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Ankica Kosic and Anna Triandafyllidou
Active Civic Participation
of Immigrants in Italy
Country Report prepared for the European research project POLITIS, Oldenburg 2005, www.uni-oldenburg.de/politis-europe
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POLITIS – a European research project
Project information POLITIS is short for a research project with the full title: Building Europe with New Citizens? An Inquiry into the Civic Participation of Naturalised Citizens and Foreign Residents in 25 Countries. The European Commission funds the project that mainly seeks to improve our understanding of different factors that promote or inhibit active civic participation of immigrants. A unique project construction is developed that includes workshops with foreign-born students who are recruited as discussants and interviewers. National experts in all 25 EU countries have prepared country reports on the contextual conditions and state of research concerning civic participation of immigrants. These reports can be downloaded from www.uni-oldenburg.de/politis-europe Funding Acknowledgement This research project is funded by the European Commission in the sixth framework, priority 7, Citizens and governance in a knowledge based society. www.cordis.lu/citizens International Coordination and Contact POLITIS Interdisciplinary Center for Education and Communication in Migration Processes (IBKM) Carl von Ossietzky Universität Oldenburg Ammerländer Heerstr. 114-118/ Postbox 2503 26111 Oldenburg dita.vogel@uni-oldenburg.de Partner Organisations: Hellenic Foundation of European and Foreign Policy (Eliamep) Athens www.eliamep.gr Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies European University Institute (EUI) Florence www.iue.it/RSCAS Churches’ Commission of Migrants in Europe (CCME) Brussels http://www.cec-kek.org/content/ccme.shtml
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The authors
Ankica Kosic and Anna Triandafyllidou
Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute
Via dei Roccettini 9, San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy 50016
tel. 00390554685732, fax 00390554685771
ankica.kosic@iue.it , anna.triandafyllidou@iue.it
This version: 3 February 2005
Reports are prepared on behalf of the European research project POLITIS. Authors are fully responsible for the contents of their report.
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Table of Contents
Abstract.........................................................................................................................5
Part I: Understanding the conditions for immigrant civic participation ...............7 1. Key events and demographic developments in the migration history of Italy ......7
1.1. Annual quotas for immigration.......................................................................8
1.2 The size of the immigrant population ............................................................10
1.3. Undocumented immigration .........................................................................12
Refugees and asylum-seekers ..............................................................................14
Concluding Remarks............................................................................................15
2. Public Discourse on Migration ...........................................................................15
3. Institutional setting framing immigrant participation..........................................19
3.1. The cultural dimension – nationalism versus multiculturalism ....................19
3.1.1. Citizenship .............................................................................................20
3.2. The legal-political dimension .......................................................................23
3.2.1. Immigration policy.................................................................................24
3.2.2. Institutional setting.................................................................................24
3.2.3. Voting rights ..........................................................................................25
3.3. The socio-economic dimension ....................................................................27
Part II: Active Civic Participation of Third Country immigrants........................28 4. Civic participation of immigrants in the consultative bodies ..............................28
4.1. National level ................................................................................................28
4.2. Regional level ...............................................................................................29
4.3. Provincial level .............................................................................................30
4.4. Municipal level .............................................................................................31
5. Civic participation of immigrants in non-governmental organisations ...............34
5.1. Trade unions..................................................................................................34
5.2. Non-profit organisations ...............................................................................35
6. Immigrant associations ........................................................................................36
6.1. Immigrant women associations.....................................................................43
6.2. Case studies...................................................................................................43
Romanians........................................................................................................43
Albanians .........................................................................................................44
Moroccans........................................................................................................44
Chinese.............................................................................................................45
Filipinos ...........................................................................................................45
Senegalese........................................................................................................46
6.3. Prominent examples of immigrants active in public life ..............................47
Part III: Conclusions .................................................................................................49 References................................................................................................................53
Annex: Mapping of Research Competences in Italy ..............................................58 I. Active civic participation of immigrants .............................................................58
II. Immigration........................................................................................................60
III. Civic participation.............................................................................................64
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ABSTRACT
Just like other countries in Southern Europe, Italy has, in the course of less than two
decades rapidly and unexpectedly changed from a country of emigration into one of
immigration. Italy has witnessed a steady increase in the number of foreign nationals
during the period between 1986 and 2002. On 1 January 2004, there were an
estimated 2.6 million foreigners present in Italy, who account for approximately 4.2%
of the total resident population. Most of these immigrants are young people (aged
between 20 and 40 years) who emigrated mainly for economic reasons. Already in
2001, more than half (about 59%) of the immigrant population had lived in Italy for
more than five years. Acquisition of Italian citizenship, given the difficulties posed by
the law currently in force, is still infrequent, with a high rejection rate.
Immigration towards Italy did not begin in a period of reconstruction and economic
development, as it did in North-Western European nations, but rather during time of a
severe economic crisis, characterized, among others, by growing unemployment. Italy
has developed a piecemeal approach to immigration, lacking until recently of a
comprehensive and consistent policy framework. Several regularisation programmes
were enacted since the late 1980s (five times in sixteen years: 1986, 1990, 1996, 1998
and 2002), allowing the legalisation of more than 2 million immigrants. Nevertheless,
these ‘amnesties’ did not solve the problem of undocumented migration. The 2002
regularisation brought to the fore a large number (700,000 approx) of undocumented
migrants working as care providers, domestic helpers and manufacture workers.
The first comprehensive law on migration was law 40/1998 (the Single text - Testo
Unico) which regulated not only immigration control but also immigrant integration.
This law was more recently modified by law 189/2002 (the so-called Bossi-Fini Law)
which introduced small changes in relation to asylum, as well as modified the
work/stay permit system in use.
Italy, because of her geographical position, is highly exposed to penetration by illegal
immigrants from the South and from the East. Moreover, Italy as other southern EU
countries, has a widespread informal economy that appears to be a prime determinant
for illegal migration. Combating undocumented immigration and the trafficking of
human beings is a priority both in terms of security and foreign policy, a priority to
which public opinion is also sensitive. During the last two decades, the Italian mass
media have promoted a negative and highly stereotyped image of immigrants. The
main criticism against the media is the tendency to transmit alarmist information on
immigration. News reports have been linking immigration and undocumented
(clandestine) entry to Italy, transforming all immigrants into ‘illegal’ ‘criminals’
‘threats’ in the ‘common imaginary’.
Several NGOS, trade unions and charitable organisations have been active since the
1980s providing assistance to undocumented immigrants who wished to obtain legal
status. To facilitate contacts, these organisations encouraged the civic participation of
immigrants and their involvement in representative bodies. Furthermore, these
organisations provided support to immigrant associations. Immigrant participation in
trade unions, voluntary organisations and immigrants associations ensures their access
to what is called ‘intermediate political rights’. From an institutional perspective, civic
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and political participation remains mostly the realm of Italian citizens and naturalised
immigrants.
This paper gives an overview on the arguments relevant for immigrant civic
participation. The paper is divided in two parts. The first part concerns the conditions
for immigrant civic participation in Italy: (1) key events and demographic
developments in the migration history of country; (2) public discourse on migration
(i.e., the current public discussion on migration related issues and the major topics
that receive media attention); (3) institutional setting framing immigrant participation
(the current major legal and institutional conditions that are important for immigrants
civic participation, trying to differentiate between restrictive and encouraging
conditions). The second part of the paper concerns an overview of the literature on
active civic participation of third country immigrants in Italy. In the annex we provide
for a mapping of the research competencies on immigrant civic participation and
immigration in general.
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PART I: UNDERSTANDING THE CONDITIONS FOR IMMIGRANT CIVIC PARTICIPATION
1. Key events and demographic developments in the migration history of Italy
The history of immigration into Italy, despite the fact of being a relatively recent
phenomenon, can be divided in different phases or periods, which vary according to
the migration policies put in place by Italian authorities, the employment sectors
absorbing immigrants, and their characteristics. In contrast to other EU countries,
immigration to Italy did not begin in a period of reconstruction and economic
development. Rather, it took off during a period of economic recession, characterised
among other things, by an increase in the unemployment rate.
The first flow of immigrants into Italy started in the mid 1970s and included students
and refugees from different countries, but in relatively limited numbers. The
significant increase in the number of immigrants was witnessed in Italy after 1984, in
the period when Britain, Germany and France closed their borders to immigrants, and
when flows were therefore partially diverted towards Southern Europe. Policy makers
were convinced that Italy could not receive more immigrants due to the economic
crisis affecting the country and claimed the necessity of restrictive measures and legal
instruments to prevent migration flows. Public opinion shifted slowly from tolerance
and curiosity to fear, intolerance and the first acts of racial violence. The first
comprehensive immigration law was introduced into Italian legislation in 1986 (Law
943/1986). It regulated the entry of immigrants seeking employment, and provided an
amnesty for undocumented immigrants who could prove such employment. The idea
behind that law was that the immigration phenomenon was limited and transitory, and
thus it contained no rules aimed at encouraging integration (Campani & De Bonis,
2003).
The period between 1990 and 1996 was characterised by migratory flows mainly from
the Balkan region and Eastern Europe. This was a period of transition of the Italian
political system1, political crisis and corruption scandals
2, and the emergence of new
parties being hostile towards immigration (e.g., Lega Nord). The Italian immigration
policy had also to adjust to the emerging European migration regime. With Law
39/1990, most commonly known as the ‘Martelli Law3’, immigration began to be
considered as a long-term phenomenon in Italy. This Law defined special provisions
regarding immigration including the annual planning of migratory flows, and norms
regarding the rights and obligations of foreigners in Italy, their stay and work
conditions and other matters concerning family reunification and social integration.
The second half of the 1990s saw a major settlement of immigrants in Italy and higher
numbers of requests for family reunification. The centre-left government in power
between 1997 and 2001 tried to implement a new immigration policy (Law 40/1998,
the so-called Turco-Napolitano law or the Single text - Testo Unico), setting annual
quotas for immigration flows and starting up a whole set of measures and consultative
1 This issue has been extensively discussed in the national and international literature (D’Alimonte and
Bartolini, 1997; Partridge, 1998; Pasquino, 2000; Sapelli, 1997). 2 The Mani pulite (Clean hands) investigation that started as a local scandal in Milan soon took huge
dimensions as it revealed widespread corruption among the political and economic elites. Two-thirds of
the members of Parliament ended up under investigation. 3 From the name of the vice-prime minister who promoted that Law.
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bodies aiming at immigrant integration. Annual flows were to be based on triennial
plans to be prepared by the government. Workers could enter and stay in Italy under
the following conditions: a) for seasonal employment (within the annually defined
quotas); b) if they had an offer for employment in Italy (again within the annual
quotas predefined by the government, stay permits for work purposes were initially
issued for one year); and c) if they were ‘sponsored’ by an Italian or a foreign citizen
residing legally in Italy. Law 40/1998 defined emphasised the will of the Italian
government to recognise and accommodate difference and to protect all citizens,
Italians and immigrants alike, from discrimination and ethnic prejudice. The law
stated that integration policies should ensure that foreign citizens have access to goods
and services and enjoy work and living conditions similar to those of Italian citizens.
The immigration policy landscape has changed again since 2002 when the centre-
right-wing governmental coalition currently in office, adopted the new and more
restrictive law 189/2002 (known as Bossi-Fini law). This Law specifies that all the
‘social integration measures’ are limited to legal immigrants, and introduces a more
repressive policy toward undocumented immigrants through the use of compulsory
repatriation. Immigrants are admitted into the country only on a temporary base, and
only for work purposes; they can remain in Italy as long as they have a job. Non-EU
immigrants can enter Italy only with a 'residence contract' (contratto di soggiorno) –
i.e. a contract of dependent employment signed by themselves and an employer (a
firm or a family). When the contract expires, the immigrant worker is allowed to stay
in Italy for another six months to look for a job.
The employer has to guarantee that s/he can provide for adequate housing, complying
with the minimum standards laid down by the law for public housing, and also the
payment of travel expenses for the workers to return home. This new law – which is
mainly a reform of law 40/1998 rather than a new comprehensive immigration bill –
abolishes the ‘sponsorship’ programme. It also establishes a needs-test for foreign
workers, similar to the one existing in many EU countries. The employer is obliged to
advertise the job opening for at least 20 days. If s/he finds no Italian citizen or legal
resident able to take up the offer, the prefecture authorises the entry of a new non-EU
worker. In line with the neo-liberal economic and labour policies of the current Italian
government, the Minister of Welfare Roberto Maroni proposed in fall 2003 to abolish
annual quotas and let supply and demand mechanisms determine the flows. However,
his proposal has not yet been accepted by the Italian government.
1.1. Annual quotas for immigration
The management of foreign labour flows in Italy is based on the annual quota system.
There is a three-year plan that spells out the quotas for each period, but each year on
30 November, the Ministry of Labour publishes the positions (flussi di ingresso)
available for the following year. These quotas are decided on the basis of information
regarding the estimated need for foreign labour provided by local and regional labour
offices of the Ministry and employers’ associations in each region/province.
The national quotas are divided in relation to four parameters (Chaloff, 2003):
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• (a) regional, with the overall quota divided into sub-quotas for the 20 regions,
which then allocate the quotas to 104 provinces.
• (b) type of labour, with the usual divisions being seasonal, dependent work
and self-employment. Since 2002, seasonal work permits are issued only to
citizens of the candidate countries to the European Union (EU) (first and
second round), to the citizens of those countries with which seasonal labour
agreements have been signed (Albania in 1997 and Tunisia in 2000), and to
those individuals who had seasonal work permits issued in the previous year
(a ‘grandfather clause’ allowing past workers to return).
• (c) job category, with occasional sub-quotas given to certain categories and
for highly-skilled workers (some special categories are exempted from the
quota).
• (d) nationality, with some sub-quotas reserved for citizens of specific
nationalities. This parameter is closely related to signed bilateral agreements.
Already with the Turco-Napolitano Act, special quotas were applied based
on the degree of co-operation of the countries of origin. Nonetheless, this
preference is not formally stated in the bilateral agreements on readmission,
despite requests from the sending countries for a clear promise of preferential
quotas. The preferential quotas for specific nationalities represent only a
fraction of the overall quota and have never exceeded 25%. One part of the
preferential quotas is reserved to workers of Italian origin (whose parents
were Italian in ascendant line within the third degree) who wish to enrol in
the list.
In 1998 and 1999, annual quotas were set at 58,000 persons per year. However, the
quotas of both years were ‘absorbed’ by the regularisation programme enacted in
1998. Annual quotas increased to 83,000 in 2000 and 89,400 in 2001. In 2002-2004,
the annual quotas were set at just under 80,000 immigrant workers. In June 2003,
while the regularisation of 700,000 undocumented immigrants who lived and worked
in Italy was still in course, the government decided to allow for the entry of only
19,500 non-EU workers in 2004.
Although annual quotas are to be used for immigrants entering Italy through the legal
procedure for employment purposes, they have often been used by undocumented
immigrants who resided and worked in Italy to obtain legal status. Indeed, the initial
legal provision was adapted to reality through a circular that allowed for
undocumented immigrant workers to apply for a residence permit from within Italy,
provided their employer was willing to undertake the complicated bureaucratic
procedure (Triandafyllidou & Veikou, 2001, see also footnote 4 below).
Family reunification in Italy is exempt from the planned quotas. Foreigners who have
held a stay permit for dependent work or self-employment work, study or religious
reasons for at least one year, or a residency card (carta di soggiorno, art. 29, issued
for a five year period) can apply for reunification with: a) the husband or wife; b)
dependent children; c) dependent parents. Parents aged over sixty-five are allowed to
enter under the family reunion provision, only if they can prove that no other child
can provide for them in their native country.
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The procedure necessary for legal entry is highly complicated, and not always
transparent and standardized.4 Moreover, the conditions for issuing or renewing a
permit vary in line with the reasons of entering Italy (e.g., dependent employment,
self-employment, family reunification, study, etc.). To obtain a residence permit the
immigrant has to have a work contract and suitable housing. The residence permit
cannot last more than the work contract and no more than nine months for seasonal
workers, one year for temporary workers, and no more than two years for other
workers. Foreigners who are detected in Italy without having initiated the procedure
for the renewal of the residence permit receive an expulsion order.
1.2 The size of the immigrant population
As can be seen in Table 1, Italy has witnessed a steady increase in the number of
foreign nationals during the period between 1986 and 2002. At the end of 2003, there
were 2.6 million foreigners residing legally in the country (Caritas 2004: 89)
(including minors and EU member state nationals), namely approximately 4.2% of the
total resident population (the EU average prior to the 2004 enlargement was 5.25%,
data for 2002, cit. in Caritas, 2003).
Table 1. Stocks of immigrant population in Italy
(on 31 December of each year)
Year Total Non-EU 1986 327.037 .. 1989 433.618 .. 1990 533.450 .. 1991 533.450 .. 1992 537.062 .. 1993 629.165 .. 1994 685.469 .. 1995 737.793 .. 1996 884.555 .. 1997 991.678 .. 1998 1.116.394 .. 1999 1.270.553 1.033.235 2000 1.464.589 1.251.994 2001 1.448.000 1.388.153 2002 2.469.324 1.362.630 2003 2.598.223 2.444.754
Note: The table refers to the total number of foreign citizens (including minors) residing legally in Italy during each year, regardless of place of birth. Source: Zincone, 2000; Dossier Caritas (2004).
The migrant population in Italy is characterised by the significant ethnic diversity.
There are no dominant nationalities, although the largest groups on 31 December
2003 were Romanians (10.9% of the total foreign population), Albanians (10.6%),
4 The employer requests an authorisation for individual foreign workers from the Provincial Labour
Office (autorizzazione al lavoro offerto). The request can be nominative, for a specific worker known
to the employer, or non-nominative, in which case the labour office uses registries held by Italian
consulates abroad. Once the job offer authorisation is obtained, the employer applies for the
authorization to enter (autorizzazione all’ingresso) at the Police station (Questura). This authorisation
is then transmitted to the Italian Embassy/Consulate abroad, which issues a Schengen work visa for the
appropriate period of the contract. In order to obtain the residence permit (Permesso di soggiorno) in
Italy a foreigner must apply to the Immigration Office of the provincial Police Headquarters (Questura)
within eight working days from the day of entry into Italy.
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Moroccans (10.4%), Ukrainians (5.1%), Chinese (4.6%), Filipinos (3.4%), Poles
(3.0%), Tunisians (2.8%), Americans (2.2%), and Senegalese (2.2%). In sum, the ten
most numerous groups represent just over half of the total immigrant population
(Table 2).
Table 2. Stocks of immigrant population by country of origin
Country of origin N % of total number Romania 239.426 10.9 Albania 233.616 10.6 Morocco 227.940 10.4 Ukraine 112.802 5.1 China 100.109 4.6 Philippines 73.847 3.4 Poland 65.847 3.0 Tunisia 60.572 2.8 USA 48.286 2.2 Senegal 47.762 2.2 Source: Caritas, 2004.
The large majority of immigrants in Italy belong to the 19-40 age group, namely they
are a young and economically active population. Only 15.6% are under 18 years of
age and 4.8% are over 60 (Table 3).
Table 3. Distribution of foreigners residing in Italy by age-group
0-18 19-40 41-60 >61 Registered 91.170 1.457.414 526.387 2.193.999 Estimated 404.224 1.520.601 549.209 2.598.223
% 15.6 58.5 21.1 100.0 Source: Caritas, 2004.
As regards gender distribution, there are significant differences among different
nationality groups. The Filipino community for instance is characterised by a strong
female presence (64% women) and so do the Polish and Peruvian communities. On
the other hand, Moroccans, Tunisians, Senegalese and Egyptians are in their large
majority men (Caritas, 2004).
There is no dominant religion among immigrants in Italy: in December 2003,
according to Caritas (2004), 22.6% of immigrants were Catholic, 29.2% professed
other Christian religions, 33.0% were Muslims and 17.6% were of a different religion.
There is a considerable difference in the distribution of the different groups through
the country. While some groups like the Filipinos are concentrated in a few
metropolitan centres, others like the Moroccans and Albanians are spread out over the
entire territory (Caritas, 2004).
The vast majority of immigrants to Italy are motivated by economic reasons. The size
of family reunification flows is relatively low because of the harsh working conditions,
and the difficulty in finding suitable accommodation for a whole family (Caritas,
2004).
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Table 4. Stocks of immigrant population by type of stay permit (2003) Stay permit for reasons of N %
Employment 1.449.746 66.1
Family reunification 532.670 24.3
Study 43.596 1.9
Religious reasons 54.146 2.5
Asylum 6.768 0.3
Asylum request 10.550 0.5
Other 48.629 2.2
Source: Caritas, 2004
Concerning integration into the labour market, immigrants are employed in specific
sectors usually characterised by tough working conditions as regards physical effort,
endurance, overtime work and night shifts (i.e., working in small manufacturing firms,
in the construction industry, agriculture, and also in catering and domestic services).
These occupations have been described by Ambrosini as the ‘five-p jobs’ (i.e., pesanti,
precari, pericolosi, poco pagati, penalizzati socialmente (heavy, precarious,
dangerous, poorly paid, socially penalised), or as they are more commonly known in
english: the ‘three-d jobs’ (dirty, dangerous, and demanding).
A considerable share of the Italian employment system is based on the underground
economy, and it is not easy for an immigrant to find a stable salaried job. In the
relevant literature, a range of causes are explored, including institutional rigidities in
the formal sector, such as heavy taxes and work hour restrictions (Reyneri, 1998). The
rapid growth of the domestic and tertiary services sector and the diffusion of small
businesses where unregistered labour can be hidden more easily, have facilitated the
existence of an illegal workforce. Among immigrants with legal stay status, short term
employment contracts predominate, whereas long-term employment contracts are
rather rare. Informal employment (i.e. without a proper contract) is also relatively
common among immigrant workers with legal stay status.
In the Italian labour market, self-employment emerged as a desirable objective for
immigrants. Indeed, in more recent years the number of ‘ethnic’ enterprises has
increased. In June 2004 there were 71.843 ethnic enterprises registered at the
Chamber of Commerce (Caritas, 2004: 296). The main nationalities involved are
Moroccans (14,554 entrepreneurs; 20.3%), Chinese (10,199; 14.2%), Albanians
(6,152; 8.6%), Senegalese (5,937; 8.3%), and Rumanians (4,688; 6.5%).
1.3. Undocumented immigration
The gap between the planned legal quotas, the demand for foreign labour and the
immigration pressure from non EU countries continuously reproduce large numbers
of undocumented immigrants. Illegal border crossing is relatively easy and human
smugglers networks are active along the over 8,000 kilometres of Italian coastline.
Some immigrants also enter Italy with a tourist visa and overstay and/or abuse their
13
visa. The systematic in-flow of undocumented immigrants has led to repeated
regularisation programmes (five in sixteen years: 1986, 1990, 1995, 1998 and 2002,
i.e. roughly one every three years) involving more that two million immigrants (Table
5). These programmes provide an indication of the number of undocumented
immigrants residing in Italy in each period. Reyneri (1998) suggests however that
workers who managed to obtain legal status during one regularisation programme,
sometimes fell back into illegality because they were unable to renew their permits
and applied again at the next ‘amnesty’.
Table 5. Regularisation programmes for undocumented workers
Number of non-EU immigrants
Requests for regularisation Accepted %
Regularisation 1986 450.227 113.349 105.000 92.9
Regularisation 1990
490.338 234.841 222.000 94.9
Regularisation 1995
729.159 258.761 246.000 95.0
Regularisation 1998
1.090.820 250.747 217.000 86.8
Regularisation 2002
1.512.324 704.000 650.000 92.3 Source: Caritas, 2004.
Law 189/2002 was followed by a decree issued on 6 September 2002 (art. 33) which
provides for the regularisation of two types of undocumented immigrant workers:
those employed as maids and private carers; and workers involved in other types of
dependent employment (mainly factory workers). Immigrants whose residence
permits had expired were also able to apply, provided they had been hired before June
10, 2002, and had never received an expulsion order. There were 704,113 applications
– indeed, a record number compared to all other regularisation programmes in
Southern Europe. According to Caritas (2004), 641,638 regularisation applications
were accepted before August 2004, 28,164 were rejected, and 24,135 were still not
processed. The top five nationalities among applicants were Romanians (20.4%),
Ukrainians (15.2%), Albanians (7.9%), Moroccans (7.8%), and citizens of Ecuador
(5.2%) accounting for 52.6% of the total number of applications. This fifth
regularisation programme in Italy confirms that such programmes do not solve in the
long term the question of undocumented migration, if they are not part of a wider set
of immigration management and integration policies.
Table 6. Immigrant stocks as of 2002 and new applicants at the 2002 regularisation programme,
by region of origin
Region of origin Number of immigrants resident
in 2002
% Applications for regularisation
2002
% Increase in number
Central-Eastern Europe. 464.106 34.2 414.752 58.9 89.4
Northern Africa 168.108 19.7 86.351 12.3 32.2
South-Western Africa 96.943 7.1 31.140 4.4 32.1
Central-Southern Asia 115.337 8.5 45.166 6.4 39.2
Eastern Asia 145.412 10.7 48.522 6.9 33.4
Central-Southern America 128.181 9.4 72.457 10.3 56.5
Total 1.358.248 100 704.133 100 51.8
Source: Caritas, 2004.
14
Refugees and asylum-seekers
Italy is the only EU member state that does not have a framework asylum law.5 It was
only in 1990 with the issuing of the Martelli Law that Italy expanded its protection of
refugees to include those arriving from outside Europe. Prior to that, the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees had assumed responsibility for non-
European refugees arriving in Italy.
Currently, political asylum is regulated by Article 1 of Law 39/1989, and by a few
articles of the immigration Law 189/2002. Law 39/1989 abrogated the Italian clause
to the Geneva Convention, which limited refugee status exclusively to persons from
authoritarian countries in Europe. The Dublin Convention of 1990 (ratified by Italy in
1992, but only in effect since 1997) introduced a second norm by which a request for
asylum can be refused if such a request has already been made in a country which
guarantees political and civil rights.
In recent years, requests for asylum have come primarily from Turkish and Iraqi
Kurds, Pakistanis, citizens of former-Yugoslavia (Kosovo), and some African
countries (Table 7).
Table 7. Principal national groups requesting asylum in Italy (1990-2003)
1990-2000 2001 2002 2003
Albania 21.300 Iraq 1.985 Iraq 1.944 Liberia 1.670
RF Yugoslavia 12.197 Turkey 1.690 Liberia 1.660 Eritrea 1.252
Iraq 12.132 RF Yugoslavia
1.526 Sri Lanka 1.526 Somalia 1.134
Romania 6.114 Sri Lanka 555 RF Yugoslavia 1.418 Kosovo 775
Turkey 4.250 Romania 501 Pakistan 1.256 Nigeria 656 Source: Caritas, 2004
The average waiting period for an asylum hearing is 12-15 months, during which
applicants have no right to work. Public support is available only for the first 45 days,
after which applicants must seek charity (medical care is guaranteed). Law 189/2002
introduced a simplified procedure. A territorial commission should examine the
application within 15 days from its receipt by the police and should then decide within
three days. If the application is rejected, the asylum seeker can ask for a re-
examination of the application. For that procedure one member of the national
commission joins the territorial commission and the decision should be taken within
ten days. In the case of a second negative response by the re-examination commission,
it is possible to appeal to the High Court, and the prefect may authorise the applicant
to stay in Italy until the final decision is taken.
Once recognized, under Law 189/2002, refugees receive a 2-year renewable residence
permit allowing them to work and to access public assistance and then, after 5 years,
to apply for citizenship.
5 The law on ‘Regularisation of humanitarian protection status and asylum rights’ was approved by the
senate in November 1998 and transmitted to the Chamber of deputies. The final approval needed by the
Senate never occurred since then, despite the repeated appeals of UNHCR and other organisations
working in the field.
15
In 2003, Italy received 13,455 asylum applications (Caritas 2004: 502) of which, less
than 10% were accepted. Acceptance rates have varied significantly though during the
last decade (Table 8).
Table 8. Number of asylum applications in Italy (1991-2003)
Year Applications submitted Applications accepted
%
1991 23.317 944 4.0 1992 6.042 336 5.6 1993 1.647 126 7.7 1994 1.786 298 16.7 1995 1.732 285 16.4 1996 675 172 25.5 1997 1.858 348 18.7 1998 11.122 1.026 9.2 1999 33.364 809 2.4 2000 15.564 1.649 10.6 2001 9.620 2.102 21.9 2002 16.015 1.270 7.9 2003 13.455 726 5.4
Source: Caritas, 2004
Concluding Remarks
Italy has today a large immigrant population of approx. 2.6 million accounting for
over 4% of the total resident population. The total immigrant population including an
estimate of undocumented migrants present in the Italian territory is about 3 million
people in a total of 58 million inhabitants or just under 5%. Among them, asylum
seekers (successful and rejected ones) are a tiny fraction. Immigrants come to Italy
mainly to find employment and seek a better life. They come from many different
countries and continents of origin (the first three groups: Romanians, Moroccans and
Albanians account for only 30% of the immigrant population, while the first ten
nationalities account for just over 50% of the total immigrant population), profess
different religions (Catholics, Christians of other denominations and Muslims mainly)
and bring with them a mosaic of cultures and habits. Immigrant integration is still at
an early stage in Italy although significant steps were taken in the period 1998-2001
when a centre left government was in power. The current government has put more
emphasis on a tight management of flows, limited the scope of integration to legal
migrants only, made the procedures involved in obtaining or renewing legal status
even more bureaucratic and cumbersome even if it enacted the largest regularisation
programme ever involving 700,000 immigrants. At the same time public opinion is
still worried about immigrants ‘invading’ the national territory, endangering the
national welfare and identity. Nonetheless, integration is slowly and gradually taking
place as we shall argue in section I.3 and section II of this report even if much
remains to be done.
2. Public Discourse on Migration
Most immigrants in Italy discover soon upon arrival that they are unwelcome and are
regarded as ‘outsiders’ (Alaluf, 1982; Brochman & Hammar, 1999). They have to
16
cope with difficulties of not only integration into the labour market, but also of
exclusion from social, legal and political institutions. Social relations between
immigrants and local populations in many European countries including Italy often
lack cohesion and sometimes show strong antagonism and even racism underneath an
outward treatment of tolerance. In policy and public debates, immigrants are often
depicted as ‘trouble-makers’ and insurgents of social unrest. The aftermath of
September 11, and more recently March 11 in Madrid, has not only made certain
ethnic minority groups, and in particular Muslims, special targets for racist attacks,
but has also exacerbated the already general xenophobic attitudes towards immigrants
(ISPO, October 2001).
Italians with their long emigration history have often considered their country to be
‘different’ and ‘immune’ to the racism seen in other countries. However, Italian
public attitudes, initially characterised by ‘social tolerance’ towards immigrants, have
given way to hostile and xenophobic behaviour in recent years (CENSIS, 2002;
Sniderman, Peri, de Figueiredo, & Piazza, 2000; ter Wal, 1999; Triandafyllidou,
1999). It is since the 1990s that creeping xenophobia in new forms (Balbo & Manconi,
1990) or virulent and explicit racist reactions, such as those seen in the propaganda of
the Northern Lombard League, have emerged.
These hostile attitudes have arisen against a backdrop of various factors. First, the
number of immigrants to Italy has risen steadily over the past few years (i.e., an
average influx increase of 11.4% between 1990 and 20006). Second, the country
suffered (and perhaps still does) from unclear and underdeveloped immigration and
settlement policies, combined with an inefficient public administration responsible for
the management of the phenomenon (Zincone, 1998). The lack of a secure legal
framework increased instead of appeasing public anxiety over the issue. Immigrants
in Italy, as in many countries, were suitable ‘scapegoats’ for all kinds of problems that
the mainstream society has been facing. The idea of immigration as a ‘problem’
develops with reference to three main points: (a) a security threat (the invasion threat,
undocumented immigration, and criminality); (b) a threat to jobs (the destabilization
of the labour market); and (c) a threat to cultural and religious identity (Diamanti &
Bordignon, 2002).
During the last two decades, the Italian mass media have promoted a negative and
highly stereotyped image of immigrants. The main criticism against the media is the
tendency to transmit alarmist information on immigration. News reports have been
linking immigration and undocumented (clandestine) entry to Italy, transforming all
immigrants into ‘illegals’, ‘criminals’, ‘threats’ in the ‘common imaginary’.
According to ter Wal (2001), ‘in the information about immigrants’ arrival the press
has often resorted to a military language. Immigrants ‘invade’, they rarely simply
arrive alone.’
In 2003, the leader of Lega Nord, Bossi, triggered a political storm by saying that
‘The navy and the coastal guards should defend our coasts and use the cannon,’
although he later sought to distance himself from these comments. ‘We are a populist
party, we go around and listen to what people have to say and the people get angry
when they see these thousands of immigrants arrive,’ Bossi said.
6 See EUROSTAT at http://europa.eu.int/comm/eurostat/.
17
The concept of undocumented immigration has become more linked to security after
11 September 2001, and clandestine immigrants have been subjected to inspections
for their potential association with terrorism. The website of the Italian Navy7 reports:
‘the phenomenon of undocumented immigration remains one of the central problems
for national and regional security…above all because it clearly constitutes a channel
which feeds into illicit activities and activities that link, potentially or in actual facts,
to the networks of international terrorism’. Such views apparently ignore that
suspected terrorists are to be found among the educated, middle class immigrants –
rather than among undocumented migrants that cross illegally the Italian borders.
Several studies carried out during the last years have shown how mass media have
focused on immigrants mainly when they were involved in criminal episodes, mostly
in relation to news (ter Wal, 2001). A research carried out by Cotesta (1999), revealed
that between 1991 and 1997 nearly half the articles dealing with the presence of
immigrants in Italy concerned incidents of conflict and only about a third was devoted
to some in-depth analysis of their living conditions.
The other theme emerging frequently in the Italian political discourse and mass media
concerns their being a threat to Italian ‘national identity’ (Marletti, 1995; Tambini,
2001). Italy is defined as a country, which lacks a strong sense of nationhood; but the
perceived threat posed by Muslim immigration produces a re-interpretation of religion
as an identity marker for the definition of national identity. Bologna’s controversial
Cardinal, Giacomo Biffi, was at the centre of media attention when he declared that
Italy’s immigration policy should favour Catholics over Muslims (in La Repubblica,
September 14, 2000). ‘The criteria to admit immigrants cannot be solely economic,’
Biffi argued. ‘There must also be serious concern for the nation’s identity.’ It is more
sensible and would create far fewer problems of integration, according to Biffi, if only
other Catholics were allowed to help populate the country. Muslims, he said, ‘have
different food, different feast days, family law that is incompatible with ours [and] an
idea of women that is very distant from ours.’ These statements were criticised by
many political leaders, caused embarrassment to the large network of Catholic aid
organizations and disturbed Muslims, but institutional reactions were only very
limited.
In 2003, a strong debate was started following a court order to remove crucifixes from
classroom walls in a state-run school in Abruzzo (central Italy). The ruling by the
presiding judge at the local tribunal upheld a complaint by an Italian citizen of
Muslim origin. The debate soon moved away from the contents of religion and
towards a construction of religion as a tool for the reproduction of the ‘imagined
national community’.
In more recent years public and political discourse has developed with reference to the
issue of multiculturalism and the socio-cultural integration of immigrants.
Nevertheless, the content of such terms remains highly vague and acceptance of
cultural and religious diversity remains a contested matter. A controversy concerning
the right to religious practice of Muslim immigrants in northern Italy has recently
revived this debate in the national press. The issue was raised after the mayor of
7 www.marina.difesa.it
18
Alessandria, a small city near Turin, closed down a mosque that operated in an
apartment at a residential neighbourhood. The reasons for the mayor’s decision
related to the lack of parking space in the area and the resulting disturbance of local
residents during prayer on Fridays. The issue was further exploited politically by the
local Northern League branch, which organised a public rally against Muslim
immigrants in the region. Local authorities from nearby cities intervened offering the
necessary space to host the mosque. The issue was followed closely by the national
media for a short period and triggered a larger debate concerning the rights of legal
immigrants in Italy and also Italian culture and identity and their compatibility with
religious and cultural diversity. Issues of cultural and ethnic ‘purity’ were thus
contrasted to notions of ‘freedom’, ‘human rights’ and their protection by the Italian
Constitution (Triandafyllidou, 2002).
Mass media stereotyping of immigrants is organised along national categories. People
who come from Albania have been frequently portrayed as unscrupulous and actively
involved in a number of criminal activities. Their arrival has often been presented as
an ‘invasion’ (Piperno, 2002; ter Wal, 2001). That has favoured the diffusion of a
stereotyped perception stigmatising Albanians as criminals. The ethnic, racial and
national identity of the groups or individuals involved has been constantly referred to
by media when immigrants’ arrests or accusations were mentioned (del Lago, 1999).
A study on the language used in the newspaper titles and articles reveals that
‘Albanians’, ‘immigrant’, ‘arrested’, ‘public force’, ‘clandestine’, ‘extracomunitari’,
‘drugs’, ‘Moroccan’, ‘refugee’, and ‘away’, were the ten most frequent words used to
describe migration-related events (Stoppiello, 1999).
Such specific national stereotyping is also matched with generic terms used to lump
together different immigrant populations: ‘extracomunitario’8, marocchino, zingaro,
africano/negro are some of the most frequent terms used in colloquial language to
refer to immigrants and reflect different levels and types of social exclusion. All these
‘common-sense’ categories suggest exclusion from the moral community of those
who belong to this country, rather than serving to identify any particular group.
However, like all symbolic systems they operate at the level of unconscious or
implicit knowledge and are impervious to evidence about the real nature of the people
to whom they are applied. Indeed, they are sometimes used interchangeably, the
connotations of one category applied to another, and so on. Thus the term
‘marocchino’ may be widely used to indicate non-EU immigrants in general, or
Senegalese or Iranians (Mahler, 1996).
Refugees and asylum seekers, although representing a separate issue, are mostly
perceived by public opinion as part of the overall migration phenomenon in Italy. The
main reason for this is that flows of refugees do follow the same routing and
procedures of ‘normal’ irregular immigrants. The public opinion has no clear
distinction between forced and voluntary immigrants.
In conclusion, Italian media discourse on migration concentrates mainly on issues of
criminality or illegal entry and reproduces images of ‘threat’ to the national public
order. In recent years, the media coverage has paid some attention to immigrant
8 Extracomunitario, means literally non EU but is used as a synonym for an ‘immigrant from an under
developed country’.
19
integration and to the issue of multiculturalism. As regards individual cases,
newspapers and magazines adopt a positive perspective, presenting the inspring
biographies of immigrants that have successfully integrated in the Italian economy
and society. They also comment positively on mixed marriages, and present
individual immigrants as people who escape conditions of poverty and political
upheaval. However, when reporting on cultural and religious difference at the
collective level, namely as regards the cultural and religious rights of the immigrant
population, the coverage becomes ambivalent at best. The media discourse
emphasises that diversity can pose a threat to social cohesion and the national culture.
Living together with people from different cultures while possible at the individual
level, it is presented as a big and probably impossible challenge at the societal level.
3. Institutional setting framing immigrant participation
There is a set of conditions determining the rights of immigrants in Italy, which could
be described within three dimensions: (1) the cultural dimension – nationalism versus
multiculturalism, (2) the legal-political dimension, and (3) the socio-economic
dimension – temporary workers versus long term settlers.
3.1. The cultural dimension – nationalism versus multiculturalism
As a political ideal, multiculturalism means 'equal opportunity accompanied by
cultural diversity, in an atmosphere of mutual tolerance'. Multiculturalism in general
is defined in terms of public acceptance of immigrants and minority groups as distinct
communities that are distinguishable from the majority with regard to language,
culture and social behaviour; and which have their own associations and social
infrastructure (European Commission, 2003). Multiculturalism implies that members
of such groups should be granted equal rights in all spheres of society, without being
expected to give up their diversity, although usually with an expectation of conformity
to certain key values. It is this combination of recognition of cultural difference and
measures to ensure social equality which is the essential feature of multiculturalism. It
is important to perceive immigrants as active participants in the process of
consolidation of multiculturalism.
Widespread concern about discrimination and xenophobia in Italy, gives rise to an
official discourse on ‘multiculturalism’. The question posed by Grillo (2002) is ‘what
kind of ‘difference’ has been recognised in Italy? The way of interpreting
‘multiculturalism’ may lead to different objectives of immigration and integration
policies. As Grillo (2002) pointed out, in Italy the response to immigration has
involved three overlapping agendas: a ‘control agenda’; a ‘social agenda’; and a
‘difference agenda’. The meaning of the first is self-evident. The second encompasses
a wide range of social questions concerning health, social security, education and
training, protection from discrimination, and other social issues. These are aspects
covered by the Ministry and Departments of Social Affairs. The third refers to civic
and social provisions arising from the recognition of cultural, linguistic, religious and
ethnic differences. Civic participation of immigrants must be addressed as part of a
broader consideration linking multiculturalism (vs. nationalism) to a theory of
20
democracy. That is, the relationship between multiculturalism and democracy must
address not only the crucial issue of whether legal rights are provided for all groups
irrespective of their cultural identity, but also how structures of power work to ensure
that diverse cultural communities have the economic, political, and social resources to
exercise the capacity for collective voice. Integration in a democracy presupposes
acquisition of legal and political rights by the new members of society, so that they
can become equal interlocutors.
Despite the inclusionary discourse of multiculturalism in Italy, the politics of
recognising differences are contested (Grillo & Pratt, 2002), revealing the presence of
ethnocentrism, especially when the political participation of immigrants is concerned.
The fact is that immigrants in Italy have long been considered as temporary
guestworkers who will one day return to their country and therefore need not be
integrated. Immigrants are usually labelled in Italy as ‘foreigners’ (stranieri) or
‘extracomunitari’, that is, individuals who symbolically do not belong to the national
or even European community and who have little legitimacy to publicly address their
collective claims.
According to Grillo (2002), left wing parties have generally been more ‘concerned’
about the discourse of multiculturalism and inclusion of immigrants in the receiving
society than those of the right wing, and have adopted populist policies of supporting
principles of universalism (language of solidarity and inclusion), but they have not
embraced a ‘politics of positive recognition’. In the case of right wing parties, these
are usually divided between nationalists, who favour restrictive policies, and moderate
conservatives who, on the contrary, favour policies of functional recruitment in
response to the demands of the labour market. The last ones espouse an ideology that
could be described as a type of exclusionary populism, which consists of a restrictive
notion of citizenship, and opposition to the influx of immigrants and multiculturalism.
The drive toward an exclusionary politics of identity in Italy has been most
pronounced in the Lega Nord (see also Triandafyllidou 2005).
3.1.1. Citizenship
The policy of naturalisation is often considered as a reliable measure for
multiculturalism and social enclosure. Citizenship is also the most common
entitlement for an individual in a democracy to exert full membership rights and to
take part in the political process (Koopmans & Stratham, 1998; Zincone, 1992).
Several authors have stressed the importance of citizenship rights for immigrant
integration (Brubaker, 1992; Castles, 1995; Favell, 1998).
Immigrant naturalisation has hardly been an issue of concern in Italy. Italian
citizenship9 and the possibilities for naturalisation for foreigners are defined by law
91/1992 implemented by Presidential Decree no. 572/1993. The law10
is based on a
9 It is worth noting that there are separate laws defining the status of Italy’s ethnic minorities such as
for instance law 1241/1939 concerning the German-speaking South Tyroleans or law 1249/1947
regarding the Free Territory of Trieste. 10
Law 91/1992 replaced the previous law of 1913 and aimed mainly at the ‘recovery’ of Italian
emigrants who had lost their citizenship while living abroad. The new law also attuned the content of
Italian citizenship to contemporary understandings of gender equality, defining equal rights for women.
21
combination of the ius sanguinis and ius soli principles.11
A child can become a
citizen through descendance (parental citizenship) or by birth within the Italian
territory, if certain conditions are satisfied.
Italian citizenship may be requested (and conceded by the state) through three main
channels. First, it is automatically granted to children of at least one Italian parent,
regardless of place of birth; to children born in Italy to unknown or stateless parents,
or parents from countries which do not recognise citizenship of children born abroad;
to minors recognised by their Italian parent at a later date, as long as child support is
provided; to minors whose parents become Italian citizens, although this may be
renounced upon turning 18 in favour of an alternative citizenship; and to foreign
children adopted by Italian citizens.
Second, acquisition of citizenship is guaranteed if requested for any foreigner, minor
or not, under certain conditions. There is an accelerated procedure for those born in
Italy and continuously resident in Italy until 18 years of age. Upon turning 18, the
foreign citizen has one year to request citizenship. Also the law provides that foreign
citizens able to demonstrate that at least one parent or grandparent was born with
Italian citizenship have the right to citizenship.12
The 1992 citizenship law allowed
also those who had ‘lost’ their citizenship under the previous law to regain it. When
the re-acquisition period ended in 1997, 163,756 former Italian citizens had regained
their citizenship, 75% of them emigrants to the Americas, and almost all the rest
emigrants in Europe.
Table 9. Acquisition of Italian citizenship
Year Acquisition of Italian citizenship
1991 3.541 1992 3.474 1993 5.006 1994 4.925 1995 6.002 1996 5.948 1997 7.704 1998 9.853 1999 9.207 2000 7.801 2001 10.381 2002 10.645 2003 13.420
Source: Caritas, 2003; 2004.
The third channel concerns concessions of citizenship by the state following the
request of an individual. Marriage to an Italian citizen is the most common type of
naturalisation requests under this category (see tables 10 and 11 below). In 2003,
This law was not in its inception aimed to provide for a framework for the naturalisation of recent
immigrants that settled in Italy. 11
Under the ius soli, anyone born in a country is entitled to that country’s citizenship, whereas under
the ius sanguinis, the citizenship of the parents is decisive for the citizenship of their child. 12
In this case, certain conditions have to be satisfied: male applicants must do military service in Italy;
the applicant must work for the Italian state, either in Italy or abroad, and request citizenship; or the
applicant is an 18-year old, resident at least two years in Italy.
22
among 13.420 applications accepted, 84.2% were through marriage (Caritas, 2004).
The couple must be married for three years if they reside abroad or at least six months
if they live in Italy in order for the foreign spouse to apply for naturalisation. In any
case, only about 1% of this type of applications are rejected.
Table 10. Acquisition of Italian citizenship in 2003 by country of origin
An individual can request citizenship on the base of length of residence in Italy.
Residence requirements vary depending on the country of origin. For EU citizens four
years are requested; for adopted foreigners who are no longer minors, or for refugees
and the stateless, five years; and for non-EU citizens, ten years of residence13
are
necessary. The process for applying is complex and cumbersome requiring a very
long list of documents.14
The bureaucratic character of the procedure has helped guarantee that the number of
applications is quite low. Italy has one of the lowest naturalization rates, a high
13 The period of residence required by the Law 555/1912 was five years, but was raised to ten by the
Law 91/1992 for non-EU citizens. The new Law on citizenship (1463/2002) did not change this
provision. 14
The time and effort involved are almost forbidding. The application is reviewed by the Court, which
receives the request. It then passes to the Police, which checks the legal status of the applicant. It then
passes to the Ministry of Interior that examines the file and decides whether or not to grant citizenship.
The Italian President then issues a decree naming those who are to receive citizenship. Finally, the
applicant goes before an official and swears an oath of loyalty to the Italian Republic.
Country of origin Acquisition of Italian citizenship
From marriage
Morocco 1.133 541
Romania 977 933
Albania 831 751
Brazil 272 698
Poland 678 623
Cuba 646 645
Switzerland 546 539
Argentina 543 512
Russia 463 456
Colombia 453 438
Dominican Rep. 410 390
Peru 382 350
Croatia 336 266
Tunisia 271 154
Egypt 264 137
Venezuela 252 244
Ukraine 225 220
Serbia-Montenegro 193 166
Nigeria 162 126
Philippines 147 118
Iran 143 78
Bulgaria 140 120
Ecuador 132 129
France 130 124
Hungary 128 117
Lebanon 119 56
Other countries 2,989 2,369
Total 13,420 11,300
Source: Caritas, 2004.
23
rejection rate of applications and very long time for receiving a feedback (Table 9).
Only 917 requests were made in 2002 under this category, and 762 were rejected: that
is a rejection rate of 45% (Caritas, 2003). It is clear that concession of citizenship is
unlikely to affect the majority of immigrants unless major changes are made in the
law and procedures. An additional matter of concern is that the system is unable to
process even the few applications filed each year.
Table 11. Acquisition of Italian citizenship, by continent of origin, means of acquisition and
sex, 2002
Continent Total accepted By marriage % rejected
Europe 4,719 4,540 21.1 EU 290 277 1.0 C. / E. Europe 4,429 4,263 20.1
Africa 1,653 1,237 55.6 N. Africa 1,141 846 44.8
Asia 904 660 14.0 E. Asia 367 245 6.9
N. America 147 142 0.8 South America 2,063 2,010 5.5 Central America 1,137 1,122 2.8 Total 10,645 9,728 Source: Caritas, 2003.
In sum, Italian citizenship is predominantly ethnic in character because related to
kinship by blood or through marriage. The law allows for foreign permanent residents
to apply for naturalisation and does not require cultural assimilation (knowledge of
the Italian language, for instance, is not required). Double citizenship is also
allowed.15
However, the bureaucratic procedure for applying for naturalisation is so
complex, time and effort-consuming that it effectively acts as a deterrent to potential
applicants. Thus, while in the public discourse the nation is defined as a civic
community and not only as an ethno-cultural one, in reality immigrants are excluded
from naturalisation and hence from full political participation in the Italian society.
3.2. The legal-political dimension
Several studies demonstrate the importance of governmental policy and institutional
settings in shaping the conditions for civic participation and integration. In Italy the
lack of political stability deeply affected immigration policy and the political
opportunity structure (Blommaert & Martiniello, 1996; Grillo & Pratt, 2002; Zincone,
2000, 2001).
15
A decree issued by the Ministry of Interior on 7 October 2004 states that foreign citizens are not
required any more to submit a certificate declaring that they renounce their own citizenship before
obtaining Italian (as it was requested by the previous decree issued in 1994).
24
3.2.1. Immigration policy
As early as 1986, immigration laws have set up political opportunity structures and
channels that have encouraged civic participation of immigrants in public institutions.
The first immigration law (943/1986) set up the first consultative bodies at the
municipal, provincial, regional and national levels responsible for the co-ordination
and monitoring of immigration, allowing the participation of representatives of
immigrant communities.
The law introduced in 1990 (Law 39/1990) defined special provisions regarding
immigration including the annual planning of migratory flows, and some norms
regarding the rights and obligations of foreigners in Italy, their stay and work
conditions and other matters regarding family reunion, and social integration. This
law allowed cities to adopt independent statutes. Among the first cities, which defined
the possibility for immigrants with residence permit to take part in local consultative
referenda were Turin and Bologna (Zincone, 2000).
Furthermore, immigrant associations in the early 1990s were eligible for three years
support from regional funding, a resource established by this law in response to the
creation of the first welcome centres and other bodies offering services to immigrants.
Particularly relevant for the promotion of immigrant civic participation was Law
40/1998 (Zincone, 2001). This law includes provisions for the support of immigrant
associations, governmental bodies, the NGOs, and non-profit associations which
assist the social integration of immigrants and promote ‘knowledge and [the]
valorisation of cultural, social, economic and religious expressions of legally resident
immigrants…’ (art. 40). The main innovation introduced by law 40/1998 was that it
provided for the concrete measures through which immigrant associations and related
organisations could obtain national funding. Furthermore, of great relevance was the
implementation of art. 3 (paragraph 6), which stated that representatives of immigrant
associations should take part in the Territorial Immigration Councils. According to
article 57 of Law 40/1998, immigrant associations must be represented in these
Councils by at least two members, and another two members must come from
volunteer (native) associations.
In sum, even if the main policy priority in the 1990s was immigration control, by the
end of the decade a politics of integration received greater attention. But, as Riccio
argues (2000), legislation and implementation are two different things. There are in
fact important institutional constraints (see section below) that affect policy
implementation.
3.2.2. Institutional setting
Already since 1986, national, regional and municipal consultative bodies were
instituted with a view to fostering immigrant civic participation and ‘political’
representation. Large immigrant associations were asked to elect representatives who
would then acquire legitimacy to express their opinions in these consultative bodies.
However, recent studies suggest that these bodies did not offer the appropriate
vehicles or opportunity structures through which immigrant ‘voices’ could be
integrated in Italian politics (Grillo & Pratt, 2002). Representatives of immigrant
25
associations reported that they often felt frustrated by the limited influence of such
consultative bodies and considered that such bodies were not the most appropriate and
effective arenas for gaining more direct forms of civic power (Blommaert &
Martiniello, 1996).
Anderson and Vertovec have argued that (Anderson, 1990; Vertovec, 1999) such
consultative institutions are not oriented towards the political empowerment of
immigrants (e.g., as an alternative to voting rights, as a kind of educational step
toward eventual full participation, or as a symbolic gesture to encourage racial
harmony and combat discrimination, etc.). Bringing immigrant participation into the
civic and political sphere requires building conditions of trust into the formal
opportunity structure, a task that such bodies are unable to fulfil. Nonetheless, Bolaffi
and Damiani (1996) believe that these consultative bodies in Italy encourage the
development of ethnic organisations (Bolaffi & Damiani, 1996).
The civic participation of immigrants in Italy is channelled through non-state
agencies like the Church, non-governmental and voluntary organisations and trade
unions. The three main Italian trade unions (CGIL, CISL and UIL) have been
involved in immigration issues since the late 1970s. At first they concentrated on
providing legal assistance in work-related issues. Later, they set up migrant help
centres as well as specific migrant sectors within their own organisations. Interaction
with immigrants occurs essentially on an individual basis, while informal
relationships are cultivated with immigrant associations, usually with those whose
leaders are active members of or employed by the trade union; in some cases the
creation of an immigrant association directly follows the experience of being a
leading member of a trade union (Danese, 2001). In other words, here we witness a
civic mobilisation that starts from mainstream organisations and then leads to the
mobilisation of ethnic networks rather than the other way around.
Secular and church-based organisations help with the reception of immigrants and
their initial accommodation, regardless of residential status. Trade unions have also
overlooked the distinction between undocumented and legal immigrants and have
generally offered assistance to all foreigners. These organisations have played a key
role in past regularisation programmes. Some were even given the possibility to
prepare applications and submit them collectively to the local immigration offices.
The voluntary sector participates in negotiations and influences the design and
implementation of immigration legislation and the overall management of social
issues (Danese, 2001). In fact, non state actors are involved in the official consultation
process.
Non-governmental organisations and voluntary associations have also been active in
raising awareness in public opinion in support of migrants civic participation, and are
in their attempt to promote legislation to grant immigrants the right to vote at local
elections.
3.2.3. Voting rights
The limitations of participation and representation in a democratic nation-state are
traditionally defined by voting rights. European legislation has become increasingly
open to the granting of political rights to non-EU citizens. The granting of the local
26
vote to resident immigrants is provided for by Article 8b of the Treaty of Maastricht,
and subsequently by Article 19 of the Treaty of Amsterdam, which Italy has never
ratified. Moreover, in 1992, the Council of Europe issued the ‘Convention on the
participation of Foreigners in Public Life at Local Level’, which Italy has only
partially ratified in 1994. The Convention aims at improving integration of foreign
residents into the life of the community by guaranteeing them the ‘classical’ rights
which are also important for the maintenance and expression of their cultural identity,
such as the freedom of expression, freedom of assembly, the right to form local
associations with others or to join any association, as well as the right to form trade
unions. Furthermore, it encourages efforts to involve foreign residents in consultation
on local matters. Also the European Convention provides that every foreign resident
should be granted the right to vote and to stand for election in local authority elections,
provided that s/he has been a lawful and habitual resident in the State concerned for
the five years preceding the elections. The chapter which provides for the granting of
the right to vote in local elections has not been accepted in Italy until the time of
writing (November 2004).
Law 40/1998 originally contained the proposal of extending the vote in local elections
to non-EU citizens after five years of legal residence (the holders of residence card -
Carta di soggiorno). That proposal was later removed from the text of the law, as the
Parliament decided that it was unconstitutional. A proposal to revise article 4816
of the
Constitution (Chamber Act 4167) was put forward, but did not get into the
parliamentary agenda for discussion before the end of the last legislature. The current
government (elected in May 2001) put it aside and there is no indication as to whether
it will come up for the discussion.
Various proposals to grant the right to vote in local elections have been presented by
members of the left and centre-left wing parties since 2001. More surprise was
aroused by the proposal of constitutional reform by the leader of the right wing party
Alleanza Nazionale Gianfranco Fini, with a view to granting local voting rights to
immigrants. For the time being the reform has not passed, but this proposal split for a
moment the centre-right wing government coalition headed by prime minister
Berlusconi. One of the most common concerns regarding immigrant participation in
local elections, is that granting the right to vote would lead to the formation of ethnic
parties, and that immigrants would tend to vote for left-wing parties. This argument is
not without empirical foundation, but the risk should not be exaggerated, especially in
Italy. Voting tendencies are influenced by a set of factors including the country of
origin, the length of residence in the host country and the profession of immigrants
(Zincone, 2000).
Even though immigrants are not entitled to vote, political parties are principal players
in matters concerning migrant civic participation in Italy. Left-wing parties and the
CGIL trade union mobilised already in 1989 with regard to migration issues and as
mentioned earlier, immigrants are integrated in trade union membership. However,
there is strong (at least implicit) reluctance in the effective integration of immigrants
in Italian political party rank and file. This is partly because immigrants do not yet
16
Article 48 confers the right to vote to ‘all the citizens’: the problem is if the reference to citizens
should be understood in its strictly sense or simple as a synonym of ‘person’ (Zincone, 2000).
27
have voting rights, unless they have naturalised, and partly because non EU citizens
are still generally perceived as outsiders to national politics.
Nevertheless, most immigrant associations develop, directly or indirectly, either via
associations linked to a certain party or trade union, or in their shadow (Danese, 2001).
Immigrant associations have been traditionally linked to left-wing parties. Indeed, the
latter are more active than their right wing counterparts in issues of migrant
integration in the civic life of the host society (Hellman, 1997). Left wing parties also
adopt populist discourses of solidarity and inclusion. In the case of right wing parties,
these are usually divided between nationalists, who favour restrictive policies, and
moderate conservatives who, on the contrary, favour policies of functional
recruitment in response to the demands of the labour market. Immigrant association
representatives emphasise the fact that they search for interlocutors willing to
collaborate with them, irrespective of their political colour, as a possible support for
obtaining help and social visibility (Kosic & Triandafyllidou, forthcoming).
However, immigrants themselves have not always been socialised in western
democratic notions of civic participation and formation of groups for furthering their
interests. Hence, any attempt at identifying the factors that influence immigrant civic
participation should take into account both the context of the country of origin and
that of the country of residence. Some authors suggest a link between the formation of
associations and class belonging. Civic associations are considered to be a form of the
middle classes, whereas lower classes more often tend to structure their social
network with primary groups (such as family and friends, or religious groups)
(Bouzada, 1994). Danese argues that immigrant cultural background and their degree
of political activism in their countries of origin are key elements for the understanding
of their propensity to civic participation (Danese, 2001).
3.3. The socio-economic dimension
Institutional understanding of the rights and duties of immigrants (e.g., access to
public welfare, access to labour market, access to public health care, etc.) are some
basic conditions, which determine civic participation (Bendix, Bendix & Furniss,
1987; Marshall, 1992). The presence of a strong informal economy is a particularly
relevant factor that, in terms of civic participation, can result in the insulation of
immigrants from legal channels of participation. As mentioned previously, legal stay
and work status is a main prerequisite for any kind of socio-political participation.
In conclusion, immigrant civic participation bodies and mechanisms have been in
place in Italy for over a decade. Immigrants have been involved in consultative bodies
at the local and regional level. They have also become active members in mainstream
trade unions, less so though in political parties. Immigrant associations and national
NGOs involved in migration matters are numerous and active. They form well-
developed networks that bring together ethnic and mainstream organisations. We can
distinguish two broad networks. The first is led by Caritas and other church-related
associations. The second includes left-wing oriented NGOs and cultural associations.
This network traces its roots in the social and cultural activities of the former Italian
Communist party. Both networks are active in various fields ranging from primary
assistance to new immigrants including those who arrive undocumented (food,
28
accommodation, help to find a job), to a wider range of social services (including for
instance assistance in dealing with the national bureaucracy, organisation of cultural
festivities or of courses in Italian language). Immigrant associations have tight links
with both voluntary associations and NGOs led by natives and with trade unions.
Often immigrant activists become initially involved in trade unions and later set up an
ethnic association for their group. On the whole, civic activism of immigrants in Italy
is developed albeit it tends to be subsumed in patronage relations between native
‘patrons’ and immigrant ‘clients’ preventing the latter from achieving an autonomous
position in Italian society and politics. Independent immigrant activism is also
influenced negatively by their limited political rights and the lack of truly
representative institutions that allow their participation in decision making and not
just in consultative bodies where there is a lot of talk but little power. Last but not
least, many difficulties that affect civic participation have to do with structural
problems (lack of funds, logistic support, information, space, and suitable resources)
which may prevent civic activism both at the individual and at the group level.
Part II: Active Civic Participation of Third Country immigrants
The civic participation and representation of immigrants in public life is a source of
ongoing debates both in the public arena and the scholarly literature. Much of the
national and local debates with respect to the issue of civic participation of non-EU
immigrants in Italy focus on the question of voting rights. However, in this report we
consider a larger sphere of civic and political activities in which immigrants are
involved. These activities are organised around five main types of institutions and
related forms of participation (see also the typology proposed by Miller, 1989): (1)
consultative bodies and contacts with Italian political parties and in countries of origin;
(2) trade unions and workplace councils; (3) religious, voluntary and non-
governmental organisations; (4) immigrant associations; and (5) confrontational
means (demonstrations, strikes, etc.). Local policies with respect to migrants cannot
be understood without a reference to the various governmental levels in Italy.
4. Civic participation of immigrants in the consultative bodies
Several studies have examined the consultative bodies set up at various levels of
governance (Attanasio & Facchini, 2004; Blommesteijn & Entzinger 1999; Caponio,
2000; Caponio & Dota, 2001; Carpo, Cortese, Di Peri, & Magrin, 2003; Meli &
Enwereuzor, 2003; Martiniello, 1999; Palanca, 1999; Zincone, 2001). These
distinguish between the national, regional, provincial and communal levels. Our paper
is structured around most recent studies (Attanasio & Facchini, 2004; Caponio & Dota,
2001; Carpo, Cortese, Di Peri, & Magrin, 2003; Meli & Enwereuzor, 2003) that
provide for a more up to date picture of civic participation of immigrants in Italy.
4.1. National level
At the national level, a Council on the problems of non-EU workers and their
families was established in 1998 at the Ministry of Labour and Social Policies
29
(Consulta per lavoratori immigrati e le loro famiglie), in accordance with art. 42 (4)
of the Consolidated Act on immigration of 1998. Its aim was to identify difficulties
and propose innovative solutions to problems. The Council was formed by
representatives of the central and local public administration, trade unions, religious
and voluntary associations operating in favour of immigrants, and by representatives
of immigrant associations. Immigrant representatives came from the largest
immigrant groups at the national level. This Council met every six months, in the
period 1998-2001, to monitor the immigrant situation and to make proposals in this
regard. The last immigration law, did not abrogate this body but its work was
discontinued. Simply the Council was solved and was never reconvened.
The second tool for civic participation of immigrants at the national level has been the
National Body for Co-ordinating Local Policies of Integration of Foreign Citizens
(l'Organismo Nazionale di Coordinamento per le politiche di integrazione sociale dei
cittadini stranieri a livello locale), set up in December 1998 within the National
Council of Economy and Labour (Consiglio Nazionale dell’Economia e del Lavoro;
CNEL). It is composed of local government authorities (Regional, Provincial and
Municipal), representatives of provincial labour offices and of the National Institute
for Social Welfare (INPS), local health units, trade unions, employer associations and
immigrant associations. Immigrant representatives were selected from some among
the larger immigrant communities at the national and regional levels. This
Consultative Body’s task is to support the development of reception and integration
mechanisms for immigrants, and to promote their participation in public life. The
representatives of this body are asked to compare experiences of Italian local realities
with those in other EU countries, with a view to identifying best practices.
These national consultative bodies have not contributed significantly to the
empowerment of immigrants, nor have they provided for credible representation of
immigrant interests at the national level (Caponio, 2000; Caponio & Dota, 2001;
Martiniello, 1997, 1999; Meli, A. & Enereuzor, 2003; Penninx, Kraal, Martiniello, &
Vertovec, 2004; Zincone, 2000, 2001).
4.2. Regional level
A Regional17
Council for Immigration Problems (Consulta Regionale) has been set
up in almost all regions (Table 12). In principle, its responsibilities cover cultural and
educational initiatives, social welfare, economic assistance, reception centres,
domestic help, accommodation, health care, and initiatives encouraging the formation
of associations ‘for’ and ‘of’ non-EU immigrants, although these are not always
successful. These councils are constituted at the beginning of each new legislature,
and are composed of: representatives of the most important institutions and voluntary
organisations in the regions active in the sector of reception and integration of
immigrants, representatives of trade unions, representatives of provincial and
municipal administrations, representatives of the Chamber of Commerce and of
17
Italy has a three-tier system of Local Government: the Region, Province and Municipality. These all
have a Council (Consiglio) elected every five years, with a smaller executive group (Giunta) and a
President or Mayor (in the case of the City Council). In addition, since 1976 cities with a population
exceeding 40,000 also have District Councils (Consigli di Quartiere).
30
employer associations, the director of the regional employment agency, a
representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, a representative of the Ministry of
Interior, and a president of a smaller executive group (Giunta). It comprehends as well
representatives of some immigrant associations. The ‘sphere’ of concern of this body
is limited to immigration policy and in particular to the policy programmes enacted by
the Regions (Giannetti, 1993). This Body sets up three-year plans of action aiming to
promote immigrant socio-economic and cultural integration.
This Council specifies the criteria for allocating the financial resources to the
provinces in the region, which on their end, have to prepare every year a plan of
action, in collaboration with the Territorial Committees for Immigration, local
associations, education agencies and other organisations active in the field of
immigrant integration. However, the Consulte do not have decision-making power,
and are without an autonomous budget, what indicates also their operative limits.
Table 12. Regional Councils for Immigration Problems in Italy
Regions When established N of immigrant members Emilia-Romagna 1974 85 Lombardy 1988 30 Marche 1988 41 Calabria 1990 40 Valle d’Aosta 1991 8 Friuli-Venezia-Giulia 1991 36 Sardinia 1993 17
Source: CNEL (1999)
4.3. Provincial level
The Immigration Territorial Councils (Consigli Territoriali per l’Immigrazione)
have been set up in all Italian provinces, in accordance with article 57 of the
Presidential Decree 394/99, with the task of monitoring the phenomenon of
immigration, of analysing trends and needs, making proposals and giving guidelines
for local integration programmes. Territorial Councils are run by Provincial
Prefectures (Prefettura)18
, and are chaired by the Prefects. The decision to choose the
Prefect for that function rather than an elected official such as the Provincial President
caused a great dissent (Chaloff, 2003). The Council works in cooperation with
regional and local administrations, representatives of Chamber of Commerce,
employer associations, and trade unions.
18
The Prefecture forms part of the Ministry of Interior but not of the Police. It is the administrative and
policy branch of this Ministry concerning public security. The Prefecture is functionally superior to the
Questura although this last holds the operational power. It has the function of representing the central
government within the territory of the Province and informs the Government of the main problems of
national interest. The Prefect has important state functions, as the responsibility for the defence of law
and order and for the co-ordination of civil protection interventions all over the province. It acts as a
body of mediation and junction among public and private institutions for the solution of all the
problems deranging the regular course of civil life. The Prefecture finally offers a number of public
services and has edited a guide in order to allow citizens an easier approach to information. Concerning
the issue of immigration, the Prefecture hosts the Central Council for Immigration with aim to improve
the relationships between institutions and immigrants.
31
At least two representatives of non-EU immigrants are selected from the main
immigrant associations to participate in the Council. Also there must be at least two
representatives of local groups and associations active in assisting and supporting
immigrants. The law however does not indicate clearly which are the criteria to be
used for selecting these representatives. Should they be self-selected as presidents of
associations? Elected from within associations, but according to what criteria?
Nominated by local government or other organisations? Co-opted by agents of
political power outside or inside a community? The term ‘main immigrant
associations’ is not defined and, as such, can be interpreted in the sense of
associations representing the larger immigrant groups or the most politically active in
each area. Meli and Enwereuzor (2003) point out that there is no limit on the
maximum number of immigrants’ representatives who can be invited to participate in
the Councils, but in practice their number tends to be limited to the minimum
indicated above.
According to the Ministry of the Interior, all Prefectures in the country had set up
their Territorial Councils by December 2000 and many of them were already
operative. The question however arises as to whether and how these Territorial
Councils provide effective opportunities for immigrants to participate in the public
decision making process. A recent survey carried out by Censis for the Ministry of the
Interior showed that the number of immigrant associations invited to take part at the
Territorial Councils is on average pretty low: 45 Territorial Councils out of 103 have
no immigrant association participating, 18 Councils have only one immigrant
association among their membership, 25 Councils have two immigrant associations
represented, and only 15 Councils have between 3 and 9 immigrant associations
represented (Meli & Enwereuzor, 2003).
These findings suggest that Territorial councils are not important arenas for immigrant
civic participation. According to Meli and Enwereuzor (2003) immigrant participation
on these councils is low for a number of reasons. First, because there are few
immigrant associations in some provinces. Second, because the statutory clause of the
Councils requires that eligible immigrant associations are formally registered by the
Council of Ministry, Department of Social Affairs (Presidenza del Consiglio dei
Ministri, Dipartimento per gli Affari Sociali). Third, each Prefecture may interpret the
relevant clause of the law in different ways so as to determine which associations are
eligible for participation.
4.4. Municipal level
At the Municipal level, other forms of civic engagement of immigrants have been
implemented, such as the Municipal Consultative Body (Consulta Comunale per i
cittadini stranieri e apolidi) or the introduction of an Additional Councillor
(Consigliere Aggiunto) to the municipal and district council. Municipal Consultative
Bodies are elected by foreign citizens, aged 18 or more, who have been officially
resident in the city for at least one year. These municipal bodies are not established by
law but rather come out of local authority initiatives. The first Municipal Consultative
Body on immigration was set up in Turin in 1995, and was followed in 1996 by those
of Modena and Padua. Several municipalities set up this type of consultative bodies in
32
recent years but most ceased to function after one or two years (Meli & Enwereuzor,
2003).
The Consultative Bodies are responsible for preparing proposals on migration policies
for the local administration and give their opinion on local programmes concerned
with social integration, public housing, integration of immigrants in the labour market,
measures promoting public security in the city, and initiatives aimed at preventing and
reducing marginalisation and discrimination of immigrants. Nevertheless, according
to Giannetti (1993), these bodies have limited decision-making power and little
autonomy. It is probably for this reason that immigrants have so far not shown great
interest, although there have been some significant exceptions: in the elections held on
10 October 1999 in Modena for twenty representatives in consultative bodies, 22.8%
of those entitled to vote participated. It has been reported that many immigrants are
not informed about these bodies and their right to vote for them.
There are some interesting differences between the various Municipalities, when the
composition of the consultative bodies and electoral regulations are considered. In
some cases, these bodies are formed exclusively by immigrants, while in others
immigrants represent only a small part of the membership. The seats on the
consultative bodies are distributed in different ways among the various immigrant
communities in Municipalities. In some cases, distribution is based on strictly national
or macro-regional grounds, whereas in others, participation in elections for
representatives to the consultative body and distribution of seats are done on the basis
of political groupings that cut across national groups (Meli & Enwereuzor, 2003).
Immigrant civic participation at the local level is enabled also through the Additional
Foreign Councillor position in local councils. This position was created by local
authorities19
as an attempt to introduce some form of political participation for
immigrants at the local level even if they do not have voting rights. Meli and
Enwereuzor (2003) note that this has been an important step towards the recognition
of immigrant rights even if the Additional Foreign Councillor does not have decision-
making power, as it has been an initiative of municipalities with a view to giving
voice to immigrants. Furthermore, Meli and Enweereuzor argue that local authorities
use the elections of Additional Councillors as a tool to exert pressure on the
government with regard to immigrant rights of participation in public life. In addition,
it gives strength and visibility to the issue in public debates on immigration, and sets a
precedent, which hopefully shall be followed by other municipalities.
Additional Foreign Councillors are elected by non-EU immigrants who are at least 18
years old and reside in the municipality. The AFC serves during the same period of
the local Council. AFCs participate in the Local council meetings of the local Council,
may make proposals and raise claims with regard to local legislation, but do not have
the right to vote. Thus their effective power is very limited.
The tasks and rights of AFCs differ among municipalities: in some cities, they have
the same tasks as those of ordinary councillors (the right to be convened to all
meetings of the Council, to be informed in advance on the issues to be discussed, to
19
Law 39/1990 allowed cities to adopt independent statutes, opening thus more possibilities for
immigrant civic participation at the local level.
33
take the floor, and to participate in the activities of the Council’s Commissions),
whereas in others, their rights are limited to issues related to immigration. The first
municipality to elect an AFC was Nonantola, a small town in the province of Modena
(central Italy) which elected two AFCs in 1994. Nonantola was soon followed by
Empoli (one), Bologna (three, plus one for each of the nine districts in the city),
Macerata,20
Urbania, Chiaravalle, and Ancona. In Ancona, this form of civic
participation was introduced also at the Provincial level, but until now has remained
an isolate case in Italy. The last elections for Additional Councils were in Rome,
where four, plus one for each of the nine districts in the city, councillors were elected
at the end of March 2004 (Table 13).
Table 13. Places where elected councils have been established
Elections N
members % women % voters
Municipal Consultative Body Turin 1995 - - - - 21.0
Nonantola 1995 - - - - - -
Modena 1999 20 4 23.0
Forlì 2000 11 1 32.0
Cesena 2002 17 2 19.1
Padua 2003 6 2 - -
Ravena 2003 21 3 22.7
Rome 2004 - - - - 57.3
Bolzano 2004 16 6 43.0
Additional Foreign Councillors
Nonantola 1994 - - - - - -
Ancona 2001 2 0 26.5
Macerata
Empoli
Bologna
Urbania
Chiaravalle
Lecce 2003 1 0 24.8
Rome 2004 23 + 4 7 57.3
Source: CARITAS, 2004.
Nevertheless, Martiniello (1999) argues that the participation of immigrants in
consultative bodies or as additional councillors in Local Councils has rarely resulted
in public policies being changed to better serve the interests of ethnic minorities of
immigrant origin. Martiniello (ibid.) argues that, consultation structures can no longer
be considered as a substitute for the granting of the right to vote and stand for election
to immigrants. In a political system in which immigrants do not have the right to vote
and to stand for election, the principle of consultation can easily contribute to
reproducing the political exclusion and powerlessness of immigrants – at the same
time giving them the mere illusion of participating in the structures of power and
conveying the deceptive image of a political system which is more open to the
inclusion of immigrants than it really is. Furthermore, it is commonly assumed that
immigrants can only participate in consultative bodies on issues, which specifically
20
See also: www.comune.macerata.it/
34
concern them. This restrictive approach means that immigrants are considered as
partial citizens, who cannot engage with the general issues of society at large.
5. Civic participation of immigrants in non-governmental organisations
In Italy there are a number of non-governmental actors, involved in immigration
policy issues. Among these, we distinguish three main categories:
• Trade Unions (CGIL, CISL, UIL) and employers’ associations (e.g.,
Confindustria, Confartigianato, or CAN);
• Non-profit organisations (Caritas, ARCI, ANOLF, different refugee
assistance organisations, etc.);
• Immigrant associations (the principal associations are linked to unions, as in
the case of ANOLF).
5.1. Trade unions
The three largest Italian trade unions, CGIL (Italian General Confederation of Labour
- Confederazione Generale Italiana del Lavoro)21
, CISL (Italian Confederation of
Workers - Confederazione Italiana Sindacati Lavoratori)22
, and UIL (Italian Workers
Union - Unione Italiana del Lavoro),23
have been very active since the mid-1980s
opening special services for immigrants to facilitate their access to legal and social
services and information (Bentivogli, 2002; Mottura, 2000; Mottura & Pinto, 1996;
Sciortino, 2003; Zincone, 1994, 1999). Their first initiatives date since the voting of
Law 943/1986. They had opened then immigration services providing assistance to
undocumented immigrants who wished to regularise (Pastore, 1998). To facilitate
contacts, the unions encouraged voluntary registration by offering free membership
cards or low registration fees (Sciortino, 2003). This opened the first channel of
communication with immigrants which later led to formal registration by many
immigrant workers (Table 14).24
Table 14. Number of non-EU workers registered with trade unions (2000 and 2001)
2000 2001 CGIL 90,411 99,600
21
CGIL – is the most representative Italian trade-union organisation. It is organised into two different
structures: a vertical one, with the branch union organisations, and a territorial one, with Labour
Chambers located throughout the country. It negotiates labour contracts through its trade organisations
and undertake actions to defend, affirm and obtain individual and collective rights. 22
CISL – is the second largest Confederation of Trade Unions in Italy. The task CISL sets for itself,
and its main immediate goal, is that of defending both employed and unemployed workers' interests,
since it is convinced that society's interests are themselves better promoted thereby. Several
fundamental, shared values support such an approach: democracy, solidarity, pluralism and trade union
independence from any economic power, employer, Government or political party. 23
UIL - is a Labour Union Organization. Following the split from CGIL, UIL became the
representative of those workers with laic ideologies, democrats and socialists. The main aims of this
organisation are the development of new employment opportunities, reform of the economic structure,
safeguarding the rights of the workers, unity of the Trade Workers, the conditioning of international
politics and the development of government participation. 24
It is worth noting that the immigrants regularly residing in Italy are entitled to join a trade union on a
par with Italian citizens.
35
CISL 105,721 110,562 UIL 27,500 29,500 Total 223,632 239,662
Source: Caritas, 2002
It is indicative that, in the current number of union members, the percentage is higher
among immigrants than among Italians. In 1996, 44% of legal foreign workers were
members of unions, whereas among Italian workers, only 36.6% were members of a
trade union (Ires, 2002).
Some immigrant groups, like for instance the Latin Americans and Senegalese, have
developed closer links with trade unions than others (Danese, 2001). Our study in this
project seeks to delve deeper into this research question and explore the factors that
transform a civic activism potential into reality, in Italy, among different immigrant
groups, and also generally in Europe.
Many immigrants are actively involved in trade union committees and some are even
employed by a trade union or hold elected positions (Table 15). In CGIL, there are
foreign worker representatives in five categories (construction industry, chemicals,
mechanical engineering, food industry and trade). Also, the immigration services of
trade unions are more often than not run by immigrants who have been in Italy for a
long time (usually those who studied in Italy).
Table 15. Number of non-EU immigrants involved in trade union committees
CISL UIL 2000 2001 2000 2001 Local 616 657 81 96 Regional 103 109 27 28 National 8 10 5 6 Total 727 776 113 130
Source: Elaboration of data from Dossier Statistico Immigrazione. Caritas, 2002.
Trade unions support all measures or initiatives to fight discrimination and are in
favour of the extension of immigrants’ rights, including the possibility to vote in
elections and the broadening of the opportunities to obtain the Italian citizenship
(Mottura & Pinto, 1996).
Trade unions also support several immigrant associations. For instance, CISL
sponsored the establishment of the National Association Beyond Frontiers
(Associazione nazionale oltre le frontiere, Anolf) which has at present a membership
of some 50,000 immigrants. Trade unions in cooperation with NGOs play an active
role in mobilising the immigrant work force with regard to human and work rights.
However, the impact of such mobilisation appears to be rather weak. Most recently, in
December 2004, trade unions, left-wing parties and immigrant associations have
mobilised to request the amendment of law 189/2001 and the introduction of local
voting rights for foreigners who had a residence permit for at least six years. It is too
early however to judge the outcome of such a mobilisation.
5.2. Non-profit organisations
36
A large number of NGOs and voluntary associations are committed to the realisation
of a multicultural society based on a fuller integration of immigrants in the Italian
society (Carchedi, 2000; CNEL-Codres, 2000). Organisations such as the ACLI
(Associazione Cattolica Lavoratori Italiani), the ARCI (Associazione di Promozione
Sociale), Caritas, the Women and Migrants Forum, the Forum of Foreign
Communities in Italy, the Italian Council for Refugees, the Italian League for Human
Rights, and others have been very active in assisting non-EU migrants to obtain legal
status and/or improve their working and living conditions. These associations have
also contributed to raising the nationals’ awareness concerning the plight of
immigrants. The work of this type of associations may promote and facilitate
immigrant civic participation in Italian society as it contributes to opening the sphere
of political and civic participation to immigrants. Fennema & Tillie (1997) argue that
voluntary associations create social trust which spills over into political trust and
higher political participation.
Furthermore, small parishes and well-established Catholic associations have
contributed from the outset to the management of social emergencies linked to
migrant flows (Fargion, 1996). Catholic organisations such as the Community of
Sant’Egidio and Caritas, have been particularly active in setting up and managing first
assistance centres helping migrants in various aspects of their daily lives. They have
developed the first and often the most effective agencies providing immigrants with
shelter, reception centres, advice, training opportunities and space for cultural
activities (Prat, 2002). In many cities local administrations have subcontracted
services to Caritas because of their speed and efficiency in dealing with ‘front-line’
problems (Maher, 1996; Riccio, 1999). As for the representation of immigrant
interests, in some cases they tend to speak for them instead of fostering their direct
access to institutions. They give material support to some immigrant groups but it
ends up keeping them away from traditional channels of democratic participation and
the representation of interests (Danese, 2001).
In general, networks established through the third sector have the advantages of
creating shortcuts and possibilities of access for immigrants to civic institutions
independently of their regular or irregular status, but mostly on an informal basis.
6. Immigrant associations
As mentioned previously, civic participation may have several meanings. It may refer
to individual citizens taking part in the political process by using their active and
passive voting rights. Civic participation, however, may also refer to a broader
domain than participation in formal political institutions: the struggle on policies and
policy making. In this sphere of activity, interest groups are central as they try to
influence policies and the process of policy making. Immigrant organisations may
thus be seen as important civic actors.
Recent studies have underlined the importance of a rich associational life in order to
strengthen democracy (Putnam, 1996). Immigrant associations are an essential
reference point for immigrants in terms of social inclusion and active participation,
being the place for aggregating, meeting and exchanging contacts between immigrants
37
and also the larger social context. Moreover, they are/could be a relevant point of
reference for the role of mediation between immigrants and the host civic institutions.
In Italy, immigrant organisations and their contribution to public and political life
have developed in three main phases (Giovannetti, 2002):
1) The ‘Pioneering’ phase – from the late 1970s to the mid-1980s; immigrant
associations were mostly the expression of student groups and political parties
active in their countries of origin. They were mainly based in large
metropolitan cities.
2) The phase of ‘social acknowledgment and visibility’ – the late 1980s. In this
phase immigrant living conditions worsened (housing, access to social
services) and the lack of a specific law became apparent. A new phase of
mobilisation and propensity to associate started.
3) The phase of ‘active participation and social self-promotion’ – with the issuing
of law 39/1989 (the Martelli Law). Since the late 1980s, immigrant
associations have been recognised in Italian law and have been important civic
engagement actors with regard to immigration matters.
There are few qualitative or quantitative studies on immigrant organisations and on
their activities. Our overview is based mostly on two studies promoted by CNEL in
2001 and 2003. According to CNEL (2001), there were 893 immigrant associations in
the country in that period. Not all of these associations were registered by the Council
of Ministry, Department of Social Affairs (Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri,
Dipartimento per gli Affari Sociali). Researchers gathered information through formal
and informal networks at municipalities (above 5000 of inhabitants), NGOs,
charitable and other organisations. This number covers an internally diverse reality, in
terms of the size of the associations, their stated aims and their actual effectiveness in
reaching their objectives of civic participation (Tradardi, 2002).
It is difficult to keep track of immigrant associations, which tend to mushroom and
then disappear. All associations display a noticeable lack of stability, as immigrants
are generally very mobile and mainly guided by temporary work opportunities
(Carchedi, 2000). CNEL (2001) found that a high percentage (46.8%) of associations
are small or middle size (less than 300 members); 26.1% have between 301-1000
members, and 26.1% have more than 1000 members.
The distribution of immigrant associations is not homogeneous through the national
territory. Higher numbers of immigrant associations are registered in the regions of
Lombardy (162), Emilia-Romagna (139), Lazio (91) and Tuscany (91), regions
characterised also by a larger presence of immigrants (CNEL, 2003).
A survey conducted by CNEL-Codres (2000) on local contexts in Italy, revealed that
the cities of Firenze and Prato in central Italy are characterised by a higher level of
self-organisations of immigrant communities, than other Italian cities. The only
exception is the Chinese community, which, despite its large size in Prato and
Florence, displays a very low level of associationism. The high level of civic activity
in Florence and Prato may be attributed to the strong civic traditions of their Italian
inhabitants and the strength of civil society in those cities. However, the Chinese
community case challenges the credibility of this argument.
38
Other cities where high tendency of associationism is registered are Milan, Rome,
Turin, Palermo and Padua. The city of Palermo is a case of positive exception in
southern Italy, which is in general characterised by a lack of interest of immigrants in
their own associations as well as few initiatives to promote the institutional conditions
for their civic participation. The above findings suggest that the level of immigrant
involvement in associations relates not only to the characteristics and propensity to
organise of different immigrant groups or their level of socio-economic integration,
but also the civic traditions and institutions of the host society, as these differ among
cities and regions.
The CNEL report (2001) indicates that immigrants have formed their own
associations based on criteria such as ethnic origin, religion, country of origin or the
nature of their work. The report thus distinguishes among
1) Associations of a single ethnic/national group
2) Interethnic associations
3) Multiethnic associations
In mono-ethnic associations, aspects of common ethnicity are emphasised. Indeed,this
is the most common form of organisation for immigrant groups: mono-ethnic
associations account for 61% of the total. Multiethnic associations account for 25.6%
of all associations investigated by CNEL. Their membership is defined by
collaboration between groups coming from different countries. Interethnic
associations, accounting for only 14.5% of all associations surveyed, involve both
immigrants and natives.
Figure 1. Types of association in relation to their ethnic membership
60,7
25,6
14,5
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
Ethnic Multiethnic Interethnic
Source: CNEL (2001)
Moroccan, Senegalese, Albanian and Nigerian communities are those with the highest
number of immigrant associations. However, the CNEL report (2001) does not
specify if their associations have also the highest number of members. An interesting,
albeit not typical case, is that of the Senegalese community, which is particularly large
and organised through the engagement of the Mouridist Muslim brotherhood, from
which many mono-ethnic associations have spun off. Here ethnicity is reinforced by
cultural and religious features.
Associations of single national groups are widespread in the North-West and in the
Centre-North of Italy, while in the North-East, the South and the Islands, there are
more multi-national membership type of associations (Table 16).
39
Table 16. Distribution of immigrant associations in different geographic areas in Italy
(in percentage)
Ethnic Interethnic Multiethnic Central 56.4 17.8 25.8 Centro-South 65.7 14.4 19.9 Islands 45.6 12.3 42.1 North-East 50.6 12.3 37.1 North-West 63.1 16.5 20.4 South 56.0 6.7 37.3
Source: CNEL (2001)
As already stated, there is only scarce information on the precise aims and actions of
these different associations. Generally, immigrant associations have broad goals,
encompassing social, political and economic objectives, each of these axes assuming
different weights in different immigrant ‘communities’. According to a recent survey,
the main goal for about 74% of these associations is the preservation of their culture
of origin.
Apart from these activities, immigrant associations provide also social support to
immigrants, namely through protection and promotion of their rights (59%) and social
assistance (57%) (CNEL, 2003; Caritas, 2003). More specifically, they offer
accommodation to recently arrived immigrants, they assist them to find employment
and help them overcome economic and social hardship. Last but not least, they offer
legal assistance to immigrants and provide them with useful information on Italian
laws. Immigrant associations promote also educational (51%) and recreational (49%)
activities. A small percentage of the registered associations (17%) offer also religious
services, although they are not registered as religious institutions. It is worth noting
that religious or cultural organisations are not invited to participate in local
consultative bodies, which assume that immigrant associations are formed on an
ethnic basis.
Figure 2. Regional origin of immigrant associations in Italy
Source: CNEL (2001)
Analysing the geographical repartition of associations (independently of their mono-,
multi- or inter-ethnic character), with regard to the countries of origin of their
members, the CNEL study (2001) indicates that the highest percentage refers to
Asia
Others
East Europe
Latin America
Middle Orient
North Africa
South Africa
40
African communities (39.7%), followed by Asian (12.8%), East European (5.7%) and
South American (5.7%).
Furthermore, it notes the greater or lesser willingness of different ethnic or national
groups to form associations. In relation to that, Moroccan immigrants are those more
intensively engaged with associations, as their organisations cover 6.6% of the total
number of existing associations. They are followed by Arab25
(6.5%), Senegalese
(5.7%), Albanian (3.0%), and Nigerian (2.7%) communities. This finding may be
taken to indicate that some groups are more cohesive than others and that ethnicity is
their main factor of unity. However, the CNEL study (2001) does not provide for any
information regarding the size and type of membership (more or less active) of these
associations, nor does it offer for any in depth study of their workings. This leaves us
with many open questions as regards the internal (i.e. related to the national group)
factors promoting civic engagement within a specific immigrant population.
In terms of number of existing associations, Albanians and Nigerians appear to be
more civically active than immigrants from Central Eastern European countries (e.g.
Romania, Poland, and the former Yugoslavia). If we compare table 2 (concerning the
size of immigrant groups) with table 17 below, we can see that, for example,
Romanians, in spite of being the largest migrant group in Italy today, have formed
relatively few associations (these account for only 0.7 % of all associations registered
in the CNEL study 2001).
Different characteristics of immigrant populations may affect the propensity of
immigrants to participate in public life. These include:
• Patterns of migration and settlement (like the number of immigrants of a
given ethnicity and the rate at which they arrive).
• Financial resources among the members of an ethnic group (low levels of
resources discourage the formation of structures for civic participation);
• Employment: Unemployed people are mostly seen as living in a greater social
isolation, which makes it more difficult to mobilize them politically.
• Education: The civic participation of lower educated citizens is said to be
lower, since civic and political participation requires a certain level of citizen
skills (debating, reading newspapers, interest in political affairs) that are
facilitated by education.
• Gender: there may be gender imbalances regarding the type and intensity of
civic participation among men and women of different ethnic communities
and with particular reference to Muslim populations.
Unfortunately, there are no studies in Italy that examine in a systematic way the
relevance of any of the factors above and their impact on the patterns of immigrant
civic participation.
Table 17. Ethnic associations in Italy, by country of origin of their members
Groups N % of total
25
The report groups together immigrants from the Arab world.
41
Moroccan 59 6.6 Arab 58 6.5 Senegalese 51 5.7 Albanian 27 3.0 Nigerian 24 2.7 Filipinos 17 1.9 Tunisian 17 1.9 Chinese 14 1.6 Romanian 6 0.7 Polish 2 0.2 Note: Arab countries were grouped together in the survey Source: CNEL (2001, 2003).
The CNEL study (2001) revealed that ethnic associations showed substantial
differences in relation to their aims. Filipino, Tunisian, Nigerian and Chinese
associations are prevalently concerned with promoting their collective interests and
preserving their culture of origin. Romanian, Albanian, Senegalese and Moroccan
associations by contrast are more open towards an inter-cultural exchange. Diffusion
of traditions and cultural values among second generation is their major objective, but
also that of fighting negative stereotypes. Social support is more common among
associations of immigrants originating from Cape Verde, Brazil and Bangladesh.
Concerning the leadership of immigrant associations, in 67.7 % of the monoethnic
associations, the leading figures were immigrants. In multiethnic or interethnic
associations, by contrast, leaders were often Italians (see table 18)
Table 18. Leadership in immigrants’ associations
Leadership (%) Immigrant Italian Mixed Not reported Ethnic 67.9 - 4.3 27.7 Multiethnic 31.2 18.6 33.9 16.3 Interethnic 52.0 12.8 1.6 33.6 Total 56.1 8.6 9.0 26.3
Source: CNEL (2001)
The leadership of associations varies also in relation to the type of activity these
promote (Table 19): in case of activities oriented towards the cultural promotion of
association, the leader is usually an immigrant (62.7%). In associations concerned
with promoting or defending their social rights, the leadership is mixed or Italian
(associations with Italian leadership are often the filial organisations of Italian trade
unions).
The most active representatives of immigrant associations are people employed in
immigration related areas (for example, cultural and linguistic mediators), who can
afford to combine their working time with civic activism. Usually these are people
coming from the elite of the immigrant populations. Those who are more ‘settled’,
sensitive to the relevance and potential of civic participation, or more secure in terms
of legal status, language skills and economic conditions often emerge as advocates for
the larger community. Often the initiative for establishing an association came out
from a single person, or from a limited group of people, who mobilised and made
their association known among a larger group (Codres, 2000).
42
Table 19. Leadership in relation to the type of activity performed by associations
Leadership (%) Immigrant Italian Mixed Not reported Cultural self-promotion 62.7 10.5 4.3 29.9 Religious 69.7 1.8 1.8 26.6 Socio-cultural 16.9 8.5 3.4 31.4 Rights protection 18.9 22.8 54.3 3.9
Source: CNEL (2001)
A common concern of almost all immigrant associations is the availability of spaces
where to meet and organise and financial resources for promoting activities. Few
migrant organisations obtain direct financial support from the public authorities. Some
of them are self-funded; they operate thanks to their members’ contributions and
donations, whereas others obtain help from Italian trade unions, voluntary
associations, charities, as well as from their Consulates (FIVOL, 2002).
Representatives of immigrant associations complain of obstacles encountered in
trying to communicate with different Italian institutions, and pointed out that the only
way to express their interests is through the intermediary of autochthonous
associations. Without collaborating with Italian associations and centres, immigrant
civic actors hardly obtain any funding (Allasino, 1994). This is either because of the
lack of information about calls for proposals (bandi) or because of the highly
bureaucratic procedure for applying. A small group of immigrant associations have
succeeded in monopolizing access to consultative bodies and funding (Danese, 2001).
To be able to access financial support provided by local authorities most organisations
would need a higher level of professionalism, that they often miss.
Immigrant associations are fragmented and weakly networked at local and national
levels. Most of them are locally organised; there are only a few autonomous umbrella
associations representing one particular community at the national level. The
difficulties of forming strong ethnic or multi-ethnic federations of migrants in Italy
are exacerbated by the very heterogeneous nature of migration in this country. After
the initial attempt to organise associations in a nationwide platform (FOCSI –
Federazione delle organizzazioni delle comunità straniere in Italia) in 1991, the idea
was abandoned.
The only nationwide organisation is AINAI (Associazione Italiana Nordafricani in
Italia), a Maghrebi association, based in Rome. However, its representative character
and its role are drawn into question both by Italian and other Maghrebi organisations
(Danese, 1998). In the absence of strategic cooperation, the relations of single
immigrant associations with the local political system generally obey a logic of self-
interest and fuel the competition among immigrant organisations in search of
recognition and influence in Italian politics. According to Carpo et al. (2003), the lack
of co-ordination among associations, and their latent antagonisms, have the effect of
leading to individual leader protagonism and visibility, probably at the expense of the
collective interests of the migrant groups.
Immigrant transnational organisations seem also to be very weak. The European
Union Migrants’ Forum (EUMF), founded in 1991, is supposed to be the official
channel of access to EU institutions for migrant associations. The first purpose of the
43
Forum, according to its charter – which defines it as a ‘consultative body of migrant
populations’ – is to facilitate dialogue and the exchange of information between EU
institutions and immigrants (Danese, 1998). The Migrants’ Forum is organised on the
basis of support groups: national groups from each member state, composed of
immigrant associations in each member state; and regional ‘ethnic’ groups, composed
of migrants of similar national or regional origin. In 1996, 30 such organisations were
reported in Italy, but it seems that most of them existed only on paper (Danese, 1998).
There are no more recent studies on the EUMF and its activities do not seem to play
an important part in immigrant civic participation in Italy.
6.1. Immigrant women associations
Most gender-based associations come out of the feminist movement. Those women
who are more emancipated, or were civically active in their countries of origin are
more able to create a link with native women and establish a movement (Campani,
1993). Civic participation is even more difficult to realise for foreign women than for
men; it depends on the gender models that may characterise different immigrant
communities. Looking at the literature, on the Italian scene there is a lack of
information concerning the civic participation of foreign women.
Women associations could be categorised in 5 groups (Giovannetti, 2002) (1) mixed
associations (intercultural centres or women’s associations for natives and immigrants;
e.g., Alma Terra, SUSI, Donne del mondo, Trama di terre, etc.); (2) associations for
foreign women (single ethnic or multi-ethnic groups; e.g., Associations for women
from Cape Verde, Candelaria, Donne del mondlo onlus, etc.); (3) associations for
Italian women (associations of advocacy, for the protection and promotion of human
and social rights; e.g., Casa dei diritti sociali, Differenza donna, etc.); (4) network of
associations (federation of associations; e.g., No.DI); and (5) cooperatives for cultural
and social mediation.
6.2. Case studies
This paragraph aims at describing briefly the main associations of the seven most
numerous groups in Italy (i.e., Romanian, Albanian, Moroccan, Chinese, Filipino,
Polish, and Senegalese), and the most prominent representatives of these communities.
Our data refer mostly to the immigrant associations in the city of Rome.
Romanians
Romanian labour migration abroad began in 1990 with the so-called ‘trade by
suitcase’ to Poland and Yugoslavia and continued with workers travelling to Israel
and Germany. Since 1997, Italy gradually becoming the favourite destination and,
according to the Caritas Dossier (2004), Romanians became the most numerous group.
Almost half of the Romanians have settled in the central regions of Italy, mainly in
Rome and the Lazio region. As mentioned previously, in spite of being the largest
migrant group in Italy today, Romanians have created relatively few associations.
Their main associations are
Associazione dei Romeni in Italia ‘Il Giorno’, Rome
44
Associazione Italo-Romena ‘Ovidio’, Bologna
Albanians
Chiodi and Devole (2004) conducted a study on the origins, dynamics and potentials
of civic participation of Albanian immigrants in Italy, by carrying out in-depth
interviews with representatives of Albanian immigrant associations and with Albanian
immigrants active in the public sphere. Albanian associations usually start up within a
group of acquaintances, of people living in the same urban area that decide to
formalize their gatherings and organise activities involving the whole Albanian
community living in the area. The main aim of such associations is the promotion of a
positive ethnic identity of Albanian immigrants against widespread prejudice in
Italian society towards them. They struggle to have their cultural difference and
values acknowledged by organising cultural events in order to overcome the
ignorance and prejudice of natives towards them. Interviewees referred also as
important the need to socialise with other members of the community.
There are a few thousands Albanian students enrolled in Italian universities and where
numerous enough, like in Rome and Venice, have organised in different types of civic
organisations. They tend to be among the most efficient mobilisers. Albanian
immigrants who are civically engaged (besides university students) are found also
among the middle classes of this group (not the elites).
Their main associations are
Communità Albanese ‘Albanemig’, Rome
Associazione Albanese Iliria
Ass. Le aquile – Comunità Albanese
Lega Immigrati Albanesi
Associazione Democratica Albanese ‘Tutti Insieme’, Bologna
Associazione e Centro servizi per immigrati albanesi ‘Rozafa’, Rome
Associazione Europea Studenti Albanesi, Rome
Aida Associazione Donne Albanesi, Rome
Comunità Albanesi a Roma, Rome
Moroccans
The Moroccan population in Italy is of young age and includes professionals, skilled
workers and unskilled labourers. Moroccan cultural associations try to keep Moroccan
culture and identity alive and organise language classes for Moroccan children.
Usually these associations are self-funded: they operate thanks to their members’
contributions and donations.
45
The main associations are
A.I.N.A.I. – Associazione Immigrati Nordafricani in Italia, Rome Associazione della comunità marocchina in Italia - ACMI
Associazione Dima onlus - Donne italiane e marocchine amiche, Rome
Associazione di Solidarietà fra Marocchini, Bologna
G.A.C.M.I. -Ass.ne Gen. Cult. Marocchini in Italia, Campagnano (Rome)
Comunità gruppi e popolazioni marocchini immigrati a Roma e nel Lazio, Rome
F.I.M.I. - Fed. Immigrati Marocchini in Italia, Rome
Al Wafa Marocco – Comunità Marocco
Essalam – Comunità Marocco
Mohagir - Comunità Marocco
A.M.I.C.O. - Ass.ne di Amicizia Coop. Italia Marocco, Monterotondo (Rome)
Chinese
The Chinese network is characterised by a high degree of ethnic ‘closure’ combined
with a low degree of integration in Italian society, at least as regards first generation
immigrants. The picture that emerges is one of a strong but relatively segregated
ethnic community. Chinese associations have difficulty in establishing bridges with
the host society (Ceccagno, 2003).
The main associations are
Comunità generale dei cinesi di Roma (Luoma Huaqiao Huaren Lianhe Zonghui)
Comunità Amicizia Cinesi Residentia Roma
Associazione Italia-China ‘Zhong Gua’, Rome
Associazione donne cinesi a Roma (Yidali Luoma Funu Lianyihui)
Filipinos
Filipino associations always pursue their activities under the umbrella of a parish or
Catholic organisation on which they depend for support. There are also some
organisations that are present worldwide: the one with the great number of followers
is the prayer group ‘El-Shaddai’. It is thus via church organisations that most of the
Filipino migrants cultivate transnational contacts and turn to European institutions.
This is the case, for example, of the Catholic FCMW, organised as a European
organisation (Lainati, 2000).
46
Their main associations are
AFLI-CISL Associazione Lavoratori Filippini in Italia, Rome
KAMAPI - Ass.ne Lavoratori Filippini in Italia, Rome
KAMPI - Ass.ne lavoratori Filippini in Italia, Rome
Commission For Filipino Migrant Workers, Rome
Filipino Women's Council, Rome
Alay sa Kababaihang Pilipina, Rome
Filipino Christian Bayanihan in Italy, Rome
The Apostles Peter & Paul Filipino Christian Community, Rome
Kaisahan Ng Manggagawang Pilipino Sa Italya, Rome
Ugnayan Ng Migranteng Manggagawa Tungo Sa Pag-Unlad, Rome
Poles
The first Polish refugees/immigrants started arriving in Italy in 1980 (Iglicka, 2000a;
2000b). Since the beginning of the 1990s the number of Poles migrating to Italy has
grown again significantly. It is a migration of people in the 30-35 age group, mainly
women, with low educational leel, who stay prevalently without documents in Italy,
for a short period (usually, for a few months), return to Poland for short intervals and
come back to this country periodically. Polish immigrants find employment mainly in
two occupational sectors: in construction and in the tertiary sector (private care
services for elderly people or young children, cleaning services, and seasonal jobs in
hotels and catering).
Their main associations are
Associazione Generale dei Polacchi in Italia, Rome
Comitato profughi polacchi
Coordinamento delle Donne Polacche, Rome
Associazione Culturale Comunità Polacca, Rome
Istituto Polacco di Roma
Associazione dei polacchi a Milano Comunità Polacca di Torino Associazione Italo-Polacca di Roma - AIPRO Dom Polski im. Jana Pawla II Dom Polskiego Pielgrzyma
Fundacja Jana Pawla II
Polski Instytut Kultury Chrzescijanskiej
‘QUO VADIS’ Chrzescijanskie Stowarzyszenie Polakow we Wloszech
Senegalese
Senegalese migration to Italy began in the 1980s with immigrants coming initially
from France and later directly from Senegal. Immigrants to Italy are mainly Wolof-
speaking, from the north-western regions, and adherents of the Mouride Islamic
brotherhood. Such religious brotherhoods are important political actors in Senegal,
and for Senegalese living abroad. By relying on relations of personal dependence, and
an effective organisation, the Mouride brotherhoods offer a solidarity system.
Senegalese immigrants have established a network of different associations and some
47
of them have the task of mediating communication between the host society and
immigrant community (Perocco, 1999; Scidà, 2002). Most Mouride migrants are men,
who are involved in circulatory migration. They have left their families in Senegal
where their transnational social networks are based.
Since 1989, they have a national coordinating body of all Senegalese associations in
Italy (CASI; Coordinamento delle associazioni senegalesi in Italia). The large
network of Senegalese immigrant associations is, at least indirectly, related to their
active participation in Italian political parties and trade unions. Thus, they have
leaders that are best integrated in the political elite and have more contacts with
Italian local leaders.
Their main associations are
CASI; Coordinamento delle associazioni senegalesi in Italia, Rome
Association ‘Bok Khalat’, Rome
Associazione Senegalese Sunugal Umangat
C.A.S.I. - Coord. Ass.ne Senegalesi In Italia, Rome
SUNUGAL - Ass.ne Senegalese Roma e Lazio
Tam Tam Village, Rome
6.3. Prominent examples of immigrants active in public life
Liliana Ocmin Alvarez (Ms) Ms. Ocmin was born in Peru, and has been in Italy since 1993, when she was admitted
at the Faculty of Law. In 1995, she started her activity at ANOLF, and in the last years
has been a delegate of the Department of Migratory Policy at trade unions Cgil-Cisl-
Uil, and also president of Coordination of Foreign Students (Responsabile nazionale
del Coordinamento studenti stranieri).
Ali Baba Faye (Mr)
Originally from Senegal, Mr. Faye emigrated to Italy at the beginning of 1980s. He
obtained a degree in Italy at the Faculty of Law, and became a general secretary of
CAGI (a movement of Senegalese workers). From 1990 to 1997 was a responsible of
Coordinamento immigrati at CGIL. Actually, he is a member of Direttivo nazionale
of trade union CGIL, a delegate of Forum dei Migranti, and a national co-ordinator of
Forum ‘Fratelli d’Italia’-PDS.
Mercedes Frias (Ms)
She was born in Santo Domingo (Dominican Republic), and lives in Prato, near
Florence. Since 1990 has been in Italy and has been involved in antiracist activities
and movements. She has a degree in Geography, and in the last years has been
working as a lecture at Master sull'immigrazione dell'Università Ca' Foscari in
Venice. Actually is a consultant at Province of Pistoia. She is also president of
Association NOSOTRAS in Florence.
Khalid Chaouki (Mr),
48
Khalid Chaouki is 21 years old, originally from Casablanca, and one of the authors of
the ‘Manifesto against terrorism and for life' published on September 2, 2004 in the
Italian newspaper Corriere della Sera. Like so many of his contemporaries, he arrived
in Italy aged nine to join his father. In 2000 he founded the Associazione Giovanile
Islamica ‘Il Mediatore' (The Young Islamic Organisation ‘The Mediator') with the
idea of building a bridge between Islamic culture and the West. In September 2001 he
was one of the co-founders of the Associazione Giovani Musulmani d'Italia (The
Italian Young Muslim Organisation) which he led until 2003. Khalid is a young
moderate Muslim but he also thinks of himself as a young European. He is of the view
that Europe should be constructed through better integration of immigrant populations.
Jean Leonard Touadi (Mr)
Mr. Touadi is originally from Congo and emigrated to Italy at the beginning of 1980s.
He was studying philosophy, theology and religious sciences at Gregorian University
(Università Gregoriana), and subsequently political sciences at University of Luiss.
He has also a Master degree in journalism and sciences of communication. For several
years has been working at Italian television Rai, conducting different programmes on
multiculturalism, among which Un mondo a colori and C’era una volta insieme. He is
frequently invited to participate in various talk shows and round tables on issues
related to the immigration and Africa. More recently published a book La pentola che
bolle and other essays.
Ionut Gabriel Rusu (Mr)
Ionut Gabriel Rusu is a Romanian national. He has lived in Italy for more than 10
years. He obtained a diploma of cultural mediator and actually is a student at the
University of Rome. He has been working as a translator and cultural mediator at the
Courte of Justice in Rome and various other institutions. He is a delegate of
movement ‘Genti di Pace’, and a volunteer at Comunità di S. Egidio.
Cehan Emil Sorin (Mr)
Born in Bârlad, Romania. He is president of ARI - Associazione dei Romeni in Italia.
He has a degree in Mechanic engineering. He came to Italy in 1994, and was working
as blue collar for two years. In the period 1996 to 2002 was working as director of
Press Office at a Ministry in Romania. Since 2003, he is director of ‘Gazeta
Româneasca’, a journal of Romanian immigrants in Italy.
Darif Aziz (Mr)
Mr Aziz was born in Fes (Morocco). He has a degree in French language and
literature. He has lived in Italy since 1993, and actually works as a cultural mediator
and teacher of Arabic language. Since 1996, has been working at Centro Islamico
Culturale d'Italia. He is president of the Associazione Comunità Marocchina in Italia
and, since the election in 2004, is one of four Additional Councillor at the
Municipality of Rome.
Souad Sbai (Ms)
Vice-president of ACMI (Associazione Comunità marocchine in Italia), and president
of Association of Moroccan Women (Associazione delle donne marocchine). She is
also director of a periodic Al Maghrebiya.
49
Kosturi Irini (Ms) She was born in Tirana (Albania), and has a degree in English language and literature.
For a period she was working as assistant at a University in Albania. In Italy, she has
been working as a teacher of English language and as a cultural mediator. In 2003, she
was elected as a delegate of Association ‘Lega Immigrati Albanesi’.
Santos Taboada Zapata (Mr)
President of Council of Peruvians in Rome (Consulta dei peruviani a Roma). He is an
engineer of Electronic. He has been in Italy since 1992, and in an interview revealed
that at the first years worked as housekeeper, and after managed to open a call center,
with a counter for money transfer. and actually collaborates with a travel agency.
Actually is one of 4 Additional Councillor at the Municipality of Rome.
Pan Yongchang (Mr) He was born in Zhejiang (China). Got a degree in Economy at the University of
Zhejiang. Actually is director of a Chinese restaurant, and administrator of three other
Chinese restaurants in Rome. He is also a member of various Chinese associations
and Chinese committees.
Irma Tobias Perez (Ms)
She is originally from Philippines, and has been in Italy since 1981. In the firs years
was working as a housekeeper. Very soon founded the first association of Filipino
immigrants in Italy (Kampi), of which actually is a president. In 1985 organised
‘Comitato di solidarietà con il popolo filippino’. Since then, she has organised a
number of cultural events and conferences, presenting the culture and various other
issues of her country of origin. In 1989 started with broadcasting a radio programme
in Filipino language, existing also presently. In 1991 took the part of Consulta
regionale sull'immigrazione and of Federazione delle organizzazioni delle Comunità
straniere in Italy. Actually is one of four Additional Councillors, elected in 2004 at
the Municipality of Rome.
PART III: CONCLUSIONS
There are still important obstacles, both legislative and institutional, to the civic
participation of immigrants in Italy. An overview of the literature on civic
participation of immigrants revealed that the issue is still considered in a very
marginal way. The Italian policy of integration adopts a ‘paternalistic’ perspective:
immigrants are seen as socially weak subjects and, as such, are marginalised as civic
actors. For many years, integration simply meant to host, to assist, sustain, facilitate;
only since 1998 has it been emphasised that immigrants should participated directly
and actively in the cultural and political life of the country. Nonetheless, the wide
range of bodies instituted at the local, regional and to a certain extent the national
level, are mainly of a consultative nature and have not led to either the empowerment
of immigrants or their effective integration into Italian public life. Such integration
and immigrant civic participation is happening more bottom up through trade unions,
political parties and immigrant associations. However, the type and nature of
participation in these last is not well documented to allow for an assessment of the
factors promoting or inhibiting immigrant ethnic activism.
50
What are the main fields of civic activities that immigrants engage in (e.g. religious
associations, parent associations, political parties, etc.)?
Immigrants are actively engaged in trade unions and other types of mainstream
organisations, either as appointed or as elected members. It is worth noting that trade
unions in several instances, especially in the sphere of employment, have successfully
represented the interests of immigrant workers. Immigrants were often directly
involved in representative bodies and in negotiations with governmental agencies.
Immigrants have also been involved in local and regional consultative bodies.
However, the type and success of this type of activism varies between different
regions and is overall doubtful. The idea of political participation through consultation
has been criticised by scholars and by immigrants alike, as being unable to achieve the
main goal of immigrant representation and participation in decision making
(especially in policy areas that are of direct concern to them).
Immigrants are also active in ethnic (both mono and multi/inter ethnic associations).
The number of associations varies among immigrant groups. We know little about the
type and level of involvement of members of these associations. Nonetheless, these
associations are an important referent, both for the communities to which they belong
to and for the local institutions because they can represent immigrant populations in
the consultative bodies mentioned above and generally in instances of social dialogue.
instance of mediation and dialogue. The immigrants’ association’s field of action is
limited to the reproduction and protection of the culture of origin, or to offering
assistance to immigrants. Italian institutions favour the articulation of the immigrants’
interests in ethnic rather than in other terms.
What ethnic and nationality groups are particularly active, and why?
Albanians and Nigerians appear to be more civically active than immigrants from
other countries. Different characteristics of immigrants could influence the promotion
of civic participation, among which patterns of settlement, employment, education,
etc. The size of an ethnic group does not appear to be a relevant factor. Unfortunately,
there are no studies in Italy up to now looking into the factors that promote or inhibit
civic engagement with regard to specific immigrant groups.
Is the degree of active civic participation of immigrants high or low compared to the
majority population?
There is no clear answer to this question and we do not know of any studies that
tackle the issue. Some studies (see above CNEL 2001) seem to suggest that regions
with a strong civic tradition are those where immigrants are mostly active. However,
there are no general conclusive findings on this issue. What follows is therefore our
personal assessment of the current situation.
Italian society is generally characterised by a developed network of political (former
Communist and now left-wing) and religious (Catholic) organisations. These
organisations were mostly active in the 1970s ad 1980s but their range of activities
51
and level of participation have since declined. This decline is linked to more general
processes of social transformation, including the ‘end of ideologies’ after 1989, the
decline of religious attendance, the geopolitical restructuring of Europe and the
overall socio economic development of the country. At the same time the relationship
between the citizens and the state are still characterised by mistrust and alienation as
they were at the time of the famous study by Almond and Verba. The strength of the
populist movement of the Lega Nord testifies to the citizens’ discontent towards
public administration.
In our view, immigration has provided for a new field of civic participation and has
contributed to the revitalisation of third sector organisations. It has provided scope for
volunteer work inspired by the ideal of social solidarity. It has also paradoxically
created a new opportunity structure for obtaining institutional recognition and
economic support from the state. This holds true for religious associations in
particular (e.g. the Caritas network) but also for left wing organisations with social
and cultural goals.
The level of civic participation of immigrants is, in our view, lower than that of
natives and certainly the restrictive rules for naturalisation play a role in this, as
immigrants are excluded from many important political rights.
What is the relation between engagement in ethnic or migrant organisations (e.g. any
organisation having the name of the minority in the name) compared to mainstream
society organisations? Are there transitions and overlaps?
In Italy the argument works in an inverted sense. Immigrants become first active in a
mainstream organisation such as a trade union or a political party. They may then use
the social capital acquired through their mainstream civic activism to set up an
immigrant association and become actively involved at the ethnic level too.
There is significant interaction between the two fields of civic engagement (ethnic and
mainstream) as immigrants are actively involved and become elected members of
mainstream organisations like trade unions while also Italians may be heads of
multiethnic and interethnic associations. Generally natives and foreigners are often
found to work together in different types of associations.
What issues do you consider to be of particular interest and importance in the field?
Despite the relatively high level of involvement of immigrants in NGOs and other
types of non state organisations as well as in trade unions and local or regional
institutions, there is little progress or results in terms of bargaining power for
immigrants through these types of participation.
Further research concerning the role of immigrants in mainstream associations as well
as the role and nature of immigrant organisations in Italy is necessary to better
understand the patterns of immigrant civic participation in Italian society and the
factors that may affect the propensity of some immigrants to become actively
involved.
52
Where do you see the major research gaps?
Much of the studies and debates with respect to the issue of civic participation of non-
EU immigrants in Italy focus on the question of the granting of voting rights to non
EU migrants. Italy has made important steps towards immigrant integration at the
civic and political level during the past ten years. And there is a large number of
studies analysing the mechanisms and measures of integration and trying to assess
their effectiveness. However, several studies are mainly descriptive in nature and do
not try to link the empirical results with theoretical hypotheses and the wider scholarly
literature. We need more focused literature that addresses specific research questions.
53
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ANNEX: MAPPING OF RESEARCH COMPETENCES IN ITALY
I. Active civic participation of immigrants
CNEL - CONSIGLIO NAZIONALE DELL’ECONOMIA E DEL LAVORO (National Council of Economy and Labour) Villa Lubin Viale David Lubin, 2 Rome E-mail: segretariogenerale@cnel.it Website: http://www.cnel.it/ Head: Pietro Larizza The National Council for Economics and Labour - CNEL - is provided for by the Constitution of the Italian Republic, which in Article 99 defines the Council as follows: ‘It serves as a consultative body for the Houses and the Government for those matters and those functions attributed to it by law. It can initiate legislation and may contribute to drafting economic and social legislation according to the principles and within the limits laid out by law.’ CNEL was established by law number 33 of January 5th, 1957. Its composition and powers are governed by law number 936 of December 30th, 1986 and law number 383 of December 7th, 2000. The National Organisation for the Coordination of Policies on the Social Integration of Foreign Citizens on the Local Level, as per article 42, paragraph 3 of the law concerning the regulation of immigration and the norms regarding the conditions of foreigners (Legislative Decree 286/98), was established as part of CNEL on December 10, 1998.
The O.N.C has two basic duties:
• to support the development of local procedures for the welcoming and integration of foreign citizens, as well as for their representation and participation in public life;
• to promote, in this regard, a dialogue between institutions and social organisations at the local level, as well as with significant local realities in other European countries. The aim is to encourage a continuous exchange of experiences for the purpose of identifying and evaluating modes of intervention.
The O.N.C. is chaired by the President of CNEL, or by a Vice President with vicarious functions appointed by the President. Currently, the Vicarious President is Councillor Giorgio Alessandrini. Relevant publications and researchers: CNEL - Codres (2000). La rappresentanza diffusa. Le forme di partecipazione degli immigrati alla vita collettiva.
Rome. CNEL (1999). Primo rapporto sulla rappresentanza degli immigrati, Rome. CNEL (2001). Indici di inserimento territoriale degli immigrati in Italia, Roma. Fava, T. & Vicentini, A. (2003) (Eds.). Le associazioni dei cittadini stranieri in Italia: Secondo rapporto. Rome:
research promoted by the CNEL. Vicentini, A. & Fava, T. (2001) (Eds.). Le associazioni dei cittadini stranieri in Italia. Rome: research promoted
by the CNEL.
COSPE - COOPERAZIONE PER LO SVILUPPO DEI PAESI EMERGENTI Co-operation for the Development of Emerging Countries Website: http://www.cospe.it/ Offices: FIRENZE - via Slataper 10 - 50134 tel. 0039 055 473556 - fax 0039 055 472806 E-mail: cospe@cospe-fi.it BOLOGNA - Scuola di Pace Via Lombardia, 36 - 40139 Bologna Via Ranzani, 13/5/A - 40127 Bologna tel. 0039 051 546600 fax. 0039 051 547188 E-mail: cospe@cospe-bo.it GENOVA - c/o ITIC G. Galilei P.zza Sopranis, 5 - 16126 Genova tel. e fax 0039 010 2469570 E-mail: cospege@libero.it
59
It is a no-profit association (Onlus) operating in the field of international co-operation and solidarity and recognised as a Non Governmental Organisation (NGO) by the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the European Union. COSPE is an association promoting intercultural dialogue, fair, sustainable development and human rights • its activities are based on International Development Co-operation as a means of achieving peace and justice between peoples. • its vision is one of fair, sustainable development promoting the freedom of peoples and the individual, as well as the quality of life of both current and future generations. • regardless of sex, religion or culture, it believes that all persons should have equal basic rights, equal opportunities and fair access to economic resources in order to improve living conditions. • it supports projects aimed at promoting real social change and favouring the active participation of the peoples involved. Relevant researchers: Anna Meli (meli@cospe-fi.it) – her research interests are: Representation of immigrants in mass-media,
Participation of immigrants in public life, etc. Udo Enwereuzor – his research is focused on the right to vote of immigrants and civic participation,
Stereotypes, prejudice and discrimination towards immigrants, and Intercultural communication.
UNIVERSITÀ DI FIRENZE Facoltà di Scienze della Formazione Via del Parione, 7 50123 Firenze Website: http://www3.unifi.it/fscfo/ President: Prof. Giovanni Mari
Relevant researcher: Prof. Giovanna Campani (campani@unifi.it) – her research interests concern Migration policies in Italy, and
Intercultural pedagogy.
UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI FIRENZE FACOLTÀ DI SCIENZE POLITICHE ‘CESARE ALFIERI’ Via delle Pandette (Polo Scienze Sociali) 50127 Firenze Website: http://www.scpol.unifi.it/ Head: Sandro ROGARI Relevant researcher: Dr. Tiziana Caponio (tcaponio@scform.unibo.it) – her research is focused on Immigrant political participation,
and Local policy of immigrant integration. FONDAZIONE CENSIS - CENTRO STUDI INVESTIMENTI SOCIALI Piazza di Novella, 2 - 00199 Roma Tel. +39.06.860911 Fax +39.06.86211367 Website: http://www.censis.it/ Censis was established in 1964 and became a non-profit socio-economic research foundation in 1973. It provides research, consulting, evaluation, and proposals in the sectors of training, labour, welfare, territorial networks, environment, economy, local and urban development, public administration, media and culture. Censis’ main areas of interest are:
• education, both scholastic and university, and training evaluation;
• the labour market, including the underground economy, professions, and representation systems;
• health and welfare, including pension and social policy;
• local development and economic processes, including transportation and logistics;
• territory, real estate, and peripheral institutions;
• evolving cultural policies and models, with special attention to children and immigration.
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Relevant publications and researchers: CENSIS (1991). Associazionismo e volontariato. In Immigrati e società italiana. Rome. Jonathan Chaloff (j.chaloff@censis.it) – his work is focused on Immigrant integration, EU and US approaches
to the management of immigration, Immigrant civic participation, and Immigrant integration into the labour market.
II. Immigration
THE EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE Badia Fiesolana Via dei Roccettini 9 I-50016 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy Website: http://www.iue.it/ President: Yves Mény The EUI was founded in 1972 by the European Community Member States. Its main objective is to provide advanced academic training to PhD students and to promote research at the highest level. It carries out research in a European perspective (fundamental research, comparative research and Community research) in history, law, economics, political and social science. Its full-time teaching staff and 330 research students come from all countries of the European Union and further field. It welcomes research students, for periods from one to three years, who wish to study for the Institute's doctorate (normally three years) or take the Ll.M. (one year's study) in comparative, European and international law; or in exceptional cases, spend one or two years' doctoral training at the Institute before defending a thesis in their home university. The Institute's current. Relevant researchers: Dr. Anna Triandafyllidou (anna@eliamep.gr; anna.triandafyllidou@iue.it) – her research is focused on
Immigrants’ integration in Italy and Greece, Immigrants and national identity, Immigration policy implementation, Racism and cultural diversity in the mass media, Political discourse on immigration, and Immigrant participation in cultural life.
Prof. Bo Stråth (bo.strath@iue.it) – is the Joint Chair in Contemporary History. research focuses on
modernisation and democratisation processes in Western Europe in a comparative context. The theoretical interest is in the question of the governability of modern societies, in particular the roles of language, symbols and interpretative frameworks for the construction of community, legitimacy and identities.
Dr. Ankica Kosic (ankica.kosic@iue.it) - her research interests are on the issues of Immigrants’ integration,
Inter-groups relationships, Prejudice, and Social representation. Prof. Philippe Fargues (philippe.fargues@iue.it) – his fields of research are: the Arab and Moslem World,
Demography and Political Science, International Migrations, and Historical demography. Dr. Virginie Guiraudon (virginie.guiraudon@iue.it) – her research is focused on explaining the evolution of the
rights granted to foreigners in France, Germany and the Netherlands. Her current research analyzes the shifting of policy competence in the area of migration, asylum and anti-discrimination to the EU-level and the delegation of migration control to local, private and transnational actors.
UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI MILANO BICOCCA FACOLTÀ DI SOCIOLOGIA Dipartimento di Sociologia e Ricerca Sociale, Viale Sarca 202 20126 Milan Tel.: ++39 02 6448 7555/7510 Fax: ++39 02 6448 7561 Website: http://www.unimib.it/ Director: Prof. Emilio Reyneri The Department of Sociology and Social Research is aimed at promoting the excellence of research in social
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theory, applied studies and advanced teaching courses in the field of sociology and social sciences. The Department is composed by researchers in sociology as well as social sciences with the interest in improving an interdisciplinary approach and promoting international exchanges. The main research areas of interest concern: quantitative methods in social research (in particular the analysis of longitudinal data and data archives), labour market and labour policy, social mobility, organisation and networks, territorial analysis and urban phenomena, time and the quality of life, indicators for social analysis, migratory movements and ethnic relations, poverty and the welfare state, marginality and deviance, governance and social policies, gender studies, life courses and the family, advanced teaching and life long learning, science and social innovation, visual sociology, philosophy of social sciences. Relevant researchers: Prof. Emilio Reyneri (emilio.reyneri@unimib.it) - he is the co-ordinator of the TSER project ‘Migrant insertion in the informal economy, deviant behaviour and the impact on receiving societies’, carried out by a network including France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain. The task of the project is to verify the hypothesis that the general attitudes of domestic people towards migrants is different from the specific reaction to migrants who have deviant behaviour or are involved in the informal or illegal economy. Dr. Fabio Quassoli (fabio.quassoli@unimib.it) - main research interests: Intercultural communication from a micro-sociological perspective, Sociology of migration, Deviance and social control agencies (judicial system and police), and Social exclusion. UNIVERSITÀ CATTOLICA DI MILANO FACOLTÀ DI SOCIOLOGIA Largo A. Gemelli, 1 - 20123 Milano Tell: +39 02 7234.1 Website: http://www.unicatt.it/ucsc_EV.asp Dean: Michele Colasanto Thanks to its prestigious faculty, the Università Cattolica excels in the diverse and articulate study opportunities that it offers, both in the humanities, as well as the scientific fields. Through the courses offered, combined with strong research programs, the university values and promotes an interdisciplinary approach which helps students gain scientific knowledge in a responsible and autonomous fashion. Relevant researcher: Prof. Laura Zanfrini (laura.zanfrini@unicatt.it) – her research is focused on Sociology of interethnic relations,
and Immigrant integration in the labour market. UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI MILANO DIPARTIMENTO DI SOCIOLOGIA Facoltà di Scienze Politiche, Sociologia Urbana Via Consevatorio 7, 20122 Milan Contact: Prof. Aurora Campus The Department has studied emigration from the Mediterranean Basin towards the rest of Europe in the period 1950–1970. As of 1995, it has also carried out a number of studies on foreign immigration into Italy, in particular in Lombardy. Relevant researchers: The Department is host to Professor Martinotti’s group which along with the Universities of Liège, Sorbonne-Paris IV, Liverpool, Köln, Lisbon (Abierta) and Barcelona, is a member of the ‘Migrants and Minorities in European Cities’ network, co-ordinated by CEMES. IRPPS – ISTITUTO DI RICERCHE SULLA POPOLAZIONE E LE POLITICHE SOCIALI Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche Institute of Research on Population and Social Policies National Research Council Via Nizza 128 - 00198 Roma tel: (+39) 0649932805 fax (+39) 0685834506 Website: http://www.irpps.cnr.it/ Director: Enrico Pugliese The Irpps is an Institute of the National Research Council. The Institute identifies and studies the lines of
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development and transformation of population and contemporary society. Through its activities the Institute tries to satisfy requests by the scientific community, the political actors, the public administration and the civil society. The research activities of the Institute follow the lines laid out in its founding act: 1. Study of the relationship between population trends and social and economic development: applied social research and public opinion surveys; gender and family studies; analysis of social structural change and population dynamics; migration studies; statistical-computational studies; health economic and health studies in a statistical-mathematical and socio-medical perspective. 2. Study of social dynamics and policies regarding the welfare systems. 3. Study of societal change and the diffusion of knowledge and technology of information. Relevant researchers: Prof. Enrico Pugliese (e.pugliese@irpps.cnr.it; segr.irpps@irpps.cnr.it) – main research interests: Immigrants in Italy (internal migrations and international migrations), Racism and tolerance. Dr. Corrado Bonifazi (c.bonifazi@irpps.cnr.it) – his main research interests are Demographic Trends and
International Migration, Size and Characteristics of Foreign Immigration into Italy, Long-term Trends of Internal Migration in Italy, Impact of International Migration upon the Receiving Countries, Attitudes Towards Migrants and Migration Policy, and Geography of European Migrations.
IOM – INTERNATIONAL ORGANISATION FOR MIGRATION Organizzazione Internazionale per le Migrazioni Via Nomentana, 62 00161 Rome Italy Tel.+39/06/44186226 Fax: +3606/4402533. Website: http://www.iom.int/ Director: Peter Schatzer The leading international organization for migration which acts with its partners in the international community to:
• assist in meeting the growing operational challenges of migration management;
• advance understanding of migration issues;
• encourage social and economic development through migration;
• uphold the human dignity and well-being of migrants. In 2000, IOM published the World Migration Report 2000, which comprised a global overview and nine regional updates on international migration trends and policies. The themes include integration of immigrants into their host societies, labour migration and brain drain, health concerns involved in various forms of migration, and challenges posed by irregular migration flows, including trafficking in human beings and smuggling of migrants. Relevant publications and researchers: Melchionda, U. (2003) (Ed.). Gli albanesi in Italia. Inserimento lavorativo e sociale. Franco Angeli, Milano. FACOLTÀ DI SOCIOLOGIA (FACULTY OF SOCIOLOGY) UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI ROMA ‘LA SAPIENZA’ Via Salaria, 113 Roma Tel. 0649918493 Website: http://www.sociologia.uniroma1.it/ President: Prof. Luciano Benadusi Faculty of Sociology has been established in 1991. Since 2001, a Master on ‘Immigrants and refugees. Formation, Communication and Social Integration’ (Immigrati e rifugiati. Formazione, comunicazione e integrazione sociale) has been organised. Relevant researchers: Prof. Maria Macioti (macioti@mail.uniroma1.it) – Director of Master on ‘Immigrants and refugees. Formation,
Communication and Social Integration’. Her research is focused on multiculturalism. UNIVERSITÀ DI TORINO (UNIVERSITY OF TURIN) Departement of Social Sciences (Dip. di scienze sociali) Via S. Ottavio, 50 10124 Torino
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tel. 0116702606 fax. 0116702612 E-mail: dss@unito.it Website: http://www.unito.it/; http://www.dss.unito.it Director: Prof. Giuseppe BONAZZI Relevant publications and researchers: Prof. Giovanna Zincone – full professor of Political Sociology. She is President of FIERI (International and
European Forum of Migration Research). Former president of the National Committee for the Integration of Immigrants).
CENTRO STUDI E RICERCHE ‘IMMIGRAZIONE: DOSSIER STATISTICO’ Caritas di Roma Viale F. Baldelli, 41 00146 Roma tel. 06.54192300 fax 06.54192252 E-mail: idos@dossierimmigrazione. Website: http://www.dossierimmigrazione.it/ Migrantes Via Aurelia, 468 00165 ROMA Tel. 06 66398452 http://www.migrantes.it/ Director: Mr. Luigi Petris The Dossier Statistico Immigrazione (Statistical Dossier on Immigration) collects all the available data on immigration, placing it in its national, regional and local context and discussing its various aspects and problems. It also contains analysis of the statistical data by major experts in the field, and tables summarising and illustrating the data. Each year, since 1991, with the launch of the Dossier Statistico Immigrazione, a summary of the contents is distributed. This highlights the most important aspects of the developments over the past year, which are discussed in more detail in the book. The research has been carried out by the editorial team of Caritas ‘Dossier Statistico Immigrazione’, in collaboration with a committee of experts from Italian Universities and Research Centres and of international experts from eleven different countries. Relevant publications and researchers: Forti, O. Pittau, F., Ricci, A.(2004) (Eds.). Europa. Allargamento a Est e immigrazione, IDOS, Roma. Petilli, S. Pittau, F. Mellina, C. Pennacchiotti, C. (2004). Mediatori interculturali – Un’esperienza formativa,
Sinnos Editrice, Roma. Melchionda U. (2003) (Ed.). Gli albanesi in Italia. Inserimento lavorativo e sociale, Franco Angeli, Milano.
UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI GENOVA FACOLTÀ DI SCIENZE DELLA FORMAZIONE - FACULTY OF EDUCATIONAL SCIENCES Corso Andrea Podestà, 2 Genova Website: http://www.sdf.unige.it/ President: Pino Boero Relevant researchers: Prof. Salvatore Palidda - he is professor at the Faculty of Educational Sciences. His research interests include Deviancy and criminalisation, Security and police problems, and International migrations. Prof. Alessandro Dal Lago (dallago@unige.it) – professor of Sociology of Cultural Processes. His research interests include the Insertion of migrants in the informal Economy, Deviance and the Impact of Migrations on receiving societies.
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UNIVERSITÀ DI GENOVA DIPARTIMENTO DI SCIENZE ANTROPOLOGICHE Corso A. Podestà, 2 16128 Genova tel.: +39 010 209 53726 Website: http://www.disa.unige.it/index.php Director: Scopesi Alda Maria Relevant researcher: Prof. Maurizio Ambrosiani (maurizioambrosini@tin.it) – professor of Sociology. His research interests are
Immigration, Social economy, Voluntarism and Professional formation.
III. Civic participation
UNIVERSITÀ DI BOLOGNA FACOLTÀ DI SCIENZE POLITICHE Dipartimento di Organizzazione e Sistema Politico Strada Maggiore 45, 40125 Bologna (Italy) Tel: 39 051 2092713 Fax: 39 051 234036 Website: http://www.spbo.unibo.it/ President: Prof. Anna Stagni
The University of Bologna was probably the first University in the western world. Its history is one of great thinkers in science and the humanities, making it an indispensable point of reference in the panorama of European culture. University study has always been characterised by education and research irrespective of borders and national constraints. The University of Bologna fosters, runs and supports an array of co-operation agreements with foreign Universities in order to encourage the mobility of lecturers, research fellows and students. Relevant publications and researchers:
Giannetti Daniela 2004 (con Ken Benoit e Michael Laver, in corso di stampa). ‘Multi-Party Split-Ticket Voting Estimation as an Ecological Inference Problem’. In Gary King, Ori Rosen, e Martin Tanner, Ecological Inference: New Methodological Strategies . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2004 (con Ken Benoit e Michael Laver). ‘The Behavior of Frustrated Voters in Mixed Member Electoral System’ in corso di valutazione presso The American Journal of Political Science . 2004 ‘Italian Governments and the Confidence Vote’, University of Bologna manuscript. 2004 ‘Can Minority Governments Be Representative?’ Di prossima pubblicazione in Voting, Representation and Legitimacy in Europe , a cura di Andrea Roemmele e Hermann Schmitt. THE EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE Badia Fiesolana Via dei Roccettini 9 I-50016 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy Website: http://www.iue.it/ President: Yves Mény This University Institute was founded in 1972 by the European Community Member States. Its main objective is to provide advanced academic training to PhD students and to promote research at the highest level. It carries out research in a European perspective (fundamental research, comparative research and Community research) in history, law, economics, political and social science. Its full-time teaching staff and 330 research students come from all countries of the European Union and further field. It welcomes research students, for periods from one to three years, who wish to study for the Institute's doctorate (normally three years) or take the Ll.M. (one year's study) in comparative, European and international law; or in exceptional cases, spend one or two years' doctoral training at the Institute before defending a thesis in their home university. The Institute's current.
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Relevant publications and researchers:
Donatella della Porta and M. Diani, Movimenti senza protesta?, Bologna, Il Mulino, 2004. Donatella della Porta and H. Reiter, Polizia e protesta, Bologna, Il Mulino, 2003. Donatella della Porta. I new global, Bologna, Il Mulino, 2003.
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