil palm smallholders in the northwest
and a small cluster in the southern part of Riau Province.
This situation in Riau province raises the question of what the
key driver in the expansion of small-scale oil palm cultivation in
Riau Province is. To tackle with this question, the correlation
between migratory patterns and the expansion of oil palm
smallholdings was examined.
Figure 6 shows the proportion of in-migrants from North
Sumatra Province, West Sumatra Province, and Java Island in
each sub-district (kecamatan) overlaid on the map from Figure 5.
The distribution of areas of oil palm cultivation by smallholders
is clearly correlated more strongly with the pattern of in-
migration from North Sumatra than with that from West Sumatra
or Java Island (Table 3). In contrast, people who were born in
Riau Province are scattered throughout the province, but sub-
districts (kecamatan) outside of the plantation belt, such as those
in coastal areas, have a higher proportion of people born in Riau
Province.
Figure 7 shows that people from West Sumatra Province have
moved into the capital of Riau Province, Pekanbaru City and
suburban cities in Kuantan Singingi District. Looking at Figure 6,
we can find several spots where the proportion of Javanese is high.
This is largely a result of the government’s migration project
(transmigrasi).
Figure 5 Areas of oil palm cultivation by smallholders in each
sub-district in 2010 (in hectares).
Source Statistics of Estate Crops in Riau province in 2010.
Note Sub-districts with less than 1,000 hectares of oil palm
cultivation by smallholders were omitted from the
analysis.
Figure 6 Areas of oil palm cultivation by smallholders and the
proportion of in-migrants from North Sumatra
Province in each sub-district (2010).
Source Statistics of Estate Crops in Riau province in 2010
and Indonesian 2010 population census.
Note This choropleth maps show the ratio (percentage) of
in-migrants from North Sumatra Province relative to
the total population in each sub-district, respectively.
Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 3-10
7
Figure 7 Areas of oil palm cultivation by smallholders and the
proportion of in-migrants from West Sumatra
Province in each sub-district (2010).
Source Statistics of Estate Crops in Riau province in 2010
and Indonesian 2010 population census.
Note This choropleth maps show the ratio (percentage) of
in-migrants from West Sumatra Province relative to
the total population in each sub-district, respectively.
Figure 8 Areas of oil palm cultivation by smallholders and the
proportion of in-migrants from Java Island in each
sub-district (2010).
Source Statistics of Estate Crops in Riau province in 2010
and Indonesian 2010 population census.
Note This choropleth maps show the ratio (percentage) of
in-migrants from Java Island relative to the total
population in each sub-district, respectively.
Table 3 Correlation analysis of oil palm cultivation area and
the number of in-migrants in each sub-district.
Oil palm area (Ha)
North Sumatra 0.69 *
West Sumatra 0.10
Java Island 0.27
Others 0.13
Source Indonesian 2010 population census and Statistik
Perkebunan Provinsi Riau Tahun 2010.
Note n=151, * p<0.05 statistically significant.
In summary, these three maps show that in-migrants from
North Sumatra Province in particular have driven the expansion
of small-scale oil palm cultivation. It is, of course, true that not
all in-migrants from North Sumatra Province engage in oil palm
cultivation. However, as described in Potter and Badcock’s case
study in Rokan Hulu District, which is located in the northern part
of Riau Province, Batak in-migrants come down across the border
to buy up land and engage in small-scale oil palm cultivation
(Potter and Badcock 2004: 350-353).
In analyzing patterns in in-migration from North Sumatra
Province, one unique characteristic was revealed: more than half
of the in-migrants were Christian (55%), a typical characteristic
of the Toba Batak ethnic group. Although in-migrants from North
Sumatra Province include a large number of Javanese, it is
possible to distinguish between Batak Christians and Javanese
(also Batak) Muslims by religion. Most other in-migrants, as well
as people born in Riau Province, are Muslim; hence, based on the
presence of churches, it is easy to distinguish communities of
Christian Batak people. Therefore, by focusing on the migratory
patterns of Christian Bataks, social and geographical patterns in
migration from North Sumatra Province could be partially
elucidated. Unfortunately, the Indonesian Bureau of Geospatial
Information (Badan Informasi Geospasial) provides only limited
digital data in regard to topographical maps. Thus, it should be
taken into account that Riau Province in its entirety was not
analyzed in this study.
Figure 9 shows the distribution of churches and mosques, as
well as main roads and vegetation. Although areas denoted as
dedicated to estate crop cultivation include not only areas
dedicated to oil palm cultivation but also those dedicated to
cultivating rubber, cacao, and coconut, most of the area (at least
on the west side) is dedicated to oil palm cultivation.
We can see that mosques are scattered everywhere except for
the forest area and are more concentrated on the east side, which
may be considered an area of riverside villages inhabited by many
local Melayu people. Churches have been established on the west
side, where Christian Batak communities may have developed.
Churches have been built along an arterial road, the Trans-
Sumatran Highway, which originally ran from Aceh Province
down to the south end of Lampung Province. Some of the
churches that can be found on the west side might have been built
within plantations, as a certain number of Christian Batak
laborers reside in the area as well.
This is evidence that the migration of Christian Bataks as
Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 3-10
8
smallholders and laborers was strongly facilitated by the
existence of the established infrastructure of the Trans-Sumatran
Highway. Furthermore, the oil palm plantation belt in Riau
Province extends along the arterial road. Thus, it can be said that
people from North Sumatra Province have pursued oil palm
cultivation opportunities along the highway to take up small-scale
cultivation around the outside of the large plantations of
companies.
As aforementioned, the migratory pattern of the Christian
Bataks is not necessarily representative of that of all in-migrants
from North Sumatra Province. It is, however, quite certain that
in-migrants from North Sumatra Province, who are driving the
expansion of small-scale oil palm cultivation, are coming down
through established major infrastructure.
Figure 9 The distribution of churches in the north-central part
of Riau Province.
Source All of the data were downloaded from the Indonesian
Geospatial Portal, Badan Informasi Geospasial
(http://portal.ina-sdi.or.id/). These digital data were
created by Badan Informasi Geospasial in the 2000s.
5. Discussion and conclusion
Many studies have focused on the meaning of and
mechanisms by which smallholders have engaged in oil palm
cultivation in Southeast Asia. Indeed, such studies have explained
important phenomena such as rural differentiation and
determined critical implications of impacts on rural societies.
Based on the results of these previous studies, this study
investigated the connection between migration from other
provinces and the expansion of small-scale oil palm cultivation,
as well as the dynamics of this connection thereof. Furthermore,
inspired by the study approach taken by Nagata et al. and the term
“geographical configuration” coined in their paper (Nagata, Arai
and Manurung 2014), this study aimed to provide a broader
(provincial-level) perspective on rural changes based on an
analysis of population census data and topographical maps.
Riau Province has seen substantial in-migration in recent
years and in-migrants especially from North Sumatra Province
are the main driver of the expansion of small-scale oil palm
cultivation. It is revealed from this study that the migration of
Christian Bataks into Riau Province is largely connected with the
established infrastructure of the Trans-Sumatran Highway. This
analysis suggests that migratory patterns from North Sumatra
Province, as exhibited by the Christian Bataks, will expand to the
southern part of Riau Province, where evidence of small clusters
of in-migrants from North Sumatra Province can already be
observed (Figure 6).
Additionally, since oil palm has to be processed at mills in 24
hours after cultivated, it is greatly important for smallholders to
get easy access to the mills. In 2010, there are 146 units of mills
in Riau province which are distributed in all the places where the
smallholders cultivate oil palm. The increasing number of mills
also attracts smallholders to expand their cultivation area.
The analysis performed in this study has certain limitations:
for example, a field survey was not performed and cultural and
economic factors that drive migration from North Sumatra
Province could not be elucidated. However, it may be concluded
that the meso-scale analysis in this study supports the micro-level
research that has constituted the bulk of previous studies. And the
descriptive analysis of population census data with visualizing in-
migrants’ distribution also widens our view for the rural societies
in Indonesia. These meso-scale study and descriptive analysis
may also provide empirical proof for these micro-level studies
and can generally serve as a starting point for rural studies.
Acknowledgement
This study was supported by the International
Program of Collaborative Research at the Center for
Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University.
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Ground: Relational Concepts of Land Tenure and Economy
in the Oil Palm Frontier of Papua New Guinea”, The
Geographical Journal, 175(2), pp. 98–111.
Dinas Perkebunan Provinsi Riau. 2004-2013. Statistik
Perkebunan Provinsi Riau Tahun 2010 (Statistics of Estate
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Feintrenie, Laurène, Wan Kian Chong and Patrice Levang. 2010.
“Why do Farmers Prefer Oil Palm? Lessons Learnt from
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Hull, Terence H. 2010. “Estimates of Indonesian population
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McCarthy, John F. 2010. “Processes of Inclusion and Adverse
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Nagata, Junji, Sachiho W. Arai. and Gulat M.E. Manurung. 2014.
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Notes
1 The 2013 Census of Agriculture targeted agricultural
households (rumah tangga pertanian) with members engaged
in agriculture, either by growing products for sale on land that
they themselves managed or by working on land owned by
other households.
Province, Indonesia”, Asia Pacific Viewpoint, 45(3), pp.
341–356.
Rist, Lucy, Laurène Feintrenie and Patrice Levang. 2010. “The
Livelihood Impacts of Oil Palm: Smallholders in
Indonesia”, Biodiversity and Conservation, 19(4), pp.
1009-1024.
2 The category of Melayu encompasses the sub-categories of
Melayu and Melayu Riau.
3 Regarding religion, 88% are Muslim (mostly Melayu and
Javanese), 10% are Batak Christians, and other religions
account for 2%.
4 Statistik Perkebunan Provinsi Riau Tahun 2010 (Dinas
Perkebunan, Pemerintah Propinsi Riau).
Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 3-10
10
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