Ankica Kosic and Anna Triandafyllidou Active Civic ... · immigration. Italy has witnessed a steady increase in the number of foreign nationals during the period between 1986 and

1

Ankica Kosic and Anna Triandafyllidou

Active Civic Participation

of Immigrants in Italy

Country Report prepared for the European research project POLITIS, Oldenburg 2005, www.uni-oldenburg.de/politis-europe

2

POLITIS – a European research project

Project information POLITIS is short for a research project with the full title: Building Europe with New Citizens? An Inquiry into the Civic Participation of Naturalised Citizens and Foreign Residents in 25 Countries. The European Commission funds the project that mainly seeks to improve our understanding of different factors that promote or inhibit active civic participation of immigrants. A unique project construction is developed that includes workshops with foreign-born students who are recruited as discussants and interviewers. National experts in all 25 EU countries have prepared country reports on the contextual conditions and state of research concerning civic participation of immigrants. These reports can be downloaded from www.uni-oldenburg.de/politis-europe Funding Acknowledgement This research project is funded by the European Commission in the sixth framework, priority 7, Citizens and governance in a knowledge based society. www.cordis.lu/citizens International Coordination and Contact POLITIS Interdisciplinary Center for Education and Communication in Migration Processes (IBKM) Carl von Ossietzky Universität Oldenburg Ammerländer Heerstr. 114-118/ Postbox 2503 26111 Oldenburg [email protected] Partner Organisations: Hellenic Foundation of European and Foreign Policy (Eliamep) Athens www.eliamep.gr Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies European University Institute (EUI) Florence www.iue.it/RSCAS Churches’ Commission of Migrants in Europe (CCME) Brussels http://www.cec-kek.org/content/ccme.shtml

3

The authors

Ankica Kosic and Anna Triandafyllidou

Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute

Via dei Roccettini 9, San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy 50016

tel. 00390554685732, fax 00390554685771

[email protected] , [email protected]

This version: 3 February 2005

Reports are prepared on behalf of the European research project POLITIS. Authors are fully responsible for the contents of their report.

4

Table of Contents

Abstract.........................................................................................................................5

Part I: Understanding the conditions for immigrant civic participation ...............7 1. Key events and demographic developments in the migration history of Italy ......7

1.1. Annual quotas for immigration.......................................................................8

1.2 The size of the immigrant population ............................................................10

1.3. Undocumented immigration .........................................................................12

Refugees and asylum-seekers ..............................................................................14

Concluding Remarks............................................................................................15

2. Public Discourse on Migration ...........................................................................15

3. Institutional setting framing immigrant participation..........................................19

3.1. The cultural dimension – nationalism versus multiculturalism ....................19

3.1.1. Citizenship .............................................................................................20

3.2. The legal-political dimension .......................................................................23

3.2.1. Immigration policy.................................................................................24

3.2.2. Institutional setting.................................................................................24

3.2.3. Voting rights ..........................................................................................25

3.3. The socio-economic dimension ....................................................................27

Part II: Active Civic Participation of Third Country immigrants........................28 4. Civic participation of immigrants in the consultative bodies ..............................28

4.1. National level ................................................................................................28

4.2. Regional level ...............................................................................................29

4.3. Provincial level .............................................................................................30

4.4. Municipal level .............................................................................................31

5. Civic participation of immigrants in non-governmental organisations ...............34

5.1. Trade unions..................................................................................................34

5.2. Non-profit organisations ...............................................................................35

6. Immigrant associations ........................................................................................36

6.1. Immigrant women associations.....................................................................43

6.2. Case studies...................................................................................................43

Romanians........................................................................................................43

Albanians .........................................................................................................44

Moroccans........................................................................................................44

Chinese.............................................................................................................45

Filipinos ...........................................................................................................45

Senegalese........................................................................................................46

6.3. Prominent examples of immigrants active in public life ..............................47

Part III: Conclusions .................................................................................................49 References................................................................................................................53

Annex: Mapping of Research Competences in Italy ..............................................58 I. Active civic participation of immigrants .............................................................58

II. Immigration........................................................................................................60

III. Civic participation.............................................................................................64

5

ABSTRACT

Just like other countries in Southern Europe, Italy has, in the course of less than two

decades rapidly and unexpectedly changed from a country of emigration into one of

immigration. Italy has witnessed a steady increase in the number of foreign nationals

during the period between 1986 and 2002. On 1 January 2004, there were an

estimated 2.6 million foreigners present in Italy, who account for approximately 4.2%

of the total resident population. Most of these immigrants are young people (aged

between 20 and 40 years) who emigrated mainly for economic reasons. Already in

2001, more than half (about 59%) of the immigrant population had lived in Italy for

more than five years. Acquisition of Italian citizenship, given the difficulties posed by

the law currently in force, is still infrequent, with a high rejection rate.

Immigration towards Italy did not begin in a period of reconstruction and economic

development, as it did in North-Western European nations, but rather during time of a

severe economic crisis, characterized, among others, by growing unemployment. Italy

has developed a piecemeal approach to immigration, lacking until recently of a

comprehensive and consistent policy framework. Several regularisation programmes

were enacted since the late 1980s (five times in sixteen years: 1986, 1990, 1996, 1998

and 2002), allowing the legalisation of more than 2 million immigrants. Nevertheless,

these ‘amnesties’ did not solve the problem of undocumented migration. The 2002

regularisation brought to the fore a large number (700,000 approx) of undocumented

migrants working as care providers, domestic helpers and manufacture workers.

The first comprehensive law on migration was law 40/1998 (the Single text - Testo

Unico) which regulated not only immigration control but also immigrant integration.

This law was more recently modified by law 189/2002 (the so-called Bossi-Fini Law)

which introduced small changes in relation to asylum, as well as modified the

work/stay permit system in use.

Italy, because of her geographical position, is highly exposed to penetration by illegal

immigrants from the South and from the East. Moreover, Italy as other southern EU

countries, has a widespread informal economy that appears to be a prime determinant

for illegal migration. Combating undocumented immigration and the trafficking of

human beings is a priority both in terms of security and foreign policy, a priority to

which public opinion is also sensitive. During the last two decades, the Italian mass

media have promoted a negative and highly stereotyped image of immigrants. The

main criticism against the media is the tendency to transmit alarmist information on

immigration. News reports have been linking immigration and undocumented

(clandestine) entry to Italy, transforming all immigrants into ‘illegal’ ‘criminals’

‘threats’ in the ‘common imaginary’.

Several NGOS, trade unions and charitable organisations have been active since the

1980s providing assistance to undocumented immigrants who wished to obtain legal

status. To facilitate contacts, these organisations encouraged the civic participation of

immigrants and their involvement in representative bodies. Furthermore, these

organisations provided support to immigrant associations. Immigrant participation in

trade unions, voluntary organisations and immigrants associations ensures their access

to what is called ‘intermediate political rights’. From an institutional perspective, civic

6

and political participation remains mostly the realm of Italian citizens and naturalised

immigrants.

This paper gives an overview on the arguments relevant for immigrant civic

participation. The paper is divided in two parts. The first part concerns the conditions

for immigrant civic participation in Italy: (1) key events and demographic

developments in the migration history of country; (2) public discourse on migration

(i.e., the current public discussion on migration related issues and the major topics

that receive media attention); (3) institutional setting framing immigrant participation

(the current major legal and institutional conditions that are important for immigrants

civic participation, trying to differentiate between restrictive and encouraging

conditions). The second part of the paper concerns an overview of the literature on

active civic participation of third country immigrants in Italy. In the annex we provide

for a mapping of the research competencies on immigrant civic participation and

immigration in general.

7

PART I: UNDERSTANDING THE CONDITIONS FOR IMMIGRANT CIVIC PARTICIPATION

1. Key events and demographic developments in the migration history of Italy

The history of immigration into Italy, despite the fact of being a relatively recent

phenomenon, can be divided in different phases or periods, which vary according to

the migration policies put in place by Italian authorities, the employment sectors

absorbing immigrants, and their characteristics. In contrast to other EU countries,

immigration to Italy did not begin in a period of reconstruction and economic

development. Rather, it took off during a period of economic recession, characterised

among other things, by an increase in the unemployment rate.

The first flow of immigrants into Italy started in the mid 1970s and included students

and refugees from different countries, but in relatively limited numbers. The

significant increase in the number of immigrants was witnessed in Italy after 1984, in

the period when Britain, Germany and France closed their borders to immigrants, and

when flows were therefore partially diverted towards Southern Europe. Policy makers

were convinced that Italy could not receive more immigrants due to the economic

crisis affecting the country and claimed the necessity of restrictive measures and legal

instruments to prevent migration flows. Public opinion shifted slowly from tolerance

and curiosity to fear, intolerance and the first acts of racial violence. The first

comprehensive immigration law was introduced into Italian legislation in 1986 (Law

943/1986). It regulated the entry of immigrants seeking employment, and provided an

amnesty for undocumented immigrants who could prove such employment. The idea

behind that law was that the immigration phenomenon was limited and transitory, and

thus it contained no rules aimed at encouraging integration (Campani & De Bonis,

2003).

The period between 1990 and 1996 was characterised by migratory flows mainly from

the Balkan region and Eastern Europe. This was a period of transition of the Italian

political system1, political crisis and corruption scandals

2, and the emergence of new

parties being hostile towards immigration (e.g., Lega Nord). The Italian immigration

policy had also to adjust to the emerging European migration regime. With Law

39/1990, most commonly known as the ‘Martelli Law3’, immigration began to be

considered as a long-term phenomenon in Italy. This Law defined special provisions

regarding immigration including the annual planning of migratory flows, and norms

regarding the rights and obligations of foreigners in Italy, their stay and work

conditions and other matters concerning family reunification and social integration.

The second half of the 1990s saw a major settlement of immigrants in Italy and higher

numbers of requests for family reunification. The centre-left government in power

between 1997 and 2001 tried to implement a new immigration policy (Law 40/1998,

the so-called Turco-Napolitano law or the Single text - Testo Unico), setting annual

quotas for immigration flows and starting up a whole set of measures and consultative

1 This issue has been extensively discussed in the national and international literature (D’Alimonte and

Bartolini, 1997; Partridge, 1998; Pasquino, 2000; Sapelli, 1997). 2 The Mani pulite (Clean hands) investigation that started as a local scandal in Milan soon took huge

dimensions as it revealed widespread corruption among the political and economic elites. Two-thirds of

the members of Parliament ended up under investigation. 3 From the name of the vice-prime minister who promoted that Law.

8

bodies aiming at immigrant integration. Annual flows were to be based on triennial

plans to be prepared by the government. Workers could enter and stay in Italy under

the following conditions: a) for seasonal employment (within the annually defined

quotas); b) if they had an offer for employment in Italy (again within the annual

quotas predefined by the government, stay permits for work purposes were initially

issued for one year); and c) if they were ‘sponsored’ by an Italian or a foreign citizen

residing legally in Italy. Law 40/1998 defined emphasised the will of the Italian

government to recognise and accommodate difference and to protect all citizens,

Italians and immigrants alike, from discrimination and ethnic prejudice. The law

stated that integration policies should ensure that foreign citizens have access to goods

and services and enjoy work and living conditions similar to those of Italian citizens.

The immigration policy landscape has changed again since 2002 when the centre-

right-wing governmental coalition currently in office, adopted the new and more

restrictive law 189/2002 (known as Bossi-Fini law). This Law specifies that all the

‘social integration measures’ are limited to legal immigrants, and introduces a more

repressive policy toward undocumented immigrants through the use of compulsory

repatriation. Immigrants are admitted into the country only on a temporary base, and

only for work purposes; they can remain in Italy as long as they have a job. Non-EU

immigrants can enter Italy only with a 'residence contract' (contratto di soggiorno) –

i.e. a contract of dependent employment signed by themselves and an employer (a

firm or a family). When the contract expires, the immigrant worker is allowed to stay

in Italy for another six months to look for a job.

The employer has to guarantee that s/he can provide for adequate housing, complying

with the minimum standards laid down by the law for public housing, and also the

payment of travel expenses for the workers to return home. This new law – which is

mainly a reform of law 40/1998 rather than a new comprehensive immigration bill –

abolishes the ‘sponsorship’ programme. It also establishes a needs-test for foreign

workers, similar to the one existing in many EU countries. The employer is obliged to

advertise the job opening for at least 20 days. If s/he finds no Italian citizen or legal

resident able to take up the offer, the prefecture authorises the entry of a new non-EU

worker. In line with the neo-liberal economic and labour policies of the current Italian

government, the Minister of Welfare Roberto Maroni proposed in fall 2003 to abolish

annual quotas and let supply and demand mechanisms determine the flows. However,

his proposal has not yet been accepted by the Italian government.

1.1. Annual quotas for immigration

The management of foreign labour flows in Italy is based on the annual quota system.

There is a three-year plan that spells out the quotas for each period, but each year on

30 November, the Ministry of Labour publishes the positions (flussi di ingresso)

available for the following year. These quotas are decided on the basis of information

regarding the estimated need for foreign labour provided by local and regional labour

offices of the Ministry and employers’ associations in each region/province.

The national quotas are divided in relation to four parameters (Chaloff, 2003):

9

• (a) regional, with the overall quota divided into sub-quotas for the 20 regions,

which then allocate the quotas to 104 provinces.

• (b) type of labour, with the usual divisions being seasonal, dependent work

and self-employment. Since 2002, seasonal work permits are issued only to

citizens of the candidate countries to the European Union (EU) (first and

second round), to the citizens of those countries with which seasonal labour

agreements have been signed (Albania in 1997 and Tunisia in 2000), and to

those individuals who had seasonal work permits issued in the previous year

(a ‘grandfather clause’ allowing past workers to return).

• (c) job category, with occasional sub-quotas given to certain categories and

for highly-skilled workers (some special categories are exempted from the

quota).

• (d) nationality, with some sub-quotas reserved for citizens of specific

nationalities. This parameter is closely related to signed bilateral agreements.

Already with the Turco-Napolitano Act, special quotas were applied based

on the degree of co-operation of the countries of origin. Nonetheless, this

preference is not formally stated in the bilateral agreements on readmission,

despite requests from the sending countries for a clear promise of preferential

quotas. The preferential quotas for specific nationalities represent only a

fraction of the overall quota and have never exceeded 25%. One part of the

preferential quotas is reserved to workers of Italian origin (whose parents

were Italian in ascendant line within the third degree) who wish to enrol in

the list.

In 1998 and 1999, annual quotas were set at 58,000 persons per year. However, the

quotas of both years were ‘absorbed’ by the regularisation programme enacted in

1998. Annual quotas increased to 83,000 in 2000 and 89,400 in 2001. In 2002-2004,

the annual quotas were set at just under 80,000 immigrant workers. In June 2003,

while the regularisation of 700,000 undocumented immigrants who lived and worked

in Italy was still in course, the government decided to allow for the entry of only

19,500 non-EU workers in 2004.

Although annual quotas are to be used for immigrants entering Italy through the legal

procedure for employment purposes, they have often been used by undocumented

immigrants who resided and worked in Italy to obtain legal status. Indeed, the initial

legal provision was adapted to reality through a circular that allowed for

undocumented immigrant workers to apply for a residence permit from within Italy,

provided their employer was willing to undertake the complicated bureaucratic

procedure (Triandafyllidou & Veikou, 2001, see also footnote 4 below).

Family reunification in Italy is exempt from the planned quotas. Foreigners who have

held a stay permit for dependent work or self-employment work, study or religious

reasons for at least one year, or a residency card (carta di soggiorno, art. 29, issued

for a five year period) can apply for reunification with: a) the husband or wife; b)

dependent children; c) dependent parents. Parents aged over sixty-five are allowed to

enter under the family reunion provision, only if they can prove that no other child

can provide for them in their native country.

10

The procedure necessary for legal entry is highly complicated, and not always

transparent and standardized.4 Moreover, the conditions for issuing or renewing a

permit vary in line with the reasons of entering Italy (e.g., dependent employment,

self-employment, family reunification, study, etc.). To obtain a residence permit the

immigrant has to have a work contract and suitable housing. The residence permit

cannot last more than the work contract and no more than nine months for seasonal

workers, one year for temporary workers, and no more than two years for other

workers. Foreigners who are detected in Italy without having initiated the procedure

for the renewal of the residence permit receive an expulsion order.

1.2 The size of the immigrant population

As can be seen in Table 1, Italy has witnessed a steady increase in the number of

foreign nationals during the period between 1986 and 2002. At the end of 2003, there

were 2.6 million foreigners residing legally in the country (Caritas 2004: 89)

(including minors and EU member state nationals), namely approximately 4.2% of the

total resident population (the EU average prior to the 2004 enlargement was 5.25%,

data for 2002, cit. in Caritas, 2003).

Table 1. Stocks of immigrant population in Italy

(on 31 December of each year)

Year Total Non-EU 1986 327.037 .. 1989 433.618 .. 1990 533.450 .. 1991 533.450 .. 1992 537.062 .. 1993 629.165 .. 1994 685.469 .. 1995 737.793 .. 1996 884.555 .. 1997 991.678 .. 1998 1.116.394 .. 1999 1.270.553 1.033.235 2000 1.464.589 1.251.994 2001 1.448.000 1.388.153 2002 2.469.324 1.362.630 2003 2.598.223 2.444.754

Note: The table refers to the total number of foreign citizens (including minors) residing legally in Italy during each year, regardless of place of birth. Source: Zincone, 2000; Dossier Caritas (2004).

The migrant population in Italy is characterised by the significant ethnic diversity.

There are no dominant nationalities, although the largest groups on 31 December

2003 were Romanians (10.9% of the total foreign population), Albanians (10.6%),

4 The employer requests an authorisation for individual foreign workers from the Provincial Labour

Office (autorizzazione al lavoro offerto). The request can be nominative, for a specific worker known

to the employer, or non-nominative, in which case the labour office uses registries held by Italian

consulates abroad. Once the job offer authorisation is obtained, the employer applies for the

authorization to enter (autorizzazione all’ingresso) at the Police station (Questura). This authorisation

is then transmitted to the Italian Embassy/Consulate abroad, which issues a Schengen work visa for the

appropriate period of the contract. In order to obtain the residence permit (Permesso di soggiorno) in

Italy a foreigner must apply to the Immigration Office of the provincial Police Headquarters (Questura)

within eight working days from the day of entry into Italy.

11

Moroccans (10.4%), Ukrainians (5.1%), Chinese (4.6%), Filipinos (3.4%), Poles

(3.0%), Tunisians (2.8%), Americans (2.2%), and Senegalese (2.2%). In sum, the ten

most numerous groups represent just over half of the total immigrant population

(Table 2).

Table 2. Stocks of immigrant population by country of origin

Country of origin N % of total number Romania 239.426 10.9 Albania 233.616 10.6 Morocco 227.940 10.4 Ukraine 112.802 5.1 China 100.109 4.6 Philippines 73.847 3.4 Poland 65.847 3.0 Tunisia 60.572 2.8 USA 48.286 2.2 Senegal 47.762 2.2 Source: Caritas, 2004.

The large majority of immigrants in Italy belong to the 19-40 age group, namely they

are a young and economically active population. Only 15.6% are under 18 years of

age and 4.8% are over 60 (Table 3).

Table 3. Distribution of foreigners residing in Italy by age-group

0-18 19-40 41-60 >61 Registered 91.170 1.457.414 526.387 2.193.999 Estimated 404.224 1.520.601 549.209 2.598.223

% 15.6 58.5 21.1 100.0 Source: Caritas, 2004.

As regards gender distribution, there are significant differences among different

nationality groups. The Filipino community for instance is characterised by a strong

female presence (64% women) and so do the Polish and Peruvian communities. On

the other hand, Moroccans, Tunisians, Senegalese and Egyptians are in their large

majority men (Caritas, 2004).

There is no dominant religion among immigrants in Italy: in December 2003,

according to Caritas (2004), 22.6% of immigrants were Catholic, 29.2% professed

other Christian religions, 33.0% were Muslims and 17.6% were of a different religion.

There is a considerable difference in the distribution of the different groups through

the country. While some groups like the Filipinos are concentrated in a few

metropolitan centres, others like the Moroccans and Albanians are spread out over the

entire territory (Caritas, 2004).

The vast majority of immigrants to Italy are motivated by economic reasons. The size

of family reunification flows is relatively low because of the harsh working conditions,

and the difficulty in finding suitable accommodation for a whole family (Caritas,

2004).

12

Table 4. Stocks of immigrant population by type of stay permit (2003) Stay permit for reasons of N %

Employment 1.449.746 66.1

Family reunification 532.670 24.3

Study 43.596 1.9

Religious reasons 54.146 2.5

Asylum 6.768 0.3

Asylum request 10.550 0.5

Other 48.629 2.2

Source: Caritas, 2004

Concerning integration into the labour market, immigrants are employed in specific

sectors usually characterised by tough working conditions as regards physical effort,

endurance, overtime work and night shifts (i.e., working in small manufacturing firms,

in the construction industry, agriculture, and also in catering and domestic services).

These occupations have been described by Ambrosini as the ‘five-p jobs’ (i.e., pesanti,

precari, pericolosi, poco pagati, penalizzati socialmente (heavy, precarious,

dangerous, poorly paid, socially penalised), or as they are more commonly known in

english: the ‘three-d jobs’ (dirty, dangerous, and demanding).

A considerable share of the Italian employment system is based on the underground

economy, and it is not easy for an immigrant to find a stable salaried job. In the

relevant literature, a range of causes are explored, including institutional rigidities in

the formal sector, such as heavy taxes and work hour restrictions (Reyneri, 1998). The

rapid growth of the domestic and tertiary services sector and the diffusion of small

businesses where unregistered labour can be hidden more easily, have facilitated the

existence of an illegal workforce. Among immigrants with legal stay status, short term

employment contracts predominate, whereas long-term employment contracts are

rather rare. Informal employment (i.e. without a proper contract) is also relatively

common among immigrant workers with legal stay status.

In the Italian labour market, self-employment emerged as a desirable objective for

immigrants. Indeed, in more recent years the number of ‘ethnic’ enterprises has

increased. In June 2004 there were 71.843 ethnic enterprises registered at the

Chamber of Commerce (Caritas, 2004: 296). The main nationalities involved are

Moroccans (14,554 entrepreneurs; 20.3%), Chinese (10,199; 14.2%), Albanians

(6,152; 8.6%), Senegalese (5,937; 8.3%), and Rumanians (4,688; 6.5%).

1.3. Undocumented immigration

The gap between the planned legal quotas, the demand for foreign labour and the

immigration pressure from non EU countries continuously reproduce large numbers

of undocumented immigrants. Illegal border crossing is relatively easy and human

smugglers networks are active along the over 8,000 kilometres of Italian coastline.

Some immigrants also enter Italy with a tourist visa and overstay and/or abuse their

13

visa. The systematic in-flow of undocumented immigrants has led to repeated

regularisation programmes (five in sixteen years: 1986, 1990, 1995, 1998 and 2002,

i.e. roughly one every three years) involving more that two million immigrants (Table

5). These programmes provide an indication of the number of undocumented

immigrants residing in Italy in each period. Reyneri (1998) suggests however that

workers who managed to obtain legal status during one regularisation programme,

sometimes fell back into illegality because they were unable to renew their permits

and applied again at the next ‘amnesty’.

Table 5. Regularisation programmes for undocumented workers

Number of non-EU immigrants

Requests for regularisation Accepted %

Regularisation 1986 450.227 113.349 105.000 92.9

Regularisation 1990

490.338 234.841 222.000 94.9

Regularisation 1995

729.159 258.761 246.000 95.0

Regularisation 1998

1.090.820 250.747 217.000 86.8

Regularisation 2002

1.512.324 704.000 650.000 92.3 Source: Caritas, 2004.

Law 189/2002 was followed by a decree issued on 6 September 2002 (art. 33) which

provides for the regularisation of two types of undocumented immigrant workers:

those employed as maids and private carers; and workers involved in other types of

dependent employment (mainly factory workers). Immigrants whose residence

permits had expired were also able to apply, provided they had been hired before June

10, 2002, and had never received an expulsion order. There were 704,113 applications

– indeed, a record number compared to all other regularisation programmes in

Southern Europe. According to Caritas (2004), 641,638 regularisation applications

were accepted before August 2004, 28,164 were rejected, and 24,135 were still not

processed. The top five nationalities among applicants were Romanians (20.4%),

Ukrainians (15.2%), Albanians (7.9%), Moroccans (7.8%), and citizens of Ecuador

(5.2%) accounting for 52.6% of the total number of applications. This fifth

regularisation programme in Italy confirms that such programmes do not solve in the

long term the question of undocumented migration, if they are not part of a wider set

of immigration management and integration policies.

Table 6. Immigrant stocks as of 2002 and new applicants at the 2002 regularisation programme,

by region of origin

Region of origin Number of immigrants resident

in 2002

% Applications for regularisation

2002

% Increase in number

Central-Eastern Europe. 464.106 34.2 414.752 58.9 89.4

Northern Africa 168.108 19.7 86.351 12.3 32.2

South-Western Africa 96.943 7.1 31.140 4.4 32.1

Central-Southern Asia 115.337 8.5 45.166 6.4 39.2

Eastern Asia 145.412 10.7 48.522 6.9 33.4

Central-Southern America 128.181 9.4 72.457 10.3 56.5

Total 1.358.248 100 704.133 100 51.8

Source: Caritas, 2004.

14

Refugees and asylum-seekers

Italy is the only EU member state that does not have a framework asylum law.5 It was

only in 1990 with the issuing of the Martelli Law that Italy expanded its protection of

refugees to include those arriving from outside Europe. Prior to that, the United

Nations High Commissioner for Refugees had assumed responsibility for non-

European refugees arriving in Italy.

Currently, political asylum is regulated by Article 1 of Law 39/1989, and by a few

articles of the immigration Law 189/2002. Law 39/1989 abrogated the Italian clause

to the Geneva Convention, which limited refugee status exclusively to persons from

authoritarian countries in Europe. The Dublin Convention of 1990 (ratified by Italy in

1992, but only in effect since 1997) introduced a second norm by which a request for

asylum can be refused if such a request has already been made in a country which

guarantees political and civil rights.

In recent years, requests for asylum have come primarily from Turkish and Iraqi

Kurds, Pakistanis, citizens of former-Yugoslavia (Kosovo), and some African

countries (Table 7).

Table 7. Principal national groups requesting asylum in Italy (1990-2003)

1990-2000 2001 2002 2003

Albania 21.300 Iraq 1.985 Iraq 1.944 Liberia 1.670

RF Yugoslavia 12.197 Turkey 1.690 Liberia 1.660 Eritrea 1.252

Iraq 12.132 RF Yugoslavia

1.526 Sri Lanka 1.526 Somalia 1.134

Romania 6.114 Sri Lanka 555 RF Yugoslavia 1.418 Kosovo 775

Turkey 4.250 Romania 501 Pakistan 1.256 Nigeria 656 Source: Caritas, 2004

The average waiting period for an asylum hearing is 12-15 months, during which

applicants have no right to work. Public support is available only for the first 45 days,

after which applicants must seek charity (medical care is guaranteed). Law 189/2002

introduced a simplified procedure. A territorial commission should examine the

application within 15 days from its receipt by the police and should then decide within

three days. If the application is rejected, the asylum seeker can ask for a re-

examination of the application. For that procedure one member of the national

commission joins the territorial commission and the decision should be taken within

ten days. In the case of a second negative response by the re-examination commission,

it is possible to appeal to the High Court, and the prefect may authorise the applicant

to stay in Italy until the final decision is taken.

Once recognized, under Law 189/2002, refugees receive a 2-year renewable residence

permit allowing them to work and to access public assistance and then, after 5 years,

to apply for citizenship.

5 The law on ‘Regularisation of humanitarian protection status and asylum rights’ was approved by the

senate in November 1998 and transmitted to the Chamber of deputies. The final approval needed by the

Senate never occurred since then, despite the repeated appeals of UNHCR and other organisations

working in the field.

15

In 2003, Italy received 13,455 asylum applications (Caritas 2004: 502) of which, less

than 10% were accepted. Acceptance rates have varied significantly though during the

last decade (Table 8).

Table 8. Number of asylum applications in Italy (1991-2003)

Year Applications submitted Applications accepted

%

1991 23.317 944 4.0 1992 6.042 336 5.6 1993 1.647 126 7.7 1994 1.786 298 16.7 1995 1.732 285 16.4 1996 675 172 25.5 1997 1.858 348 18.7 1998 11.122 1.026 9.2 1999 33.364 809 2.4 2000 15.564 1.649 10.6 2001 9.620 2.102 21.9 2002 16.015 1.270 7.9 2003 13.455 726 5.4


Concluding Remarks

Italy has today a large immigrant population of approx. 2.6 million accounting for

over 4% of the total resident population. The total immigrant population including an

estimate of undocumented migrants present in the Italian territory is about 3 million

people in a total of 58 million inhabitants or just under 5%. Among them, asylum

seekers (successful and rejected ones) are a tiny fraction. Immigrants come to Italy

mainly to find employment and seek a better life. They come from many different

countries and continents of origin (the first three groups: Romanians, Moroccans and

Albanians account for only 30% of the immigrant population, while the first ten

nationalities account for just over 50% of the total immigrant population), profess

different religions (Catholics, Christians of other denominations and Muslims mainly)

and bring with them a mosaic of cultures and habits. Immigrant integration is still at

an early stage in Italy although significant steps were taken in the period 1998-2001

when a centre left government was in power. The current government has put more

emphasis on a tight management of flows, limited the scope of integration to legal

migrants only, made the procedures involved in obtaining or renewing legal status

even more bureaucratic and cumbersome even if it enacted the largest regularisation

programme ever involving 700,000 immigrants. At the same time public opinion is

still worried about immigrants ‘invading’ the national territory, endangering the

national welfare and identity. Nonetheless, integration is slowly and gradually taking

place as we shall argue in section I.3 and section II of this report even if much

remains to be done.

2. Public Discourse on Migration

Most immigrants in Italy discover soon upon arrival that they are unwelcome and are

regarded as ‘outsiders’ (Alaluf, 1982; Brochman & Hammar, 1999). They have to

16

cope with difficulties of not only integration into the labour market, but also of

exclusion from social, legal and political institutions. Social relations between

immigrants and local populations in many European countries including Italy often

lack cohesion and sometimes show strong antagonism and even racism underneath an

outward treatment of tolerance. In policy and public debates, immigrants are often

depicted as ‘trouble-makers’ and insurgents of social unrest. The aftermath of

September 11, and more recently March 11 in Madrid, has not only made certain

ethnic minority groups, and in particular Muslims, special targets for racist attacks,

but has also exacerbated the already general xenophobic attitudes towards immigrants

(ISPO, October 2001).

Italians with their long emigration history have often considered their country to be

‘different’ and ‘immune’ to the racism seen in other countries. However, Italian

public attitudes, initially characterised by ‘social tolerance’ towards immigrants, have

given way to hostile and xenophobic behaviour in recent years (CENSIS, 2002;

Sniderman, Peri, de Figueiredo, & Piazza, 2000; ter Wal, 1999; Triandafyllidou,

1999). It is since the 1990s that creeping xenophobia in new forms (Balbo & Manconi,

1990) or virulent and explicit racist reactions, such as those seen in the propaganda of

the Northern Lombard League, have emerged.

These hostile attitudes have arisen against a backdrop of various factors. First, the

number of immigrants to Italy has risen steadily over the past few years (i.e., an

average influx increase of 11.4% between 1990 and 20006). Second, the country

suffered (and perhaps still does) from unclear and underdeveloped immigration and

settlement policies, combined with an inefficient public administration responsible for

the management of the phenomenon (Zincone, 1998). The lack of a secure legal

framework increased instead of appeasing public anxiety over the issue. Immigrants

in Italy, as in many countries, were suitable ‘scapegoats’ for all kinds of problems that

the mainstream society has been facing. The idea of immigration as a ‘problem’

develops with reference to three main points: (a) a security threat (the invasion threat,

undocumented immigration, and criminality); (b) a threat to jobs (the destabilization

of the labour market); and (c) a threat to cultural and religious identity (Diamanti &

Bordignon, 2002).

During the last two decades, the Italian mass media have promoted a negative and

highly stereotyped image of immigrants. The main criticism against the media is the

tendency to transmit alarmist information on immigration. News reports have been

linking immigration and undocumented (clandestine) entry to Italy, transforming all

immigrants into ‘illegals’, ‘criminals’, ‘threats’ in the ‘common imaginary’.

According to ter Wal (2001), ‘in the information about immigrants’ arrival the press

has often resorted to a military language. Immigrants ‘invade’, they rarely simply

arrive alone.’

In 2003, the leader of Lega Nord, Bossi, triggered a political storm by saying that

‘The navy and the coastal guards should defend our coasts and use the cannon,’

although he later sought to distance himself from these comments. ‘We are a populist

party, we go around and listen to what people have to say and the people get angry

when they see these thousands of immigrants arrive,’ Bossi said.

6 See EUROSTAT at http://europa.eu.int/comm/eurostat/.

17

The concept of undocumented immigration has become more linked to security after

11 September 2001, and clandestine immigrants have been subjected to inspections

for their potential association with terrorism. The website of the Italian Navy7 reports:

‘the phenomenon of undocumented immigration remains one of the central problems

for national and regional security…above all because it clearly constitutes a channel

which feeds into illicit activities and activities that link, potentially or in actual facts,

to the networks of international terrorism’. Such views apparently ignore that

suspected terrorists are to be found among the educated, middle class immigrants –

rather than among undocumented migrants that cross illegally the Italian borders.

Several studies carried out during the last years have shown how mass media have

focused on immigrants mainly when they were involved in criminal episodes, mostly

in relation to news (ter Wal, 2001). A research carried out by Cotesta (1999), revealed

that between 1991 and 1997 nearly half the articles dealing with the presence of

immigrants in Italy concerned incidents of conflict and only about a third was devoted

to some in-depth analysis of their living conditions.

The other theme emerging frequently in the Italian political discourse and mass media

concerns their being a threat to Italian ‘national identity’ (Marletti, 1995; Tambini,

2001). Italy is defined as a country, which lacks a strong sense of nationhood; but the

perceived threat posed by Muslim immigration produces a re-interpretation of religion

as an identity marker for the definition of national identity. Bologna’s controversial

Cardinal, Giacomo Biffi, was at the centre of media attention when he declared that

Italy’s immigration policy should favour Catholics over Muslims (in La Repubblica,

September 14, 2000). ‘The criteria to admit immigrants cannot be solely economic,’

Biffi argued. ‘There must also be serious concern for the nation’s identity.’ It is more

sensible and would create far fewer problems of integration, according to Biffi, if only

other Catholics were allowed to help populate the country. Muslims, he said, ‘have

different food, different feast days, family law that is incompatible with ours [and] an

idea of women that is very distant from ours.’ These statements were criticised by

many political leaders, caused embarrassment to the large network of Catholic aid

organizations and disturbed Muslims, but institutional reactions were only very

limited.

In 2003, a strong debate was started following a court order to remove crucifixes from

classroom walls in a state-run school in Abruzzo (central Italy). The ruling by the

presiding judge at the local tribunal upheld a complaint by an Italian citizen of

Muslim origin. The debate soon moved away from the contents of religion and

towards a construction of religion as a tool for the reproduction of the ‘imagined

national community’.

In more recent years public and political discourse has developed with reference to the

issue of multiculturalism and the socio-cultural integration of immigrants.

Nevertheless, the content of such terms remains highly vague and acceptance of

cultural and religious diversity remains a contested matter. A controversy concerning

the right to religious practice of Muslim immigrants in northern Italy has recently

revived this debate in the national press. The issue was raised after the mayor of

7 www.marina.difesa.it

18

Alessandria, a small city near Turin, closed down a mosque that operated in an

apartment at a residential neighbourhood. The reasons for the mayor’s decision

related to the lack of parking space in the area and the resulting disturbance of local

residents during prayer on Fridays. The issue was further exploited politically by the

local Northern League branch, which organised a public rally against Muslim

immigrants in the region. Local authorities from nearby cities intervened offering the

necessary space to host the mosque. The issue was followed closely by the national

media for a short period and triggered a larger debate concerning the rights of legal

immigrants in Italy and also Italian culture and identity and their compatibility with

religious and cultural diversity. Issues of cultural and ethnic ‘purity’ were thus

contrasted to notions of ‘freedom’, ‘human rights’ and their protection by the Italian

Constitution (Triandafyllidou, 2002).

Mass media stereotyping of immigrants is organised along national categories. People

who come from Albania have been frequently portrayed as unscrupulous and actively

involved in a number of criminal activities. Their arrival has often been presented as

an ‘invasion’ (Piperno, 2002; ter Wal, 2001). That has favoured the diffusion of a

stereotyped perception stigmatising Albanians as criminals. The ethnic, racial and

national identity of the groups or individuals involved has been constantly referred to

by media when immigrants’ arrests or accusations were mentioned (del Lago, 1999).

A study on the language used in the newspaper titles and articles reveals that

‘Albanians’, ‘immigrant’, ‘arrested’, ‘public force’, ‘clandestine’, ‘extracomunitari’,

‘drugs’, ‘Moroccan’, ‘refugee’, and ‘away’, were the ten most frequent words used to

describe migration-related events (Stoppiello, 1999).

Such specific national stereotyping is also matched with generic terms used to lump

together different immigrant populations: ‘extracomunitario’8, marocchino, zingaro,

africano/negro are some of the most frequent terms used in colloquial language to

refer to immigrants and reflect different levels and types of social exclusion. All these

‘common-sense’ categories suggest exclusion from the moral community of those

who belong to this country, rather than serving to identify any particular group.

However, like all symbolic systems they operate at the level of unconscious or

implicit knowledge and are impervious to evidence about the real nature of the people

to whom they are applied. Indeed, they are sometimes used interchangeably, the

connotations of one category applied to another, and so on. Thus the term

‘marocchino’ may be widely used to indicate non-EU immigrants in general, or

Senegalese or Iranians (Mahler, 1996).

Refugees and asylum seekers, although representing a separate issue, are mostly

perceived by public opinion as part of the overall migration phenomenon in Italy. The

main reason for this is that flows of refugees do follow the same routing and

procedures of ‘normal’ irregular immigrants. The public opinion has no clear

distinction between forced and voluntary immigrants.

In conclusion, Italian media discourse on migration concentrates mainly on issues of

criminality or illegal entry and reproduces images of ‘threat’ to the national public

order. In recent years, the media coverage has paid some attention to immigrant

8 Extracomunitario, means literally non EU but is used as a synonym for an ‘immigrant from an under

developed country’.

19

integration and to the issue of multiculturalism. As regards individual cases,

newspapers and magazines adopt a positive perspective, presenting the inspring

biographies of immigrants that have successfully integrated in the Italian economy

and society. They also comment positively on mixed marriages, and present

individual immigrants as people who escape conditions of poverty and political

upheaval. However, when reporting on cultural and religious difference at the

collective level, namely as regards the cultural and religious rights of the immigrant

population, the coverage becomes ambivalent at best. The media discourse

emphasises that diversity can pose a threat to social cohesion and the national culture.

Living together with people from different cultures while possible at the individual

level, it is presented as a big and probably impossible challenge at the societal level.

3. Institutional setting framing immigrant participation

There is a set of conditions determining the rights of immigrants in Italy, which could

be described within three dimensions: (1) the cultural dimension – nationalism versus

multiculturalism, (2) the legal-political dimension, and (3) the socio-economic

dimension – temporary workers versus long term settlers.

3.1. The cultural dimension – nationalism versus multiculturalism

As a political ideal, multiculturalism means 'equal opportunity accompanied by

cultural diversity, in an atmosphere of mutual tolerance'. Multiculturalism in general

is defined in terms of public acceptance of immigrants and minority groups as distinct

communities that are distinguishable from the majority with regard to language,

culture and social behaviour; and which have their own associations and social

infrastructure (European Commission, 2003). Multiculturalism implies that members

of such groups should be granted equal rights in all spheres of society, without being

expected to give up their diversity, although usually with an expectation of conformity

to certain key values. It is this combination of recognition of cultural difference and

measures to ensure social equality which is the essential feature of multiculturalism. It

is important to perceive immigrants as active participants in the process of

consolidation of multiculturalism.

Widespread concern about discrimination and xenophobia in Italy, gives rise to an

official discourse on ‘multiculturalism’. The question posed by Grillo (2002) is ‘what

kind of ‘difference’ has been recognised in Italy? The way of interpreting

‘multiculturalism’ may lead to different objectives of immigration and integration

policies. As Grillo (2002) pointed out, in Italy the response to immigration has

involved three overlapping agendas: a ‘control agenda’; a ‘social agenda’; and a

‘difference agenda’. The meaning of the first is self-evident. The second encompasses

a wide range of social questions concerning health, social security, education and

training, protection from discrimination, and other social issues. These are aspects

covered by the Ministry and Departments of Social Affairs. The third refers to civic

and social provisions arising from the recognition of cultural, linguistic, religious and

ethnic differences. Civic participation of immigrants must be addressed as part of a

broader consideration linking multiculturalism (vs. nationalism) to a theory of

20

democracy. That is, the relationship between multiculturalism and democracy must

address not only the crucial issue of whether legal rights are provided for all groups

irrespective of their cultural identity, but also how structures of power work to ensure

that diverse cultural communities have the economic, political, and social resources to

exercise the capacity for collective voice. Integration in a democracy presupposes

acquisition of legal and political rights by the new members of society, so that they

can become equal interlocutors.

Despite the inclusionary discourse of multiculturalism in Italy, the politics of

recognising differences are contested (Grillo & Pratt, 2002), revealing the presence of

ethnocentrism, especially when the political participation of immigrants is concerned.

The fact is that immigrants in Italy have long been considered as temporary

guestworkers who will one day return to their country and therefore need not be

integrated. Immigrants are usually labelled in Italy as ‘foreigners’ (stranieri) or

‘extracomunitari’, that is, individuals who symbolically do not belong to the national

or even European community and who have little legitimacy to publicly address their

collective claims.

According to Grillo (2002), left wing parties have generally been more ‘concerned’

about the discourse of multiculturalism and inclusion of immigrants in the receiving

society than those of the right wing, and have adopted populist policies of supporting

principles of universalism (language of solidarity and inclusion), but they have not

embraced a ‘politics of positive recognition’. In the case of right wing parties, these

are usually divided between nationalists, who favour restrictive policies, and moderate

conservatives who, on the contrary, favour policies of functional recruitment in

response to the demands of the labour market. The last ones espouse an ideology that

could be described as a type of exclusionary populism, which consists of a restrictive

notion of citizenship, and opposition to the influx of immigrants and multiculturalism.

The drive toward an exclusionary politics of identity in Italy has been most

pronounced in the Lega Nord (see also Triandafyllidou 2005).

3.1.1. Citizenship

The policy of naturalisation is often considered as a reliable measure for

multiculturalism and social enclosure. Citizenship is also the most common

entitlement for an individual in a democracy to exert full membership rights and to

take part in the political process (Koopmans & Stratham, 1998; Zincone, 1992).

Several authors have stressed the importance of citizenship rights for immigrant

integration (Brubaker, 1992; Castles, 1995; Favell, 1998).

Immigrant naturalisation has hardly been an issue of concern in Italy. Italian

citizenship9 and the possibilities for naturalisation for foreigners are defined by law

91/1992 implemented by Presidential Decree no. 572/1993. The law10

is based on a

9 It is worth noting that there are separate laws defining the status of Italy’s ethnic minorities such as

for instance law 1241/1939 concerning the German-speaking South Tyroleans or law 1249/1947

regarding the Free Territory of Trieste. 10

Law 91/1992 replaced the previous law of 1913 and aimed mainly at the ‘recovery’ of Italian

emigrants who had lost their citizenship while living abroad. The new law also attuned the content of

Italian citizenship to contemporary understandings of gender equality, defining equal rights for women.

21

combination of the ius sanguinis and ius soli principles.11

A child can become a

citizen through descendance (parental citizenship) or by birth within the Italian

territory, if certain conditions are satisfied.

Italian citizenship may be requested (and conceded by the state) through three main

channels. First, it is automatically granted to children of at least one Italian parent,

regardless of place of birth; to children born in Italy to unknown or stateless parents,

or parents from countries which do not recognise citizenship of children born abroad;

to minors recognised by their Italian parent at a later date, as long as child support is

provided; to minors whose parents become Italian citizens, although this may be

renounced upon turning 18 in favour of an alternative citizenship; and to foreign

children adopted by Italian citizens.

Second, acquisition of citizenship is guaranteed if requested for any foreigner, minor

or not, under certain conditions. There is an accelerated procedure for those born in

Italy and continuously resident in Italy until 18 years of age. Upon turning 18, the

foreign citizen has one year to request citizenship. Also the law provides that foreign

citizens able to demonstrate that at least one parent or grandparent was born with

Italian citizenship have the right to citizenship.12

The 1992 citizenship law allowed

also those who had ‘lost’ their citizenship under the previous law to regain it. When

the re-acquisition period ended in 1997, 163,756 former Italian citizens had regained

their citizenship, 75% of them emigrants to the Americas, and almost all the rest

emigrants in Europe.

Table 9. Acquisition of Italian citizenship

Year Acquisition of Italian citizenship

1991 3.541 1992 3.474 1993 5.006 1994 4.925 1995 6.002 1996 5.948 1997 7.704 1998 9.853 1999 9.207 2000 7.801 2001 10.381 2002 10.645 2003 13.420

Source: Caritas, 2003; 2004.

The third channel concerns concessions of citizenship by the state following the

request of an individual. Marriage to an Italian citizen is the most common type of

naturalisation requests under this category (see tables 10 and 11 below). In 2003,

This law was not in its inception aimed to provide for a framework for the naturalisation of recent

immigrants that settled in Italy. 11

Under the ius soli, anyone born in a country is entitled to that country’s citizenship, whereas under

the ius sanguinis, the citizenship of the parents is decisive for the citizenship of their child. 12

In this case, certain conditions have to be satisfied: male applicants must do military service in Italy;

the applicant must work for the Italian state, either in Italy or abroad, and request citizenship; or the

applicant is an 18-year old, resident at least two years in Italy.

22

among 13.420 applications accepted, 84.2% were through marriage (Caritas, 2004).

The couple must be married for three years if they reside abroad or at least six months

if they live in Italy in order for the foreign spouse to apply for naturalisation. In any

case, only about 1% of this type of applications are rejected.

Table 10. Acquisition of Italian citizenship in 2003 by country of origin

An individual can request citizenship on the base of length of residence in Italy.

Residence requirements vary depending on the country of origin. For EU citizens four

years are requested; for adopted foreigners who are no longer minors, or for refugees

and the stateless, five years; and for non-EU citizens, ten years of residence13

are

necessary. The process for applying is complex and cumbersome requiring a very

long list of documents.14

The bureaucratic character of the procedure has helped guarantee that the number of

applications is quite low. Italy has one of the lowest naturalization rates, a high

13 The period of residence required by the Law 555/1912 was five years, but was raised to ten by the

Law 91/1992 for non-EU citizens. The new Law on citizenship (1463/2002) did not change this

provision. 14

The time and effort involved are almost forbidding. The application is reviewed by the Court, which

receives the request. It then passes to the Police, which checks the legal status of the applicant. It then

passes to the Ministry of Interior that examines the file and decides whether or not to grant citizenship.

The Italian President then issues a decree naming those who are to receive citizenship. Finally, the

applicant goes before an official and swears an oath of loyalty to the Italian Republic.

Country of origin Acquisition of Italian citizenship

From marriage

Morocco 1.133 541

Romania 977 933

Albania 831 751

Brazil 272 698

Poland 678 623

Cuba 646 645

Switzerland 546 539

Argentina 543 512

Russia 463 456

Colombia 453 438

Dominican Rep. 410 390

Peru 382 350

Croatia 336 266

Tunisia 271 154

Egypt 264 137

Venezuela 252 244

Ukraine 225 220

Serbia-Montenegro 193 166

Nigeria 162 126

Philippines 147 118

Iran 143 78

Bulgaria 140 120

Ecuador 132 129

France 130 124

Hungary 128 117

Lebanon 119 56

Other countries 2,989 2,369

Total 13,420 11,300

Source: Caritas, 2004.

23

rejection rate of applications and very long time for receiving a feedback (Table 9).

Only 917 requests were made in 2002 under this category, and 762 were rejected: that

is a rejection rate of 45% (Caritas, 2003). It is clear that concession of citizenship is

unlikely to affect the majority of immigrants unless major changes are made in the

law and procedures. An additional matter of concern is that the system is unable to

process even the few applications filed each year.

Table 11. Acquisition of Italian citizenship, by continent of origin, means of acquisition and

sex, 2002

Continent Total accepted By marriage % rejected

Europe 4,719 4,540 21.1 EU 290 277 1.0 C. / E. Europe 4,429 4,263 20.1

Africa 1,653 1,237 55.6 N. Africa 1,141 846 44.8

Asia 904 660 14.0 E. Asia 367 245 6.9

N. America 147 142 0.8 South America 2,063 2,010 5.5 Central America 1,137 1,122 2.8 Total 10,645 9,728 Source: Caritas, 2003.

In sum, Italian citizenship is predominantly ethnic in character because related to

kinship by blood or through marriage. The law allows for foreign permanent residents

to apply for naturalisation and does not require cultural assimilation (knowledge of

the Italian language, for instance, is not required). Double citizenship is also

allowed.15

However, the bureaucratic procedure for applying for naturalisation is so

complex, time and effort-consuming that it effectively acts as a deterrent to potential

applicants. Thus, while in the public discourse the nation is defined as a civic

community and not only as an ethno-cultural one, in reality immigrants are excluded

from naturalisation and hence from full political participation in the Italian society.

3.2. The legal-political dimension

Several studies demonstrate the importance of governmental policy and institutional

settings in shaping the conditions for civic participation and integration. In Italy the

lack of political stability deeply affected immigration policy and the political

opportunity structure (Blommaert & Martiniello, 1996; Grillo & Pratt, 2002; Zincone,

2000, 2001).

15

A decree issued by the Ministry of Interior on 7 October 2004 states that foreign citizens are not

required any more to submit a certificate declaring that they renounce their own citizenship before

obtaining Italian (as it was requested by the previous decree issued in 1994).

24

3.2.1. Immigration policy

As early as 1986, immigration laws have set up political opportunity structures and

channels that have encouraged civic participation of immigrants in public institutions.

The first immigration law (943/1986) set up the first consultative bodies at the

municipal, provincial, regional and national levels responsible for the co-ordination

and monitoring of immigration, allowing the participation of representatives of

immigrant communities.

The law introduced in 1990 (Law 39/1990) defined special provisions regarding

immigration including the annual planning of migratory flows, and some norms

regarding the rights and obligations of foreigners in Italy, their stay and work

conditions and other matters regarding family reunion, and social integration. This

law allowed cities to adopt independent statutes. Among the first cities, which defined

the possibility for immigrants with residence permit to take part in local consultative

referenda were Turin and Bologna (Zincone, 2000).

Furthermore, immigrant associations in the early 1990s were eligible for three years

support from regional funding, a resource established by this law in response to the

creation of the first welcome centres and other bodies offering services to immigrants.

Particularly relevant for the promotion of immigrant civic participation was Law

40/1998 (Zincone, 2001). This law includes provisions for the support of immigrant

associations, governmental bodies, the NGOs, and non-profit associations which

assist the social integration of immigrants and promote ‘knowledge and [the]

valorisation of cultural, social, economic and religious expressions of legally resident

immigrants…’ (art. 40). The main innovation introduced by law 40/1998 was that it

provided for the concrete measures through which immigrant associations and related

organisations could obtain national funding. Furthermore, of great relevance was the

implementation of art. 3 (paragraph 6), which stated that representatives of immigrant

associations should take part in the Territorial Immigration Councils. According to

article 57 of Law 40/1998, immigrant associations must be represented in these

Councils by at least two members, and another two members must come from

volunteer (native) associations.

In sum, even if the main policy priority in the 1990s was immigration control, by the

end of the decade a politics of integration received greater attention. But, as Riccio

argues (2000), legislation and implementation are two different things. There are in

fact important institutional constraints (see section below) that affect policy

implementation.

3.2.2. Institutional setting

Already since 1986, national, regional and municipal consultative bodies were

instituted with a view to fostering immigrant civic participation and ‘political’

representation. Large immigrant associations were asked to elect representatives who

would then acquire legitimacy to express their opinions in these consultative bodies.

However, recent studies suggest that these bodies did not offer the appropriate

vehicles or opportunity structures through which immigrant ‘voices’ could be

integrated in Italian politics (Grillo & Pratt, 2002). Representatives of immigrant

25

associations reported that they often felt frustrated by the limited influence of such

consultative bodies and considered that such bodies were not the most appropriate and

effective arenas for gaining more direct forms of civic power (Blommaert &

Martiniello, 1996).

Anderson and Vertovec have argued that (Anderson, 1990; Vertovec, 1999) such

consultative institutions are not oriented towards the political empowerment of

immigrants (e.g., as an alternative to voting rights, as a kind of educational step

toward eventual full participation, or as a symbolic gesture to encourage racial

harmony and combat discrimination, etc.). Bringing immigrant participation into the

civic and political sphere requires building conditions of trust into the formal

opportunity structure, a task that such bodies are unable to fulfil. Nonetheless, Bolaffi

and Damiani (1996) believe that these consultative bodies in Italy encourage the

development of ethnic organisations (Bolaffi & Damiani, 1996).

The civic participation of immigrants in Italy is channelled through non-state

agencies like the Church, non-governmental and voluntary organisations and trade

unions. The three main Italian trade unions (CGIL, CISL and UIL) have been

involved in immigration issues since the late 1970s. At first they concentrated on

providing legal assistance in work-related issues. Later, they set up migrant help

centres as well as specific migrant sectors within their own organisations. Interaction

with immigrants occurs essentially on an individual basis, while informal

relationships are cultivated with immigrant associations, usually with those whose

leaders are active members of or employed by the trade union; in some cases the

creation of an immigrant association directly follows the experience of being a

leading member of a trade union (Danese, 2001). In other words, here we witness a

civic mobilisation that starts from mainstream organisations and then leads to the

mobilisation of ethnic networks rather than the other way around.

Secular and church-based organisations help with the reception of immigrants and

their initial accommodation, regardless of residential status. Trade unions have also

overlooked the distinction between undocumented and legal immigrants and have

generally offered assistance to all foreigners. These organisations have played a key

role in past regularisation programmes. Some were even given the possibility to

prepare applications and submit them collectively to the local immigration offices.

The voluntary sector participates in negotiations and influences the design and

implementation of immigration legislation and the overall management of social

issues (Danese, 2001). In fact, non state actors are involved in the official consultation

process.

Non-governmental organisations and voluntary associations have also been active in

raising awareness in public opinion in support of migrants civic participation, and are

in their attempt to promote legislation to grant immigrants the right to vote at local

elections.

3.2.3. Voting rights

The limitations of participation and representation in a democratic nation-state are

traditionally defined by voting rights. European legislation has become increasingly

open to the granting of political rights to non-EU citizens. The granting of the local

26

vote to resident immigrants is provided for by Article 8b of the Treaty of Maastricht,

and subsequently by Article 19 of the Treaty of Amsterdam, which Italy has never

ratified. Moreover, in 1992, the Council of Europe issued the ‘Convention on the

participation of Foreigners in Public Life at Local Level’, which Italy has only

partially ratified in 1994. The Convention aims at improving integration of foreign

residents into the life of the community by guaranteeing them the ‘classical’ rights

which are also important for the maintenance and expression of their cultural identity,

such as the freedom of expression, freedom of assembly, the right to form local

associations with others or to join any association, as well as the right to form trade

unions. Furthermore, it encourages efforts to involve foreign residents in consultation

on local matters. Also the European Convention provides that every foreign resident

should be granted the right to vote and to stand for election in local authority elections,

provided that s/he has been a lawful and habitual resident in the State concerned for

the five years preceding the elections. The chapter which provides for the granting of

the right to vote in local elections has not been accepted in Italy until the time of

writing (November 2004).

Law 40/1998 originally contained the proposal of extending the vote in local elections

to non-EU citizens after five years of legal residence (the holders of residence card -

Carta di soggiorno). That proposal was later removed from the text of the law, as the

Parliament decided that it was unconstitutional. A proposal to revise article 4816

of the

Constitution (Chamber Act 4167) was put forward, but did not get into the

parliamentary agenda for discussion before the end of the last legislature. The current

government (elected in May 2001) put it aside and there is no indication as to whether

it will come up for the discussion.

Various proposals to grant the right to vote in local elections have been presented by

members of the left and centre-left wing parties since 2001. More surprise was

aroused by the proposal of constitutional reform by the leader of the right wing party

Alleanza Nazionale Gianfranco Fini, with a view to granting local voting rights to

immigrants. For the time being the reform has not passed, but this proposal split for a

moment the centre-right wing government coalition headed by prime minister

Berlusconi. One of the most common concerns regarding immigrant participation in

local elections, is that granting the right to vote would lead to the formation of ethnic

parties, and that immigrants would tend to vote for left-wing parties. This argument is

not without empirical foundation, but the risk should not be exaggerated, especially in

Italy. Voting tendencies are influenced by a set of factors including the country of

origin, the length of residence in the host country and the profession of immigrants

(Zincone, 2000).

Even though immigrants are not entitled to vote, political parties are principal players

in matters concerning migrant civic participation in Italy. Left-wing parties and the

CGIL trade union mobilised already in 1989 with regard to migration issues and as

mentioned earlier, immigrants are integrated in trade union membership. However,

there is strong (at least implicit) reluctance in the effective integration of immigrants

in Italian political party rank and file. This is partly because immigrants do not yet

16

Article 48 confers the right to vote to ‘all the citizens’: the problem is if the reference to citizens

should be understood in its strictly sense or simple as a synonym of ‘person’ (Zincone, 2000).

27

have voting rights, unless they have naturalised, and partly because non EU citizens

are still generally perceived as outsiders to national politics.

Nevertheless, most immigrant associations develop, directly or indirectly, either via

associations linked to a certain party or trade union, or in their shadow (Danese, 2001).

Immigrant associations have been traditionally linked to left-wing parties. Indeed, the

latter are more active than their right wing counterparts in issues of migrant

integration in the civic life of the host society (Hellman, 1997). Left wing parties also

adopt populist discourses of solidarity and inclusion. In the case of right wing parties,

these are usually divided between nationalists, who favour restrictive policies, and

moderate conservatives who, on the contrary, favour policies of functional

recruitment in response to the demands of the labour market. Immigrant association

representatives emphasise the fact that they search for interlocutors willing to

collaborate with them, irrespective of their political colour, as a possible support for

obtaining help and social visibility (Kosic & Triandafyllidou, forthcoming).

However, immigrants themselves have not always been socialised in western

democratic notions of civic participation and formation of groups for furthering their

interests. Hence, any attempt at identifying the factors that influence immigrant civic

participation should take into account both the context of the country of origin and

that of the country of residence. Some authors suggest a link between the formation of

associations and class belonging. Civic associations are considered to be a form of the

middle classes, whereas lower classes more often tend to structure their social

network with primary groups (such as family and friends, or religious groups)

(Bouzada, 1994). Danese argues that immigrant cultural background and their degree

of political activism in their countries of origin are key elements for the understanding

of their propensity to civic participation (Danese, 2001).

3.3. The socio-economic dimension

Institutional understanding of the rights and duties of immigrants (e.g., access to

public welfare, access to labour market, access to public health care, etc.) are some

basic conditions, which determine civic participation (Bendix, Bendix & Furniss,

1987; Marshall, 1992). The presence of a strong informal economy is a particularly

relevant factor that, in terms of civic participation, can result in the insulation of

immigrants from legal channels of participation. As mentioned previously, legal stay

and work status is a main prerequisite for any kind of socio-political participation.

In conclusion, immigrant civic participation bodies and mechanisms have been in

place in Italy for over a decade. Immigrants have been involved in consultative bodies

at the local and regional level. They have also become active members in mainstream

trade unions, less so though in political parties. Immigrant associations and national

NGOs involved in migration matters are numerous and active. They form well-

developed networks that bring together ethnic and mainstream organisations. We can

distinguish two broad networks. The first is led by Caritas and other church-related

associations. The second includes left-wing oriented NGOs and cultural associations.

This network traces its roots in the social and cultural activities of the former Italian

Communist party. Both networks are active in various fields ranging from primary

assistance to new immigrants including those who arrive undocumented (food,

28

accommodation, help to find a job), to a wider range of social services (including for

instance assistance in dealing with the national bureaucracy, organisation of cultural

festivities or of courses in Italian language). Immigrant associations have tight links

with both voluntary associations and NGOs led by natives and with trade unions.

Often immigrant activists become initially involved in trade unions and later set up an

ethnic association for their group. On the whole, civic activism of immigrants in Italy

is developed albeit it tends to be subsumed in patronage relations between native

‘patrons’ and immigrant ‘clients’ preventing the latter from achieving an autonomous

position in Italian society and politics. Independent immigrant activism is also

influenced negatively by their limited political rights and the lack of truly

representative institutions that allow their participation in decision making and not

just in consultative bodies where there is a lot of talk but little power. Last but not

least, many difficulties that affect civic participation have to do with structural

problems (lack of funds, logistic support, information, space, and suitable resources)

which may prevent civic activism both at the individual and at the group level.

Part II: Active Civic Participation of Third Country immigrants

The civic participation and representation of immigrants in public life is a source of

ongoing debates both in the public arena and the scholarly literature. Much of the

national and local debates with respect to the issue of civic participation of non-EU

immigrants in Italy focus on the question of voting rights. However, in this report we

consider a larger sphere of civic and political activities in which immigrants are

involved. These activities are organised around five main types of institutions and

related forms of participation (see also the typology proposed by Miller, 1989): (1)

consultative bodies and contacts with Italian political parties and in countries of origin;

(2) trade unions and workplace councils; (3) religious, voluntary and non-

governmental organisations; (4) immigrant associations; and (5) confrontational

means (demonstrations, strikes, etc.). Local policies with respect to migrants cannot

be understood without a reference to the various governmental levels in Italy.

4. Civic participation of immigrants in the consultative bodies

Several studies have examined the consultative bodies set up at various levels of

governance (Attanasio & Facchini, 2004; Blommesteijn & Entzinger 1999; Caponio,

2000; Caponio & Dota, 2001; Carpo, Cortese, Di Peri, & Magrin, 2003; Meli &

Enwereuzor, 2003; Martiniello, 1999; Palanca, 1999; Zincone, 2001). These

distinguish between the national, regional, provincial and communal levels. Our paper

is structured around most recent studies (Attanasio & Facchini, 2004; Caponio & Dota,

2001; Carpo, Cortese, Di Peri, & Magrin, 2003; Meli & Enwereuzor, 2003) that

provide for a more up to date picture of civic participation of immigrants in Italy.

4.1. National level

At the national level, a Council on the problems of non-EU workers and their

families was established in 1998 at the Ministry of Labour and Social Policies

29

(Consulta per lavoratori immigrati e le loro famiglie), in accordance with art. 42 (4)

of the Consolidated Act on immigration of 1998. Its aim was to identify difficulties

and propose innovative solutions to problems. The Council was formed by

representatives of the central and local public administration, trade unions, religious

and voluntary associations operating in favour of immigrants, and by representatives

of immigrant associations. Immigrant representatives came from the largest

immigrant groups at the national level. This Council met every six months, in the

period 1998-2001, to monitor the immigrant situation and to make proposals in this

regard. The last immigration law, did not abrogate this body but its work was

discontinued. Simply the Council was solved and was never reconvened.

The second tool for civic participation of immigrants at the national level has been the

National Body for Co-ordinating Local Policies of Integration of Foreign Citizens

(l'Organismo Nazionale di Coordinamento per le politiche di integrazione sociale dei

cittadini stranieri a livello locale), set up in December 1998 within the National

Council of Economy and Labour (Consiglio Nazionale dell’Economia e del Lavoro;

CNEL). It is composed of local government authorities (Regional, Provincial and

Municipal), representatives of provincial labour offices and of the National Institute

for Social Welfare (INPS), local health units, trade unions, employer associations and

immigrant associations. Immigrant representatives were selected from some among

the larger immigrant communities at the national and regional levels. This

Consultative Body’s task is to support the development of reception and integration

mechanisms for immigrants, and to promote their participation in public life. The

representatives of this body are asked to compare experiences of Italian local realities

with those in other EU countries, with a view to identifying best practices.

These national consultative bodies have not contributed significantly to the

empowerment of immigrants, nor have they provided for credible representation of

immigrant interests at the national level (Caponio, 2000; Caponio & Dota, 2001;

Martiniello, 1997, 1999; Meli, A. & Enereuzor, 2003; Penninx, Kraal, Martiniello, &

Vertovec, 2004; Zincone, 2000, 2001).

4.2. Regional level

A Regional17

Council for Immigration Problems (Consulta Regionale) has been set

up in almost all regions (Table 12). In principle, its responsibilities cover cultural and

educational initiatives, social welfare, economic assistance, reception centres,

domestic help, accommodation, health care, and initiatives encouraging the formation

of associations ‘for’ and ‘of’ non-EU immigrants, although these are not always

successful. These councils are constituted at the beginning of each new legislature,

and are composed of: representatives of the most important institutions and voluntary

organisations in the regions active in the sector of reception and integration of

immigrants, representatives of trade unions, representatives of provincial and

municipal administrations, representatives of the Chamber of Commerce and of

17

Italy has a three-tier system of Local Government: the Region, Province and Municipality. These all

have a Council (Consiglio) elected every five years, with a smaller executive group (Giunta) and a

President or Mayor (in the case of the City Council). In addition, since 1976 cities with a population

exceeding 40,000 also have District Councils (Consigli di Quartiere).

30

employer associations, the director of the regional employment agency, a

representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, a representative of the Ministry of

Interior, and a president of a smaller executive group (Giunta). It comprehends as well

representatives of some immigrant associations. The ‘sphere’ of concern of this body

is limited to immigration policy and in particular to the policy programmes enacted by

the Regions (Giannetti, 1993). This Body sets up three-year plans of action aiming to

promote immigrant socio-economic and cultural integration.

This Council specifies the criteria for allocating the financial resources to the

provinces in the region, which on their end, have to prepare every year a plan of

action, in collaboration with the Territorial Committees for Immigration, local

associations, education agencies and other organisations active in the field of

immigrant integration. However, the Consulte do not have decision-making power,

and are without an autonomous budget, what indicates also their operative limits.

Table 12. Regional Councils for Immigration Problems in Italy

Regions When established N of immigrant members Emilia-Romagna 1974 85 Lombardy 1988 30 Marche 1988 41 Calabria 1990 40 Valle d’Aosta 1991 8 Friuli-Venezia-Giulia 1991 36 Sardinia 1993 17

Source: CNEL (1999)

4.3. Provincial level

The Immigration Territorial Councils (Consigli Territoriali per l’Immigrazione)

have been set up in all Italian provinces, in accordance with article 57 of the

Presidential Decree 394/99, with the task of monitoring the phenomenon of

immigration, of analysing trends and needs, making proposals and giving guidelines

for local integration programmes. Territorial Councils are run by Provincial

Prefectures (Prefettura)18

, and are chaired by the Prefects. The decision to choose the

Prefect for that function rather than an elected official such as the Provincial President

caused a great dissent (Chaloff, 2003). The Council works in cooperation with

regional and local administrations, representatives of Chamber of Commerce,

employer associations, and trade unions.

18

The Prefecture forms part of the Ministry of Interior but not of the Police. It is the administrative and

policy branch of this Ministry concerning public security. The Prefecture is functionally superior to the

Questura although this last holds the operational power. It has the function of representing the central

government within the territory of the Province and informs the Government of the main problems of

national interest. The Prefect has important state functions, as the responsibility for the defence of law

and order and for the co-ordination of civil protection interventions all over the province. It acts as a

body of mediation and junction among public and private institutions for the solution of all the

problems deranging the regular course of civil life. The Prefecture finally offers a number of public

services and has edited a guide in order to allow citizens an easier approach to information. Concerning

the issue of immigration, the Prefecture hosts the Central Council for Immigration with aim to improve

the relationships between institutions and immigrants.

31

At least two representatives of non-EU immigrants are selected from the main

immigrant associations to participate in the Council. Also there must be at least two

representatives of local groups and associations active in assisting and supporting

immigrants. The law however does not indicate clearly which are the criteria to be

used for selecting these representatives. Should they be self-selected as presidents of

associations? Elected from within associations, but according to what criteria?

Nominated by local government or other organisations? Co-opted by agents of

political power outside or inside a community? The term ‘main immigrant

associations’ is not defined and, as such, can be interpreted in the sense of

associations representing the larger immigrant groups or the most politically active in

each area. Meli and Enwereuzor (2003) point out that there is no limit on the

maximum number of immigrants’ representatives who can be invited to participate in

the Councils, but in practice their number tends to be limited to the minimum

indicated above.

According to the Ministry of the Interior, all Prefectures in the country had set up

their Territorial Councils by December 2000 and many of them were already

operative. The question however arises as to whether and how these Territorial

Councils provide effective opportunities for immigrants to participate in the public

decision making process. A recent survey carried out by Censis for the Ministry of the

Interior showed that the number of immigrant associations invited to take part at the

Territorial Councils is on average pretty low: 45 Territorial Councils out of 103 have

no immigrant association participating, 18 Councils have only one immigrant

association among their membership, 25 Councils have two immigrant associations

represented, and only 15 Councils have between 3 and 9 immigrant associations

represented (Meli & Enwereuzor, 2003).

These findings suggest that Territorial councils are not important arenas for immigrant

civic participation. According to Meli and Enwereuzor (2003) immigrant participation

on these councils is low for a number of reasons. First, because there are few

immigrant associations in some provinces. Second, because the statutory clause of the

Councils requires that eligible immigrant associations are formally registered by the

Council of Ministry, Department of Social Affairs (Presidenza del Consiglio dei

Ministri, Dipartimento per gli Affari Sociali). Third, each Prefecture may interpret the

relevant clause of the law in different ways so as to determine which associations are

eligible for participation.

4.4. Municipal level

At the Municipal level, other forms of civic engagement of immigrants have been

implemented, such as the Municipal Consultative Body (Consulta Comunale per i

cittadini stranieri e apolidi) or the introduction of an Additional Councillor

(Consigliere Aggiunto) to the municipal and district council. Municipal Consultative

Bodies are elected by foreign citizens, aged 18 or more, who have been officially

resident in the city for at least one year. These municipal bodies are not established by

law but rather come out of local authority initiatives. The first Municipal Consultative

Body on immigration was set up in Turin in 1995, and was followed in 1996 by those

of Modena and Padua. Several municipalities set up this type of consultative bodies in

32

recent years but most ceased to function after one or two years (Meli & Enwereuzor,

2003).

The Consultative Bodies are responsible for preparing proposals on migration policies

for the local administration and give their opinion on local programmes concerned

with social integration, public housing, integration of immigrants in the labour market,

measures promoting public security in the city, and initiatives aimed at preventing and

reducing marginalisation and discrimination of immigrants. Nevertheless, according

to Giannetti (1993), these bodies have limited decision-making power and little

autonomy. It is probably for this reason that immigrants have so far not shown great

interest, although there have been some significant exceptions: in the elections held on

10 October 1999 in Modena for twenty representatives in consultative bodies, 22.8%

of those entitled to vote participated. It has been reported that many immigrants are

not informed about these bodies and their right to vote for them.

There are some interesting differences between the various Municipalities, when the

composition of the consultative bodies and electoral regulations are considered. In

some cases, these bodies are formed exclusively by immigrants, while in others

immigrants represent only a small part of the membership. The seats on the

consultative bodies are distributed in different ways among the various immigrant

communities in Municipalities. In some cases, distribution is based on strictly national

or macro-regional grounds, whereas in others, participation in elections for

representatives to the consultative body and distribution of seats are done on the basis

of political groupings that cut across national groups (Meli & Enwereuzor, 2003).

Immigrant civic participation at the local level is enabled also through the Additional

Foreign Councillor position in local councils. This position was created by local

authorities19

as an attempt to introduce some form of political participation for

immigrants at the local level even if they do not have voting rights. Meli and

Enwereuzor (2003) note that this has been an important step towards the recognition

of immigrant rights even if the Additional Foreign Councillor does not have decision-

making power, as it has been an initiative of municipalities with a view to giving

voice to immigrants. Furthermore, Meli and Enweereuzor argue that local authorities

use the elections of Additional Councillors as a tool to exert pressure on the

government with regard to immigrant rights of participation in public life. In addition,

it gives strength and visibility to the issue in public debates on immigration, and sets a

precedent, which hopefully shall be followed by other municipalities.

Additional Foreign Councillors are elected by non-EU immigrants who are at least 18

years old and reside in the municipality. The AFC serves during the same period of

the local Council. AFCs participate in the Local council meetings of the local Council,

may make proposals and raise claims with regard to local legislation, but do not have

the right to vote. Thus their effective power is very limited.

The tasks and rights of AFCs differ among municipalities: in some cities, they have

the same tasks as those of ordinary councillors (the right to be convened to all

meetings of the Council, to be informed in advance on the issues to be discussed, to

19

Law 39/1990 allowed cities to adopt independent statutes, opening thus more possibilities for

immigrant civic participation at the local level.

33

take the floor, and to participate in the activities of the Council’s Commissions),

whereas in others, their rights are limited to issues related to immigration. The first

municipality to elect an AFC was Nonantola, a small town in the province of Modena

(central Italy) which elected two AFCs in 1994. Nonantola was soon followed by

Empoli (one), Bologna (three, plus one for each of the nine districts in the city),

Macerata,20

Urbania, Chiaravalle, and Ancona. In Ancona, this form of civic

participation was introduced also at the Provincial level, but until now has remained

an isolate case in Italy. The last elections for Additional Councils were in Rome,

where four, plus one for each of the nine districts in the city, councillors were elected

at the end of March 2004 (Table 13).

Table 13. Places where elected councils have been established

Elections N

members % women % voters

Municipal Consultative Body Turin 1995 - - - - 21.0

Nonantola 1995 - - - - - -

Modena 1999 20 4 23.0

Forlì 2000 11 1 32.0

Cesena 2002 17 2 19.1

Padua 2003 6 2 - -

Ravena 2003 21 3 22.7

Rome 2004 - - - - 57.3

Bolzano 2004 16 6 43.0

Additional Foreign Councillors

Nonantola 1994 - - - - - -

Ancona 2001 2 0 26.5

Macerata

Empoli

Bologna

Urbania

Chiaravalle

Lecce 2003 1 0 24.8

Rome 2004 23 + 4 7 57.3

Source: CARITAS, 2004.

Nevertheless, Martiniello (1999) argues that the participation of immigrants in

consultative bodies or as additional councillors in Local Councils has rarely resulted

in public policies being changed to better serve the interests of ethnic minorities of

immigrant origin. Martiniello (ibid.) argues that, consultation structures can no longer

be considered as a substitute for the granting of the right to vote and stand for election

to immigrants. In a political system in which immigrants do not have the right to vote

and to stand for election, the principle of consultation can easily contribute to

reproducing the political exclusion and powerlessness of immigrants – at the same

time giving them the mere illusion of participating in the structures of power and

conveying the deceptive image of a political system which is more open to the

inclusion of immigrants than it really is. Furthermore, it is commonly assumed that

immigrants can only participate in consultative bodies on issues, which specifically

20

See also: www.comune.macerata.it/

34

concern them. This restrictive approach means that immigrants are considered as

partial citizens, who cannot engage with the general issues of society at large.

5. Civic participation of immigrants in non-governmental organisations

In Italy there are a number of non-governmental actors, involved in immigration

policy issues. Among these, we distinguish three main categories:

• Trade Unions (CGIL, CISL, UIL) and employers’ associations (e.g.,

Confindustria, Confartigianato, or CAN);

• Non-profit organisations (Caritas, ARCI, ANOLF, different refugee

assistance organisations, etc.);

• Immigrant associations (the principal associations are linked to unions, as in

the case of ANOLF).

5.1. Trade unions

The three largest Italian trade unions, CGIL (Italian General Confederation of Labour

- Confederazione Generale Italiana del Lavoro)21

, CISL (Italian Confederation of

Workers - Confederazione Italiana Sindacati Lavoratori)22

, and UIL (Italian Workers

Union - Unione Italiana del Lavoro),23

have been very active since the mid-1980s

opening special services for immigrants to facilitate their access to legal and social

services and information (Bentivogli, 2002; Mottura, 2000; Mottura & Pinto, 1996;

Sciortino, 2003; Zincone, 1994, 1999). Their first initiatives date since the voting of

Law 943/1986. They had opened then immigration services providing assistance to

undocumented immigrants who wished to regularise (Pastore, 1998). To facilitate

contacts, the unions encouraged voluntary registration by offering free membership

cards or low registration fees (Sciortino, 2003). This opened the first channel of

communication with immigrants which later led to formal registration by many

immigrant workers (Table 14).24

Table 14. Number of non-EU workers registered with trade unions (2000 and 2001)

2000 2001 CGIL 90,411 99,600

21

CGIL – is the most representative Italian trade-union organisation. It is organised into two different

structures: a vertical one, with the branch union organisations, and a territorial one, with Labour

Chambers located throughout the country. It negotiates labour contracts through its trade organisations

and undertake actions to defend, affirm and obtain individual and collective rights. 22

CISL – is the second largest Confederation of Trade Unions in Italy. The task CISL sets for itself,

and its main immediate goal, is that of defending both employed and unemployed workers' interests,

since it is convinced that society's interests are themselves better promoted thereby. Several

fundamental, shared values support such an approach: democracy, solidarity, pluralism and trade union

independence from any economic power, employer, Government or political party. 23

UIL - is a Labour Union Organization. Following the split from CGIL, UIL became the

representative of those workers with laic ideologies, democrats and socialists. The main aims of this

organisation are the development of new employment opportunities, reform of the economic structure,

safeguarding the rights of the workers, unity of the Trade Workers, the conditioning of international

politics and the development of government participation. 24

It is worth noting that the immigrants regularly residing in Italy are entitled to join a trade union on a

par with Italian citizens.

35

CISL 105,721 110,562 UIL 27,500 29,500 Total 223,632 239,662


It is indicative that, in the current number of union members, the percentage is higher

among immigrants than among Italians. In 1996, 44% of legal foreign workers were

members of unions, whereas among Italian workers, only 36.6% were members of a

trade union (Ires, 2002).

Some immigrant groups, like for instance the Latin Americans and Senegalese, have

developed closer links with trade unions than others (Danese, 2001). Our study in this

project seeks to delve deeper into this research question and explore the factors that

transform a civic activism potential into reality, in Italy, among different immigrant

groups, and also generally in Europe.

Many immigrants are actively involved in trade union committees and some are even

employed by a trade union or hold elected positions (Table 15). In CGIL, there are

foreign worker representatives in five categories (construction industry, chemicals,

mechanical engineering, food industry and trade). Also, the immigration services of

trade unions are more often than not run by immigrants who have been in Italy for a

long time (usually those who studied in Italy).

Table 15. Number of non-EU immigrants involved in trade union committees

CISL UIL 2000 2001 2000 2001 Local 616 657 81 96 Regional 103 109 27 28 National 8 10 5 6 Total 727 776 113 130

Source: Elaboration of data from Dossier Statistico Immigrazione. Caritas, 2002.

Trade unions support all measures or initiatives to fight discrimination and are in

favour of the extension of immigrants’ rights, including the possibility to vote in

elections and the broadening of the opportunities to obtain the Italian citizenship

(Mottura & Pinto, 1996).

Trade unions also support several immigrant associations. For instance, CISL

sponsored the establishment of the National Association Beyond Frontiers

(Associazione nazionale oltre le frontiere, Anolf) which has at present a membership

of some 50,000 immigrants. Trade unions in cooperation with NGOs play an active

role in mobilising the immigrant work force with regard to human and work rights.

However, the impact of such mobilisation appears to be rather weak. Most recently, in

December 2004, trade unions, left-wing parties and immigrant associations have

mobilised to request the amendment of law 189/2001 and the introduction of local

voting rights for foreigners who had a residence permit for at least six years. It is too

early however to judge the outcome of such a mobilisation.

5.2. Non-profit organisations

36

A large number of NGOs and voluntary associations are committed to the realisation

of a multicultural society based on a fuller integration of immigrants in the Italian

society (Carchedi, 2000; CNEL-Codres, 2000). Organisations such as the ACLI

(Associazione Cattolica Lavoratori Italiani), the ARCI (Associazione di Promozione

Sociale), Caritas, the Women and Migrants Forum, the Forum of Foreign

Communities in Italy, the Italian Council for Refugees, the Italian League for Human

Rights, and others have been very active in assisting non-EU migrants to obtain legal

status and/or improve their working and living conditions. These associations have

also contributed to raising the nationals’ awareness concerning the plight of

immigrants. The work of this type of associations may promote and facilitate

immigrant civic participation in Italian society as it contributes to opening the sphere

of political and civic participation to immigrants. Fennema & Tillie (1997) argue that

voluntary associations create social trust which spills over into political trust and

higher political participation.

Furthermore, small parishes and well-established Catholic associations have

contributed from the outset to the management of social emergencies linked to

migrant flows (Fargion, 1996). Catholic organisations such as the Community of

Sant’Egidio and Caritas, have been particularly active in setting up and managing first

assistance centres helping migrants in various aspects of their daily lives. They have

developed the first and often the most effective agencies providing immigrants with

shelter, reception centres, advice, training opportunities and space for cultural

activities (Prat, 2002). In many cities local administrations have subcontracted

services to Caritas because of their speed and efficiency in dealing with ‘front-line’

problems (Maher, 1996; Riccio, 1999). As for the representation of immigrant

interests, in some cases they tend to speak for them instead of fostering their direct

access to institutions. They give material support to some immigrant groups but it

ends up keeping them away from traditional channels of democratic participation and

the representation of interests (Danese, 2001).

In general, networks established through the third sector have the advantages of

creating shortcuts and possibilities of access for immigrants to civic institutions

independently of their regular or irregular status, but mostly on an informal basis.

6. Immigrant associations

As mentioned previously, civic participation may have several meanings. It may refer

to individual citizens taking part in the political process by using their active and

passive voting rights. Civic participation, however, may also refer to a broader

domain than participation in formal political institutions: the struggle on policies and

policy making. In this sphere of activity, interest groups are central as they try to

influence policies and the process of policy making. Immigrant organisations may

thus be seen as important civic actors.

Recent studies have underlined the importance of a rich associational life in order to

strengthen democracy (Putnam, 1996). Immigrant associations are an essential

reference point for immigrants in terms of social inclusion and active participation,

being the place for aggregating, meeting and exchanging contacts between immigrants

37

and also the larger social context. Moreover, they are/could be a relevant point of

reference for the role of mediation between immigrants and the host civic institutions.

In Italy, immigrant organisations and their contribution to public and political life

have developed in three main phases (Giovannetti, 2002):

1) The ‘Pioneering’ phase – from the late 1970s to the mid-1980s; immigrant

associations were mostly the expression of student groups and political parties

active in their countries of origin. They were mainly based in large

metropolitan cities.

2) The phase of ‘social acknowledgment and visibility’ – the late 1980s. In this

phase immigrant living conditions worsened (housing, access to social

services) and the lack of a specific law became apparent. A new phase of

mobilisation and propensity to associate started.

3) The phase of ‘active participation and social self-promotion’ – with the issuing

of law 39/1989 (the Martelli Law). Since the late 1980s, immigrant

associations have been recognised in Italian law and have been important civic

engagement actors with regard to immigration matters.

There are few qualitative or quantitative studies on immigrant organisations and on

their activities. Our overview is based mostly on two studies promoted by CNEL in

2001 and 2003. According to CNEL (2001), there were 893 immigrant associations in

the country in that period. Not all of these associations were registered by the Council

of Ministry, Department of Social Affairs (Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri,

Dipartimento per gli Affari Sociali). Researchers gathered information through formal

and informal networks at municipalities (above 5000 of inhabitants), NGOs,

charitable and other organisations. This number covers an internally diverse reality, in

terms of the size of the associations, their stated aims and their actual effectiveness in

reaching their objectives of civic participation (Tradardi, 2002).

It is difficult to keep track of immigrant associations, which tend to mushroom and

then disappear. All associations display a noticeable lack of stability, as immigrants

are generally very mobile and mainly guided by temporary work opportunities

(Carchedi, 2000). CNEL (2001) found that a high percentage (46.8%) of associations

are small or middle size (less than 300 members); 26.1% have between 301-1000

members, and 26.1% have more than 1000 members.

The distribution of immigrant associations is not homogeneous through the national

territory. Higher numbers of immigrant associations are registered in the regions of

Lombardy (162), Emilia-Romagna (139), Lazio (91) and Tuscany (91), regions

characterised also by a larger presence of immigrants (CNEL, 2003).

A survey conducted by CNEL-Codres (2000) on local contexts in Italy, revealed that

the cities of Firenze and Prato in central Italy are characterised by a higher level of

self-organisations of immigrant communities, than other Italian cities. The only

exception is the Chinese community, which, despite its large size in Prato and

Florence, displays a very low level of associationism. The high level of civic activity

in Florence and Prato may be attributed to the strong civic traditions of their Italian

inhabitants and the strength of civil society in those cities. However, the Chinese

community case challenges the credibility of this argument.

38

Other cities where high tendency of associationism is registered are Milan, Rome,

Turin, Palermo and Padua. The city of Palermo is a case of positive exception in

southern Italy, which is in general characterised by a lack of interest of immigrants in

their own associations as well as few initiatives to promote the institutional conditions

for their civic participation. The above findings suggest that the level of immigrant

involvement in associations relates not only to the characteristics and propensity to

organise of different immigrant groups or their level of socio-economic integration,

but also the civic traditions and institutions of the host society, as these differ among

cities and regions.

The CNEL report (2001) indicates that immigrants have formed their own

associations based on criteria such as ethnic origin, religion, country of origin or the

nature of their work. The report thus distinguishes among

1) Associations of a single ethnic/national group

2) Interethnic associations

3) Multiethnic associations

In mono-ethnic associations, aspects of common ethnicity are emphasised. Indeed,this

is the most common form of organisation for immigrant groups: mono-ethnic

associations account for 61% of the total. Multiethnic associations account for 25.6%

of all associations investigated by CNEL. Their membership is defined by

collaboration between groups coming from different countries. Interethnic

associations, accounting for only 14.5% of all associations surveyed, involve both

immigrants and natives.

Figure 1. Types of association in relation to their ethnic membership

60,7

25,6

14,5

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

Ethnic Multiethnic Interethnic

Source: CNEL (2001)

Moroccan, Senegalese, Albanian and Nigerian communities are those with the highest

number of immigrant associations. However, the CNEL report (2001) does not

specify if their associations have also the highest number of members. An interesting,

albeit not typical case, is that of the Senegalese community, which is particularly large

and organised through the engagement of the Mouridist Muslim brotherhood, from

which many mono-ethnic associations have spun off. Here ethnicity is reinforced by

cultural and religious features.

Associations of single national groups are widespread in the North-West and in the

Centre-North of Italy, while in the North-East, the South and the Islands, there are

more multi-national membership type of associations (Table 16).

39

Table 16. Distribution of immigrant associations in different geographic areas in Italy

(in percentage)

Ethnic Interethnic Multiethnic Central 56.4 17.8 25.8 Centro-South 65.7 14.4 19.9 Islands 45.6 12.3 42.1 North-East 50.6 12.3 37.1 North-West 63.1 16.5 20.4 South 56.0 6.7 37.3

Source: CNEL (2001)

As already stated, there is only scarce information on the precise aims and actions of

these different associations. Generally, immigrant associations have broad goals,

encompassing social, political and economic objectives, each of these axes assuming

different weights in different immigrant ‘communities’. According to a recent survey,

the main goal for about 74% of these associations is the preservation of their culture

of origin.

Apart from these activities, immigrant associations provide also social support to

immigrants, namely through protection and promotion of their rights (59%) and social

assistance (57%) (CNEL, 2003; Caritas, 2003). More specifically, they offer

accommodation to recently arrived immigrants, they assist them to find employment

and help them overcome economic and social hardship. Last but not least, they offer

legal assistance to immigrants and provide them with useful information on Italian

laws. Immigrant associations promote also educational (51%) and recreational (49%)

activities. A small percentage of the registered associations (17%) offer also religious

services, although they are not registered as religious institutions. It is worth noting

that religious or cultural organisations are not invited to participate in local

consultative bodies, which assume that immigrant associations are formed on an

ethnic basis.

Figure 2. Regional origin of immigrant associations in Italy

Source: CNEL (2001)

Analysing the geographical repartition of associations (independently of their mono-,

multi- or inter-ethnic character), with regard to the countries of origin of their

members, the CNEL study (2001) indicates that the highest percentage refers to

Asia

Others

East Europe

Latin America

Middle Orient

North Africa

South Africa

40

African communities (39.7%), followed by Asian (12.8%), East European (5.7%) and

South American (5.7%).

Furthermore, it notes the greater or lesser willingness of different ethnic or national

groups to form associations. In relation to that, Moroccan immigrants are those more

intensively engaged with associations, as their organisations cover 6.6% of the total

number of existing associations. They are followed by Arab25

(6.5%), Senegalese

(5.7%), Albanian (3.0%), and Nigerian (2.7%) communities. This finding may be

taken to indicate that some groups are more cohesive than others and that ethnicity is

their main factor of unity. However, the CNEL study (2001) does not provide for any

information regarding the size and type of membership (more or less active) of these

associations, nor does it offer for any in depth study of their workings. This leaves us

with many open questions as regards the internal (i.e. related to the national group)

factors promoting civic engagement within a specific immigrant population.

In terms of number of existing associations, Albanians and Nigerians appear to be

more civically active than immigrants from Central Eastern European countries (e.g.

Romania, Poland, and the former Yugoslavia). If we compare table 2 (concerning the

size of immigrant groups) with table 17 below, we can see that, for example,

Romanians, in spite of being the largest migrant group in Italy today, have formed

relatively few associations (these account for only 0.7 % of all associations registered

in the CNEL study 2001).

Different characteristics of immigrant populations may affect the propensity of

immigrants to participate in public life. These include:

• Patterns of migration and settlement (like the number of immigrants of a

given ethnicity and the rate at which they arrive).

• Financial resources among the members of an ethnic group (low levels of

resources discourage the formation of structures for civic participation);

• Employment: Unemployed people are mostly seen as living in a greater social

isolation, which makes it more difficult to mobilize them politically.

• Education: The civic participation of lower educated citizens is said to be

lower, since civic and political participation requires a certain level of citizen

skills (debating, reading newspapers, interest in political affairs) that are

facilitated by education.

• Gender: there may be gender imbalances regarding the type and intensity of

civic participation among men and women of different ethnic communities

and with particular reference to Muslim populations.

Unfortunately, there are no studies in Italy that examine in a systematic way the

relevance of any of the factors above and their impact on the patterns of immigrant

civic participation.

Table 17. Ethnic associations in Italy, by country of origin of their members

Groups N % of total

25

The report groups together immigrants from the Arab world.

41

Moroccan 59 6.6 Arab 58 6.5 Senegalese 51 5.7 Albanian 27 3.0 Nigerian 24 2.7 Filipinos 17 1.9 Tunisian 17 1.9 Chinese 14 1.6 Romanian 6 0.7 Polish 2 0.2 Note: Arab countries were grouped together in the survey Source: CNEL (2001, 2003).

The CNEL study (2001) revealed that ethnic associations showed substantial

differences in relation to their aims. Filipino, Tunisian, Nigerian and Chinese

associations are prevalently concerned with promoting their collective interests and

preserving their culture of origin. Romanian, Albanian, Senegalese and Moroccan

associations by contrast are more open towards an inter-cultural exchange. Diffusion

of traditions and cultural values among second generation is their major objective, but

also that of fighting negative stereotypes. Social support is more common among

associations of immigrants originating from Cape Verde, Brazil and Bangladesh.

Concerning the leadership of immigrant associations, in 67.7 % of the monoethnic

associations, the leading figures were immigrants. In multiethnic or interethnic

associations, by contrast, leaders were often Italians (see table 18)

Table 18. Leadership in immigrants’ associations

Leadership (%) Immigrant Italian Mixed Not reported Ethnic 67.9 - 4.3 27.7 Multiethnic 31.2 18.6 33.9 16.3 Interethnic 52.0 12.8 1.6 33.6 Total 56.1 8.6 9.0 26.3

Source: CNEL (2001)

The leadership of associations varies also in relation to the type of activity these

promote (Table 19): in case of activities oriented towards the cultural promotion of

association, the leader is usually an immigrant (62.7%). In associations concerned

with promoting or defending their social rights, the leadership is mixed or Italian

(associations with Italian leadership are often the filial organisations of Italian trade

unions).

The most active representatives of immigrant associations are people employed in

immigration related areas (for example, cultural and linguistic mediators), who can

afford to combine their working time with civic activism. Usually these are people

coming from the elite of the immigrant populations. Those who are more ‘settled’,

sensitive to the relevance and potential of civic participation, or more secure in terms

of legal status, language skills and economic conditions often emerge as advocates for

the larger community. Often the initiative for establishing an association came out

from a single person, or from a limited group of people, who mobilised and made

their association known among a larger group (Codres, 2000).

42

Table 19. Leadership in relation to the type of activity performed by associations

Leadership (%) Immigrant Italian Mixed Not reported Cultural self-promotion 62.7 10.5 4.3 29.9 Religious 69.7 1.8 1.8 26.6 Socio-cultural 16.9 8.5 3.4 31.4 Rights protection 18.9 22.8 54.3 3.9

Source: CNEL (2001)

A common concern of almost all immigrant associations is the availability of spaces

where to meet and organise and financial resources for promoting activities. Few

migrant organisations obtain direct financial support from the public authorities. Some

of them are self-funded; they operate thanks to their members’ contributions and

donations, whereas others obtain help from Italian trade unions, voluntary

associations, charities, as well as from their Consulates (FIVOL, 2002).

Representatives of immigrant associations complain of obstacles encountered in

trying to communicate with different Italian institutions, and pointed out that the only

way to express their interests is through the intermediary of autochthonous

associations. Without collaborating with Italian associations and centres, immigrant

civic actors hardly obtain any funding (Allasino, 1994). This is either because of the

lack of information about calls for proposals (bandi) or because of the highly

bureaucratic procedure for applying. A small group of immigrant associations have

succeeded in monopolizing access to consultative bodies and funding (Danese, 2001).

To be able to access financial support provided by local authorities most organisations

would need a higher level of professionalism, that they often miss.

Immigrant associations are fragmented and weakly networked at local and national

levels. Most of them are locally organised; there are only a few autonomous umbrella

associations representing one particular community at the national level. The

difficulties of forming strong ethnic or multi-ethnic federations of migrants in Italy

are exacerbated by the very heterogeneous nature of migration in this country. After

the initial attempt to organise associations in a nationwide platform (FOCSI –

Federazione delle organizzazioni delle comunità straniere in Italia) in 1991, the idea

was abandoned.

The only nationwide organisation is AINAI (Associazione Italiana Nordafricani in

Italia), a Maghrebi association, based in Rome. However, its representative character

and its role are drawn into question both by Italian and other Maghrebi organisations

(Danese, 1998). In the absence of strategic cooperation, the relations of single

immigrant associations with the local political system generally obey a logic of self-

interest and fuel the competition among immigrant organisations in search of

recognition and influence in Italian politics. According to Carpo et al. (2003), the lack

of co-ordination among associations, and their latent antagonisms, have the effect of

leading to individual leader protagonism and visibility, probably at the expense of the

collective interests of the migrant groups.

Immigrant transnational organisations seem also to be very weak. The European

Union Migrants’ Forum (EUMF), founded in 1991, is supposed to be the official

channel of access to EU institutions for migrant associations. The first purpose of the

43

Forum, according to its charter – which defines it as a ‘consultative body of migrant

populations’ – is to facilitate dialogue and the exchange of information between EU

institutions and immigrants (Danese, 1998). The Migrants’ Forum is organised on the

basis of support groups: national groups from each member state, composed of

immigrant associations in each member state; and regional ‘ethnic’ groups, composed

of migrants of similar national or regional origin. In 1996, 30 such organisations were

reported in Italy, but it seems that most of them existed only on paper (Danese, 1998).

There are no more recent studies on the EUMF and its activities do not seem to play

an important part in immigrant civic participation in Italy.

6.1. Immigrant women associations

Most gender-based associations come out of the feminist movement. Those women

who are more emancipated, or were civically active in their countries of origin are

more able to create a link with native women and establish a movement (Campani,

1993). Civic participation is even more difficult to realise for foreign women than for

men; it depends on the gender models that may characterise different immigrant

communities. Looking at the literature, on the Italian scene there is a lack of

information concerning the civic participation of foreign women.

Women associations could be categorised in 5 groups (Giovannetti, 2002) (1) mixed

associations (intercultural centres or women’s associations for natives and immigrants;

e.g., Alma Terra, SUSI, Donne del mondo, Trama di terre, etc.); (2) associations for

foreign women (single ethnic or multi-ethnic groups; e.g., Associations for women

from Cape Verde, Candelaria, Donne del mondlo onlus, etc.); (3) associations for

Italian women (associations of advocacy, for the protection and promotion of human

and social rights; e.g., Casa dei diritti sociali, Differenza donna, etc.); (4) network of

associations (federation of associations; e.g., No.DI); and (5) cooperatives for cultural

and social mediation.

6.2. Case studies

This paragraph aims at describing briefly the main associations of the seven most

numerous groups in Italy (i.e., Romanian, Albanian, Moroccan, Chinese, Filipino,

Polish, and Senegalese), and the most prominent representatives of these communities.

Our data refer mostly to the immigrant associations in the city of Rome.

Romanians

Romanian labour migration abroad began in 1990 with the so-called ‘trade by

suitcase’ to Poland and Yugoslavia and continued with workers travelling to Israel

and Germany. Since 1997, Italy gradually becoming the favourite destination and,

according to the Caritas Dossier (2004), Romanians became the most numerous group.

Almost half of the Romanians have settled in the central regions of Italy, mainly in

Rome and the Lazio region. As mentioned previously, in spite of being the largest

migrant group in Italy today, Romanians have created relatively few associations.

Their main associations are

Associazione dei Romeni in Italia ‘Il Giorno’, Rome

44

Associazione Italo-Romena ‘Ovidio’, Bologna

Albanians

Chiodi and Devole (2004) conducted a study on the origins, dynamics and potentials

of civic participation of Albanian immigrants in Italy, by carrying out in-depth

interviews with representatives of Albanian immigrant associations and with Albanian

immigrants active in the public sphere. Albanian associations usually start up within a

group of acquaintances, of people living in the same urban area that decide to

formalize their gatherings and organise activities involving the whole Albanian

community living in the area. The main aim of such associations is the promotion of a

positive ethnic identity of Albanian immigrants against widespread prejudice in

Italian society towards them. They struggle to have their cultural difference and

values acknowledged by organising cultural events in order to overcome the

ignorance and prejudice of natives towards them. Interviewees referred also as

important the need to socialise with other members of the community.

There are a few thousands Albanian students enrolled in Italian universities and where

numerous enough, like in Rome and Venice, have organised in different types of civic

organisations. They tend to be among the most efficient mobilisers. Albanian

immigrants who are civically engaged (besides university students) are found also

among the middle classes of this group (not the elites).


Communità Albanese ‘Albanemig’, Rome

Associazione Albanese Iliria

Ass. Le aquile – Comunità Albanese

Lega Immigrati Albanesi

Associazione Democratica Albanese ‘Tutti Insieme’, Bologna

Associazione e Centro servizi per immigrati albanesi ‘Rozafa’, Rome

Associazione Europea Studenti Albanesi, Rome

Aida Associazione Donne Albanesi, Rome

Comunità Albanesi a Roma, Rome

Moroccans

The Moroccan population in Italy is of young age and includes professionals, skilled

workers and unskilled labourers. Moroccan cultural associations try to keep Moroccan

culture and identity alive and organise language classes for Moroccan children.

Usually these associations are self-funded: they operate thanks to their members’

contributions and donations.

45

The main associations are

A.I.N.A.I. – Associazione Immigrati Nordafricani in Italia, Rome Associazione della comunità marocchina in Italia - ACMI

Associazione Dima onlus - Donne italiane e marocchine amiche, Rome

Associazione di Solidarietà fra Marocchini, Bologna

G.A.C.M.I. -Ass.ne Gen. Cult. Marocchini in Italia, Campagnano (Rome)

Comunità gruppi e popolazioni marocchini immigrati a Roma e nel Lazio, Rome

F.I.M.I. - Fed. Immigrati Marocchini in Italia, Rome

Al Wafa Marocco – Comunità Marocco

Essalam – Comunità Marocco

Mohagir - Comunità Marocco

A.M.I.C.O. - Ass.ne di Amicizia Coop. Italia Marocco, Monterotondo (Rome)

Chinese

The Chinese network is characterised by a high degree of ethnic ‘closure’ combined

with a low degree of integration in Italian society, at least as regards first generation

immigrants. The picture that emerges is one of a strong but relatively segregated

ethnic community. Chinese associations have difficulty in establishing bridges with

the host society (Ceccagno, 2003).

The main associations are

Comunità generale dei cinesi di Roma (Luoma Huaqiao Huaren Lianhe Zonghui)

Comunità Amicizia Cinesi Residentia Roma

Associazione Italia-China ‘Zhong Gua’, Rome

Associazione donne cinesi a Roma (Yidali Luoma Funu Lianyihui)

Filipinos

Filipino associations always pursue their activities under the umbrella of a parish or

Catholic organisation on which they depend for support. There are also some

organisations that are present worldwide: the one with the great number of followers

is the prayer group ‘El-Shaddai’. It is thus via church organisations that most of the

Filipino migrants cultivate transnational contacts and turn to European institutions.

This is the case, for example, of the Catholic FCMW, organised as a European

organisation (Lainati, 2000).

46


AFLI-CISL Associazione Lavoratori Filippini in Italia, Rome

KAMAPI - Ass.ne Lavoratori Filippini in Italia, Rome

KAMPI - Ass.ne lavoratori Filippini in Italia, Rome

Commission For Filipino Migrant Workers, Rome

Filipino Women's Council, Rome

Alay sa Kababaihang Pilipina, Rome

Filipino Christian Bayanihan in Italy, Rome

The Apostles Peter & Paul Filipino Christian Community, Rome

Kaisahan Ng Manggagawang Pilipino Sa Italya, Rome

Ugnayan Ng Migranteng Manggagawa Tungo Sa Pag-Unlad, Rome

Poles

The first Polish refugees/immigrants started arriving in Italy in 1980 (Iglicka, 2000a;

2000b). Since the beginning of the 1990s the number of Poles migrating to Italy has

grown again significantly. It is a migration of people in the 30-35 age group, mainly

women, with low educational leel, who stay prevalently without documents in Italy,

for a short period (usually, for a few months), return to Poland for short intervals and

come back to this country periodically. Polish immigrants find employment mainly in

two occupational sectors: in construction and in the tertiary sector (private care

services for elderly people or young children, cleaning services, and seasonal jobs in

hotels and catering).


Associazione Generale dei Polacchi in Italia, Rome

Comitato profughi polacchi

Coordinamento delle Donne Polacche, Rome

Associazione Culturale Comunità Polacca, Rome

Istituto Polacco di Roma

Associazione dei polacchi a Milano Comunità Polacca di Torino Associazione Italo-Polacca di Roma - AIPRO Dom Polski im. Jana Pawla II Dom Polskiego Pielgrzyma

Fundacja Jana Pawla II

Polski Instytut Kultury Chrzescijanskiej

‘QUO VADIS’ Chrzescijanskie Stowarzyszenie Polakow we Wloszech

Senegalese

Senegalese migration to Italy began in the 1980s with immigrants coming initially

from France and later directly from Senegal. Immigrants to Italy are mainly Wolof-

speaking, from the north-western regions, and adherents of the Mouride Islamic

brotherhood. Such religious brotherhoods are important political actors in Senegal,

and for Senegalese living abroad. By relying on relations of personal dependence, and

an effective organisation, the Mouride brotherhoods offer a solidarity system.

Senegalese immigrants have established a network of different associations and some

47

of them have the task of mediating communication between the host society and

immigrant community (Perocco, 1999; Scidà, 2002). Most Mouride migrants are men,

who are involved in circulatory migration. They have left their families in Senegal

where their transnational social networks are based.

Since 1989, they have a national coordinating body of all Senegalese associations in

Italy (CASI; Coordinamento delle associazioni senegalesi in Italia). The large

network of Senegalese immigrant associations is, at least indirectly, related to their

active participation in Italian political parties and trade unions. Thus, they have

leaders that are best integrated in the political elite and have more contacts with

Italian local leaders.


CASI; Coordinamento delle associazioni senegalesi in Italia, Rome

Association ‘Bok Khalat’, Rome

Associazione Senegalese Sunugal Umangat

C.A.S.I. - Coord. Ass.ne Senegalesi In Italia, Rome

SUNUGAL - Ass.ne Senegalese Roma e Lazio

Tam Tam Village, Rome

6.3. Prominent examples of immigrants active in public life

Liliana Ocmin Alvarez (Ms) Ms. Ocmin was born in Peru, and has been in Italy since 1993, when she was admitted

at the Faculty of Law. In 1995, she started her activity at ANOLF, and in the last years

has been a delegate of the Department of Migratory Policy at trade unions Cgil-Cisl-

Uil, and also president of Coordination of Foreign Students (Responsabile nazionale

del Coordinamento studenti stranieri).

Ali Baba Faye (Mr)

Originally from Senegal, Mr. Faye emigrated to Italy at the beginning of 1980s. He

obtained a degree in Italy at the Faculty of Law, and became a general secretary of

CAGI (a movement of Senegalese workers). From 1990 to 1997 was a responsible of

Coordinamento immigrati at CGIL. Actually, he is a member of Direttivo nazionale

of trade union CGIL, a delegate of Forum dei Migranti, and a national co-ordinator of

Forum ‘Fratelli d’Italia’-PDS.

Mercedes Frias (Ms)

She was born in Santo Domingo (Dominican Republic), and lives in Prato, near

Florence. Since 1990 has been in Italy and has been involved in antiracist activities

and movements. She has a degree in Geography, and in the last years has been

working as a lecture at Master sull'immigrazione dell'Università Ca' Foscari in

Venice. Actually is a consultant at Province of Pistoia. She is also president of

Association NOSOTRAS in Florence.

Khalid Chaouki (Mr),

48

Khalid Chaouki is 21 years old, originally from Casablanca, and one of the authors of

the ‘Manifesto against terrorism and for life' published on September 2, 2004 in the

Italian newspaper Corriere della Sera. Like so many of his contemporaries, he arrived

in Italy aged nine to join his father. In 2000 he founded the Associazione Giovanile

Islamica ‘Il Mediatore' (The Young Islamic Organisation ‘The Mediator') with the

idea of building a bridge between Islamic culture and the West. In September 2001 he

was one of the co-founders of the Associazione Giovani Musulmani d'Italia (The

Italian Young Muslim Organisation) which he led until 2003. Khalid is a young

moderate Muslim but he also thinks of himself as a young European. He is of the view

that Europe should be constructed through better integration of immigrant populations.

Jean Leonard Touadi (Mr)

Mr. Touadi is originally from Congo and emigrated to Italy at the beginning of 1980s.

He was studying philosophy, theology and religious sciences at Gregorian University

(Università Gregoriana), and subsequently political sciences at University of Luiss.

He has also a Master degree in journalism and sciences of communication. For several

years has been working at Italian television Rai, conducting different programmes on

multiculturalism, among which Un mondo a colori and C’era una volta insieme. He is

frequently invited to participate in various talk shows and round tables on issues

related to the immigration and Africa. More recently published a book La pentola che

bolle and other essays.

Ionut Gabriel Rusu (Mr)

Ionut Gabriel Rusu is a Romanian national. He has lived in Italy for more than 10

years. He obtained a diploma of cultural mediator and actually is a student at the

University of Rome. He has been working as a translator and cultural mediator at the

Courte of Justice in Rome and various other institutions. He is a delegate of

movement ‘Genti di Pace’, and a volunteer at Comunità di S. Egidio.

Cehan Emil Sorin (Mr)

Born in Bârlad, Romania. He is president of ARI - Associazione dei Romeni in Italia.

He has a degree in Mechanic engineering. He came to Italy in 1994, and was working

as blue collar for two years. In the period 1996 to 2002 was working as director of

Press Office at a Ministry in Romania. Since 2003, he is director of ‘Gazeta

Româneasca’, a journal of Romanian immigrants in Italy.

Darif Aziz (Mr)

Mr Aziz was born in Fes (Morocco). He has a degree in French language and

literature. He has lived in Italy since 1993, and actually works as a cultural mediator

and teacher of Arabic language. Since 1996, has been working at Centro Islamico

Culturale d'Italia. He is president of the Associazione Comunità Marocchina in Italia

and, since the election in 2004, is one of four Additional Councillor at the

Municipality of Rome.

Souad Sbai (Ms)

Vice-president of ACMI (Associazione Comunità marocchine in Italia), and president

of Association of Moroccan Women (Associazione delle donne marocchine). She is

also director of a periodic Al Maghrebiya.

49

Kosturi Irini (Ms) She was born in Tirana (Albania), and has a degree in English language and literature.

For a period she was working as assistant at a University in Albania. In Italy, she has

been working as a teacher of English language and as a cultural mediator. In 2003, she

was elected as a delegate of Association ‘Lega Immigrati Albanesi’.

Santos Taboada Zapata (Mr)

President of Council of Peruvians in Rome (Consulta dei peruviani a Roma). He is an

engineer of Electronic. He has been in Italy since 1992, and in an interview revealed

that at the first years worked as housekeeper, and after managed to open a call center,

with a counter for money transfer. and actually collaborates with a travel agency.

Actually is one of 4 Additional Councillor at the Municipality of Rome.

Pan Yongchang (Mr) He was born in Zhejiang (China). Got a degree in Economy at the University of

Zhejiang. Actually is director of a Chinese restaurant, and administrator of three other

Chinese restaurants in Rome. He is also a member of various Chinese associations

and Chinese committees.

Irma Tobias Perez (Ms)

She is originally from Philippines, and has been in Italy since 1981. In the firs years

was working as a housekeeper. Very soon founded the first association of Filipino

immigrants in Italy (Kampi), of which actually is a president. In 1985 organised

‘Comitato di solidarietà con il popolo filippino’. Since then, she has organised a

number of cultural events and conferences, presenting the culture and various other

issues of her country of origin. In 1989 started with broadcasting a radio programme

in Filipino language, existing also presently. In 1991 took the part of Consulta

regionale sull'immigrazione and of Federazione delle organizzazioni delle Comunità

straniere in Italy. Actually is one of four Additional Councillors, elected in 2004 at

the Municipality of Rome.

PART III: CONCLUSIONS

There are still important obstacles, both legislative and institutional, to the civic

participation of immigrants in Italy. An overview of the literature on civic

participation of immigrants revealed that the issue is still considered in a very

marginal way. The Italian policy of integration adopts a ‘paternalistic’ perspective:

immigrants are seen as socially weak subjects and, as such, are marginalised as civic

actors. For many years, integration simply meant to host, to assist, sustain, facilitate;

only since 1998 has it been emphasised that immigrants should participated directly

and actively in the cultural and political life of the country. Nonetheless, the wide

range of bodies instituted at the local, regional and to a certain extent the national

level, are mainly of a consultative nature and have not led to either the empowerment

of immigrants or their effective integration into Italian public life. Such integration

and immigrant civic participation is happening more bottom up through trade unions,

political parties and immigrant associations. However, the type and nature of

participation in these last is not well documented to allow for an assessment of the

factors promoting or inhibiting immigrant ethnic activism.

50

What are the main fields of civic activities that immigrants engage in (e.g. religious

associations, parent associations, political parties, etc.)?

Immigrants are actively engaged in trade unions and other types of mainstream

organisations, either as appointed or as elected members. It is worth noting that trade

unions in several instances, especially in the sphere of employment, have successfully

represented the interests of immigrant workers. Immigrants were often directly

involved in representative bodies and in negotiations with governmental agencies.

Immigrants have also been involved in local and regional consultative bodies.

However, the type and success of this type of activism varies between different

regions and is overall doubtful. The idea of political participation through consultation

has been criticised by scholars and by immigrants alike, as being unable to achieve the

main goal of immigrant representation and participation in decision making

(especially in policy areas that are of direct concern to them).

Immigrants are also active in ethnic (both mono and multi/inter ethnic associations).

The number of associations varies among immigrant groups. We know little about the

type and level of involvement of members of these associations. Nonetheless, these

associations are an important referent, both for the communities to which they belong

to and for the local institutions because they can represent immigrant populations in

the consultative bodies mentioned above and generally in instances of social dialogue.

instance of mediation and dialogue. The immigrants’ association’s field of action is

limited to the reproduction and protection of the culture of origin, or to offering

assistance to immigrants. Italian institutions favour the articulation of the immigrants’

interests in ethnic rather than in other terms.

What ethnic and nationality groups are particularly active, and why?

Albanians and Nigerians appear to be more civically active than immigrants from

other countries. Different characteristics of immigrants could influence the promotion

of civic participation, among which patterns of settlement, employment, education,

etc. The size of an ethnic group does not appear to be a relevant factor. Unfortunately,

there are no studies in Italy up to now looking into the factors that promote or inhibit

civic engagement with regard to specific immigrant groups.

Is the degree of active civic participation of immigrants high or low compared to the

majority population?

There is no clear answer to this question and we do not know of any studies that

tackle the issue. Some studies (see above CNEL 2001) seem to suggest that regions

with a strong civic tradition are those where immigrants are mostly active. However,

there are no general conclusive findings on this issue. What follows is therefore our

personal assessment of the current situation.

Italian society is generally characterised by a developed network of political (former

Communist and now left-wing) and religious (Catholic) organisations. These

organisations were mostly active in the 1970s ad 1980s but their range of activities

51

and level of participation have since declined. This decline is linked to more general

processes of social transformation, including the ‘end of ideologies’ after 1989, the

decline of religious attendance, the geopolitical restructuring of Europe and the

overall socio economic development of the country. At the same time the relationship

between the citizens and the state are still characterised by mistrust and alienation as

they were at the time of the famous study by Almond and Verba. The strength of the

populist movement of the Lega Nord testifies to the citizens’ discontent towards

public administration.

In our view, immigration has provided for a new field of civic participation and has

contributed to the revitalisation of third sector organisations. It has provided scope for

volunteer work inspired by the ideal of social solidarity. It has also paradoxically

created a new opportunity structure for obtaining institutional recognition and

economic support from the state. This holds true for religious associations in

particular (e.g. the Caritas network) but also for left wing organisations with social

and cultural goals.

The level of civic participation of immigrants is, in our view, lower than that of

natives and certainly the restrictive rules for naturalisation play a role in this, as

immigrants are excluded from many important political rights.

What is the relation between engagement in ethnic or migrant organisations (e.g. any

organisation having the name of the minority in the name) compared to mainstream

society organisations? Are there transitions and overlaps?

In Italy the argument works in an inverted sense. Immigrants become first active in a

mainstream organisation such as a trade union or a political party. They may then use

the social capital acquired through their mainstream civic activism to set up an

immigrant association and become actively involved at the ethnic level too.

There is significant interaction between the two fields of civic engagement (ethnic and

mainstream) as immigrants are actively involved and become elected members of

mainstream organisations like trade unions while also Italians may be heads of

multiethnic and interethnic associations. Generally natives and foreigners are often

found to work together in different types of associations.

What issues do you consider to be of particular interest and importance in the field?

Despite the relatively high level of involvement of immigrants in NGOs and other

types of non state organisations as well as in trade unions and local or regional

institutions, there is little progress or results in terms of bargaining power for

immigrants through these types of participation.

Further research concerning the role of immigrants in mainstream associations as well

as the role and nature of immigrant organisations in Italy is necessary to better

understand the patterns of immigrant civic participation in Italian society and the

factors that may affect the propensity of some immigrants to become actively

involved.

52

Where do you see the major research gaps?

Much of the studies and debates with respect to the issue of civic participation of non-

EU immigrants in Italy focus on the question of the granting of voting rights to non

EU migrants. Italy has made important steps towards immigrant integration at the

civic and political level during the past ten years. And there is a large number of

studies analysing the mechanisms and measures of integration and trying to assess

their effectiveness. However, several studies are mainly descriptive in nature and do

not try to link the empirical results with theoretical hypotheses and the wider scholarly

literature. We need more focused literature that addresses specific research questions.

53

References

Allasino, E. (1994). La Città come Polis: Gli Immigrati nella Politica e nella

Comunità Locale (pp. 213-254). In IRES Piemonte (Ed.), Le Chiavi della Città.

Torino: Rosenberg & Sellier.

Allasino, E., Bocco, A. Caponio, T., Ciafaloni, F., Ricucci, R., & Zincone, G. (2000).

City template Turin. Basic information on ethnic minorities and their

participation. Report of the MPMC project.

Ambrosini, M. (2000). Le politiche sociali verso l’immigrazione. In P. Basso & F.

Perocco (Eds.), Immigrazione e trasformazione della società. Milano: Franco

Angeli.

Attanasio, P. & Facchini, A. (2004). Rappresentanza politica e diritto di voto. In

Caritas (Ed.), Immigrazione: Dossier Statistico. Rome: Antarem.

Bendix, R., Bendix, J. & Furniss, N. (1987). Reflexions on Modern Welfare States

and Civil Societies (pp. 1-38). In R. G. Braungart & M. M. Braungart (Eds.),

Research in Political Sociology, Vol. 3, Greenwich, CT: JAI Press.

Bentivogli, F. (2002). Immigrati, sindacato e tutela dei diritti del lavoro. In Caritas

(Ed.). Immigrazione: Dossier Statistico. Rome: Antarem.

Blommesteijn, M. and Entzinger, H. (1999). Appendix: Report of the Field Studies

Carried Out in France, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal and the United

Kingdom. In Council of Europe. Directorate of Social and Economic Affairs

(Ed.). Political and social participation of immigrants through consultative

bodies. Strasbourg: Council of Europe Publishing.

Bolaffi, G. & Damiani, M. (1996). Una politica per gli immigrati. Bologna: Il Mulino.

Brubaker, R. (1992). Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany. Cambridge,

MA: Harward University Press.

Campani, G. (1994). Ethnic Networks and associations, Italian mobilisation and

immigration issues in Italy (pp. 148-154). In B. Drury & J. Rex (Eds.), Ethnic

mobilisation in multicultural Europe. Aldershot: Avebury.

Campani, G. (1993). I reticoli sociali delle donne immigrate in Italia (pp. 263-283). In

M. Delle Donne, U. Melotti, & S. Petilli (Eds.), Immigrazione in Europa.

Solidarietà e Conflitto. Cediss, Roma.

Campani, G. & De Bonis, A. (2003). Migration Policies in Italy. Downloadable from:

http://www.emz-berlin.de/projekte_e/pj32_1pdf/MigPol/MigPol_Italy.pdf

Caponio, T. & Dota, S. (2001). Partecipazione politica e rappresentanza. In G.

Zincone (Ed.), Secondo rapporto sulle politiche di immigrazione degli

immigrati in Italia. Bologna: Il Mulino.

Caponio, T. (2000). Partecipazione politica. In G. Zincone (Ed.), Primo rapporto

sull’integrazione degli immigrati in Italia. Bologna: Il Mulino.

Carchedi, F. (2000). Le associazioni degli immigrati. In E. Pugliese (Ed.), Rapporto

immigrazione. Lavoro, sindacato, società. Roma: Ediesse.

Caritas (2004). Immigrazione: Dossier Statistico. Rome: Antarem.



Carpo, F., Cortese, O., Di Peri, R., & Margin,G. ( 2002). Immigrants and Political

Participation: the Case of Italy. Report downloadable. SATCHEL

Research/action on citizenship education for old, new and future EU citizens.

Castles, S. (1995). How Nation-States respond to Immigration and Ethnic Diversità.

New Community, 21, 293-308.

54

Ceccagno, A. (2003) (ed.). Migranti a Prato: Il distretto tessile multietnico. Milano:

Franco Angeli.

CENSIS (2002). L’immagine degli immigrati e minoranze etniche nei media

Immigrati - Mezzi di comunicazione di massa – Italia (Imagine of the

immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass-media). Final report, downloadable

from http://www.edscuola.it/archivio/stranieri/immagine_immigrati.pdf

CENSIS (1991). Associazionismo e volontariato. In Immigrati e società italiana.

Rome.

Chaloff, J. (2003). Italy, in: EU and US approaches to the management of

immigration. In J. Niessen, Y. Schibel and R. Magoni (Eds.), Migration Policy

Group. Downloadable from:

http://www.migpolgroup.com/publications/default.asp?action=pubtypelist&Pub

Ty

Chaloff, J. (2002). ‘Ricerca - intervento per un monitoraggio standardizzato

sull’attività dei Consigli Territoriali per l’Immigrazione’ - Rapporto Censis per

il Ministero dell'Interno, October 2002.

CNEL (2003). Secondo rapporto sulla rappresentanza degli immigrati. Rome.

CNEL (2003). Le associazioni dei cittadini stranieri in Italia. Rome. Downloadable

from: www.cnel.it/immigrazione.index.asp

CNEL - Codres (2000). La rappresentanza diffusa. Le forme di partecipazione degli

immigrati alla vita collettiva. Rome.

CNEL (1999). Primo rapporto sulla rappresentanza degli immigrati, Rome.

Cortese, O., Di Peri, R., & Magrin, G. (2003). Training – kit: Migrants and political

participation. SATCHEL – Research/action on citizenship education for old,

new and future EU citizens. Experimentation report.

COSPE (2002). Tuning into Diversity. Immigrants and Ethnic Minorities in mass-

Media. Representation and Policies. http://www.cestim.it/08media.htm

Council of Europe. Directorate of Social and Economic Affairs (1999). Political and

social participation of immigrants through consultative bodies. Strasbourg:

Council of Europe Publishing.

Cotesta, V. (1999). Mass media, ethnic conflicts and migration. A research on Italian

newspapers in the nineties. Studi Emigrazione, XXXVI, n. 135, 387-499.

Danese, G. (2001). Participation Beyond Citizenship: Migrants’ Associations in Italy

and Spain. Patterns of Prejudice, 35, 69-89.

Danese, G. (1998). Transnational collective action in Europe: the case of migrants in

Italy and Spain. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 24, 715-733.

European Commission (2003). Migration and Social Integration of Migrants.

Valorisation of research on migration and immigration funded under 4th

and 5th

European Framework Programmes of Research. Proceedings of a dialogue

workshop organised by DG Research (RTD) with DG Employment and Social

Affairs (EMPL) and DG Justice and Home Affairs (JAI). Brussels, January 28-

29, 2002.

Fargion, V. (1996). Social Assistance and the North-South Cleavage in Italy. South

European Society & Politics, 1, 135-153.

Favell, A. (1998). Philosophies of Integration. Houndmills/Nasingstoke: McMillan.

Fennema, M & Tillie, J. (1997). Ethnic associations, political trust and political

participation. UNESCO – MOST Project. Multicultural Policies and Modes of

Citizenship in European Cities. Downloadable from:

http://www.unesco.org/most/p97wp3.pdf

55

Giannetti, D. (1993). La Partecipazione Politica degli Immigrati: Strutture di Voice e

di rappresentanza. In E. Granaglia & M. Magnaghi (Eds.), Immigrazione: Quali

Politiche Pubbliche? Milano: Franco Angeli.

Giovannetti, M. (2002). Migrant women and the road to citizenship. Report

downloadable from:

http://www.comune.forli.fo.it/Documenti/39/final_report.pdf

Grillo, R. D. & Pratt, J. (2002). The Politics of Recognizing Difference.

Multiculturalism Italian-Style. Aldershot: Ashgate.

Hellman, J.A. (1997). Immigrant ‘space’ in Italy: when an immigrant sending country

becomes an immigrant receiving society. Modern Italy, 2, 34-51.

Kosic, A. & Triandafyllidou, A. (forthcoming). Urban cultural policy and immigrants:

multiculturalism or simply ‘paternalism’? In U. H. Meinhof and K. Robins

(Eds.), Transcultural Europe Cultural Policy in the Changing European Space.

Koopmans R. & Stratham, P. (1998). Challenging the Liberal Nation-State?.

Postnationalism, Multiculturalism, and the Collective Claims-Making of

Migrants and Ethnic Minorities in Britain and Germany. Discussion Paper FS

98-105. Wissenschafszentrum, Berlin.

Lainati, C. (2000). I filippini a Milano. In S. Palidda (Ed.), Socialità e inserimento

degli immigrati a Milano. Milano: Franco Angeli.

Maher, V. (1996). Immigration and Social Identities (pp. 160-177). In D. Forgacs & R.

Lumley (Eds.), Italian Cultural Studies. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Mai, N. (2002). Myths and Moral Panics: Italian Identity and the Media

Representation of Albanian Immigration (pp. ). In R. D. Grillo & J. Pratt (Eds.),

The Politics of Recognizing Difference: Multiculturalism Italian-Style.

Aldershot: Ashgate.

Marletti, C. (1995). Televisione e islam: immagini e stereotipi dell'islam nella

comunicazione italiana (Television and Islam: immagines and stereotypes of

Islam in the Italian communication). Torino, RAI - Nuova ERI.

Marshall, T. H. (1992). Citizenship and Social Class (pp. 3-51). In T. H. Marshall & T.

Bottomore (Eds.), Citizenship and Social Class. London: Pluto Press.

Martiniello, M. (1999). The limits of consultative politics for immigrants and ethnic

immigrant minorities. In Council of Europe. Directorate of Social and

Economic Affairs (Ed.). Political and social participation of immigrants

through consultative bodies. Strasbourg: Council of Europe Publishing.

Martiniello, M. (1997). Migrations, citoyenneté et droits de l’Homme. Tribune

Immigrie, 15, 22-25.

Penninx, R., Kraal, K., Martiniello, M., & Vertovec, S. (2004) (Eds.). Citizenship in

European Cities: Immigrants, Local Politics and Integration Policies. A

Comparative European Perspective. Aldershot: Ashgate.

Meli, A. & Enereuzor, U. C. (2003). Participation of Foreigners in Public Life at the

Local Level. COSPE. National Focal Point of the European Monitoring Centre

on Racism and Xenophobia (EUMC).

Mottura, G. (2000). Immigrati e sindacato. In E. Pugliese (ed.), Rapporto

immigrazione. Lavoro, sindacato, società. Roma: Ediesse.

Mottura, G. & Pinto, P. (1996). Immigrazione e cambiamento sociale. Strategie

sindacali. Roma: Ediesse.

Naldi, A. (2000). ‘Clandestini’ e ‘criminali’? La costruzione giornalistica dell'allarme

sociale attorno alla figura dell'immigrato in Italia (pp. 143-152). In G. Scidà

(Ed.), I sociologi italiani e le dinamiche dei processi migratori. Milano: Franco

Angeli.

56

Palanca, V. (1999). Political and Social Participation of Immigrants in Italy. In

Council of Europe. Directorate of Social and Economic Affairs (Ed.). Political

and social participation of immigrants through consultative bodies. Strasbourg:

Council of Europe Publishing.

Però, D. (2002). The Left and the Political Participation of Immigrants in Italy: The

Case of the Forum of Bologna (pp. 95-113). In R. Grillo & J. Pratt (Eds.), The

Politics of Recognizing Difference. Multiculturalism Italian-Style, Aldershot:

Ashgate.

Perocco, F. (1999). L’immigrazione musulmana in Italia (pp. 183-195). In C. Saint-

Blancat (Ed.), L’Islam in Italia. Una presenza plurale. Roma: Lavoro.

Piperno, F. (2002). From Albania to Italy. Formation and basic features of a

binational migration system. CESTIM. Downloadable from:

http://www.cespi.it/PASTORE/Italy-Albania.PDF.

Pratt, J. (2002). Italy: Political Unity and Cultural Diversity (pp. 25-39). In R. Grillo

& J. Pratt (Eds.), The Politics of Recognizing Difference. Multiculturalism

Italian-Style. Aldershot: Ashgate.

Reyneri, E. (1998) ‘The Mass Legalization of Migrants in Italy: Permanent or

Temporary Emergence from the Underground Economy?’ South European

Society and Politics, 3, 3, 82-102.

Riccio, B. (1999). Senegalese Street-Sellers. Racism and the Discourse on ‘Irregular

Trade’ in Rimini. Modern Italy, 42, 225-240. Special Issue: The Italian

Experience of Migration.

Sciortino, R. (2003). L’organizzazione del proletariato immigrato in Italia. In P. Basso

& F. Perocco (Eds.), Gli immigrati: Disuguaglianze, razzismo, lotte. Milano:

Franco Agneli.

Sciortino, G., Palidda, S., Ruspini, P. & Petti, G. (2000). Easy Scapegoats: Sans

papiers Migrants in Italy. Bologna: Il Mulino.

Stoppiello, S. (1999). Nomi e Immagini Dell'Altro'. Un'Analisi Multidimensionale

Della Stampa. Studi Emigrazione, 36, 417-42.

Tambini, D. (2001). Nationalism in Italian Politics: the Stories of the Northern

League, 1980-2000. London: Routledge.

ter Wal, J. (2001). Minacce territoriali, socio-economiche e di sicurezza. L’immagine

degli immigrati nella stampa quotidiana. Incontri, 16, p. 69.

ter Wal, J. (2000). The Discourse of the Extreme Right and Its Ideological

Implications: The Case of the Alleanza nazionale on Immigration. Patterns of

Prejudice, 34, 37-51.

Tradardi, S. (2002). Le associazioni di cittadini stranieri in Italia. Affari Sociali

Internazionali, XXX, 3.

Triandafyllidou, A. (2005) ‘Religious Diversity and Multiculturalism in Southern

Europe: The Italian “Mosque Debate”’ in T. Modood, A. Triandafyllidou and

R. Zapata (eds) Multiculturalism, Muslims and Citizenship: A European

Approach, London: Routledge, in press.

Triandafyllidou, A. (2002) ‘Religious Diversity and Multiculturalism in Southern

Europe: The Italian Mosque Debate’, Sociological Research Online, 7, 1,

www.socresonline.org.uk/7/1/ triandafyllidou.html

Triandafyllidou, A. (1999). Nation and immigration: a study of the Italian press

discourse. Social Identities, 5, 65-88.

Vertovec, S. (1999). Minority associations, networks and public policies: re-assessing

relationships. Journal of Migration and Ethnic studies, 25, 21-42.

57

Zincone, G. (2000). Primo rapporto sull’integrazione degli immigrati. Bologna: Il

Mulino.

Zincone, G. (2001). Secondo rapporto sull’integrazione degli immigrati. Bologna: Il

Mulino.

Zincone, G. (1999). Rappresentanza e diritto di voto. In Atti del Convegno

«Partecipazione e rappresentanza politica degli immigrati», Commissione per le

Politiche di Integrazione degli Immigrati, Dipartimento degli Affari Sociali,

Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri, Roma, 21 giugno 1999.

Zincone, G. (1994). Uno schermo contro il razzismo. Roma, Donzelli.

Zincone, G. (1992). Da sudditi a cittadini; Le vie dello stato e le vie della società

civile. Bologna: Il Mulino.

58

ANNEX: MAPPING OF RESEARCH COMPETENCES IN ITALY

I. Active civic participation of immigrants

CNEL - CONSIGLIO NAZIONALE DELL’ECONOMIA E DEL LAVORO (National Council of Economy and Labour) Villa Lubin Viale David Lubin, 2 Rome E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.cnel.it/ Head: Pietro Larizza The National Council for Economics and Labour - CNEL - is provided for by the Constitution of the Italian Republic, which in Article 99 defines the Council as follows: ‘It serves as a consultative body for the Houses and the Government for those matters and those functions attributed to it by law. It can initiate legislation and may contribute to drafting economic and social legislation according to the principles and within the limits laid out by law.’ CNEL was established by law number 33 of January 5th, 1957. Its composition and powers are governed by law number 936 of December 30th, 1986 and law number 383 of December 7th, 2000. The National Organisation for the Coordination of Policies on the Social Integration of Foreign Citizens on the Local Level, as per article 42, paragraph 3 of the law concerning the regulation of immigration and the norms regarding the conditions of foreigners (Legislative Decree 286/98), was established as part of CNEL on December 10, 1998.

The O.N.C has two basic duties:

• to support the development of local procedures for the welcoming and integration of foreign citizens, as well as for their representation and participation in public life;

• to promote, in this regard, a dialogue between institutions and social organisations at the local level, as well as with significant local realities in other European countries. The aim is to encourage a continuous exchange of experiences for the purpose of identifying and evaluating modes of intervention.

The O.N.C. is chaired by the President of CNEL, or by a Vice President with vicarious functions appointed by the President. Currently, the Vicarious President is Councillor Giorgio Alessandrini. Relevant publications and researchers: CNEL - Codres (2000). La rappresentanza diffusa. Le forme di partecipazione degli immigrati alla vita collettiva.

Rome. CNEL (1999). Primo rapporto sulla rappresentanza degli immigrati, Rome. CNEL (2001). Indici di inserimento territoriale degli immigrati in Italia, Roma. Fava, T. & Vicentini, A. (2003) (Eds.). Le associazioni dei cittadini stranieri in Italia: Secondo rapporto. Rome:

research promoted by the CNEL. Vicentini, A. & Fava, T. (2001) (Eds.). Le associazioni dei cittadini stranieri in Italia. Rome: research promoted

by the CNEL.

COSPE - COOPERAZIONE PER LO SVILUPPO DEI PAESI EMERGENTI Co-operation for the Development of Emerging Countries Website: http://www.cospe.it/ Offices: FIRENZE - via Slataper 10 - 50134 tel. 0039 055 473556 - fax 0039 055 472806 E-mail: [email protected] BOLOGNA - Scuola di Pace Via Lombardia, 36 - 40139 Bologna Via Ranzani, 13/5/A - 40127 Bologna tel. 0039 051 546600 fax. 0039 051 547188 E-mail: [email protected] GENOVA - c/o ITIC G. Galilei P.zza Sopranis, 5 - 16126 Genova tel. e fax 0039 010 2469570 E-mail: [email protected]

59

It is a no-profit association (Onlus) operating in the field of international co-operation and solidarity and recognised as a Non Governmental Organisation (NGO) by the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the European Union. COSPE is an association promoting intercultural dialogue, fair, sustainable development and human rights • its activities are based on International Development Co-operation as a means of achieving peace and justice between peoples. • its vision is one of fair, sustainable development promoting the freedom of peoples and the individual, as well as the quality of life of both current and future generations. • regardless of sex, religion or culture, it believes that all persons should have equal basic rights, equal opportunities and fair access to economic resources in order to improve living conditions. • it supports projects aimed at promoting real social change and favouring the active participation of the peoples involved. Relevant researchers: Anna Meli ([email protected]) – her research interests are: Representation of immigrants in mass-media,

Participation of immigrants in public life, etc. Udo Enwereuzor – his research is focused on the right to vote of immigrants and civic participation,

Stereotypes, prejudice and discrimination towards immigrants, and Intercultural communication.

UNIVERSITÀ DI FIRENZE Facoltà di Scienze della Formazione Via del Parione, 7 50123 Firenze Website: http://www3.unifi.it/fscfo/ President: Prof. Giovanni Mari

Relevant researcher: Prof. Giovanna Campani ([email protected]) – her research interests concern Migration policies in Italy, and

Intercultural pedagogy.

UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI FIRENZE FACOLTÀ DI SCIENZE POLITICHE ‘CESARE ALFIERI’ Via delle Pandette (Polo Scienze Sociali) 50127 Firenze Website: http://www.scpol.unifi.it/ Head: Sandro ROGARI Relevant researcher: Dr. Tiziana Caponio ([email protected]) – her research is focused on Immigrant political participation,

and Local policy of immigrant integration. FONDAZIONE CENSIS - CENTRO STUDI INVESTIMENTI SOCIALI Piazza di Novella, 2 - 00199 Roma Tel. +39.06.860911 Fax +39.06.86211367 Website: http://www.censis.it/ Censis was established in 1964 and became a non-profit socio-economic research foundation in 1973. It provides research, consulting, evaluation, and proposals in the sectors of training, labour, welfare, territorial networks, environment, economy, local and urban development, public administration, media and culture. Censis’ main areas of interest are:

• education, both scholastic and university, and training evaluation;

• the labour market, including the underground economy, professions, and representation systems;

• health and welfare, including pension and social policy;

• local development and economic processes, including transportation and logistics;

• territory, real estate, and peripheral institutions;

• evolving cultural policies and models, with special attention to children and immigration.

60

Relevant publications and researchers: CENSIS (1991). Associazionismo e volontariato. In Immigrati e società italiana. Rome. Jonathan Chaloff ([email protected]) – his work is focused on Immigrant integration, EU and US approaches

to the management of immigration, Immigrant civic participation, and Immigrant integration into the labour market.

II. Immigration

THE EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE Badia Fiesolana Via dei Roccettini 9 I-50016 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy Website: http://www.iue.it/ President: Yves Mény The EUI was founded in 1972 by the European Community Member States. Its main objective is to provide advanced academic training to PhD students and to promote research at the highest level. It carries out research in a European perspective (fundamental research, comparative research and Community research) in history, law, economics, political and social science. Its full-time teaching staff and 330 research students come from all countries of the European Union and further field. It welcomes research students, for periods from one to three years, who wish to study for the Institute's doctorate (normally three years) or take the Ll.M. (one year's study) in comparative, European and international law; or in exceptional cases, spend one or two years' doctoral training at the Institute before defending a thesis in their home university. The Institute's current. Relevant researchers: Dr. Anna Triandafyllidou ([email protected]; [email protected]) – her research is focused on

Immigrants’ integration in Italy and Greece, Immigrants and national identity, Immigration policy implementation, Racism and cultural diversity in the mass media, Political discourse on immigration, and Immigrant participation in cultural life.

Prof. Bo Stråth ([email protected]) – is the Joint Chair in Contemporary History. research focuses on

modernisation and democratisation processes in Western Europe in a comparative context. The theoretical interest is in the question of the governability of modern societies, in particular the roles of language, symbols and interpretative frameworks for the construction of community, legitimacy and identities.

Dr. Ankica Kosic ([email protected]) - her research interests are on the issues of Immigrants’ integration,

Inter-groups relationships, Prejudice, and Social representation. Prof. Philippe Fargues ([email protected]) – his fields of research are: the Arab and Moslem World,

Demography and Political Science, International Migrations, and Historical demography. Dr. Virginie Guiraudon ([email protected]) – her research is focused on explaining the evolution of the

rights granted to foreigners in France, Germany and the Netherlands. Her current research analyzes the shifting of policy competence in the area of migration, asylum and anti-discrimination to the EU-level and the delegation of migration control to local, private and transnational actors.

UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI MILANO BICOCCA FACOLTÀ DI SOCIOLOGIA Dipartimento di Sociologia e Ricerca Sociale, Viale Sarca 202 20126 Milan Tel.: ++39 02 6448 7555/7510 Fax: ++39 02 6448 7561 Website: http://www.unimib.it/ Director: Prof. Emilio Reyneri The Department of Sociology and Social Research is aimed at promoting the excellence of research in social

61

theory, applied studies and advanced teaching courses in the field of sociology and social sciences. The Department is composed by researchers in sociology as well as social sciences with the interest in improving an interdisciplinary approach and promoting international exchanges. The main research areas of interest concern: quantitative methods in social research (in particular the analysis of longitudinal data and data archives), labour market and labour policy, social mobility, organisation and networks, territorial analysis and urban phenomena, time and the quality of life, indicators for social analysis, migratory movements and ethnic relations, poverty and the welfare state, marginality and deviance, governance and social policies, gender studies, life courses and the family, advanced teaching and life long learning, science and social innovation, visual sociology, philosophy of social sciences. Relevant researchers: Prof. Emilio Reyneri ([email protected]) - he is the co-ordinator of the TSER project ‘Migrant insertion in the informal economy, deviant behaviour and the impact on receiving societies’, carried out by a network including France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain. The task of the project is to verify the hypothesis that the general attitudes of domestic people towards migrants is different from the specific reaction to migrants who have deviant behaviour or are involved in the informal or illegal economy. Dr. Fabio Quassoli ([email protected]) - main research interests: Intercultural communication from a micro-sociological perspective, Sociology of migration, Deviance and social control agencies (judicial system and police), and Social exclusion. UNIVERSITÀ CATTOLICA DI MILANO FACOLTÀ DI SOCIOLOGIA Largo A. Gemelli, 1 - 20123 Milano Tell: +39 02 7234.1 Website: http://www.unicatt.it/ucsc_EV.asp Dean: Michele Colasanto Thanks to its prestigious faculty, the Università Cattolica excels in the diverse and articulate study opportunities that it offers, both in the humanities, as well as the scientific fields. Through the courses offered, combined with strong research programs, the university values and promotes an interdisciplinary approach which helps students gain scientific knowledge in a responsible and autonomous fashion. Relevant researcher: Prof. Laura Zanfrini ([email protected]) – her research is focused on Sociology of interethnic relations,

and Immigrant integration in the labour market. UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI MILANO DIPARTIMENTO DI SOCIOLOGIA Facoltà di Scienze Politiche, Sociologia Urbana Via Consevatorio 7, 20122 Milan Contact: Prof. Aurora Campus The Department has studied emigration from the Mediterranean Basin towards the rest of Europe in the period 1950–1970. As of 1995, it has also carried out a number of studies on foreign immigration into Italy, in particular in Lombardy. Relevant researchers: The Department is host to Professor Martinotti’s group which along with the Universities of Liège, Sorbonne-Paris IV, Liverpool, Köln, Lisbon (Abierta) and Barcelona, is a member of the ‘Migrants and Minorities in European Cities’ network, co-ordinated by CEMES. IRPPS – ISTITUTO DI RICERCHE SULLA POPOLAZIONE E LE POLITICHE SOCIALI Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche Institute of Research on Population and Social Policies National Research Council Via Nizza 128 - 00198 Roma tel: (+39) 0649932805 fax (+39) 0685834506 Website: http://www.irpps.cnr.it/ Director: Enrico Pugliese The Irpps is an Institute of the National Research Council. The Institute identifies and studies the lines of

62

development and transformation of population and contemporary society. Through its activities the Institute tries to satisfy requests by the scientific community, the political actors, the public administration and the civil society. The research activities of the Institute follow the lines laid out in its founding act: 1. Study of the relationship between population trends and social and economic development: applied social research and public opinion surveys; gender and family studies; analysis of social structural change and population dynamics; migration studies; statistical-computational studies; health economic and health studies in a statistical-mathematical and socio-medical perspective. 2. Study of social dynamics and policies regarding the welfare systems. 3. Study of societal change and the diffusion of knowledge and technology of information. Relevant researchers: Prof. Enrico Pugliese ([email protected]; [email protected]) – main research interests: Immigrants in Italy (internal migrations and international migrations), Racism and tolerance. Dr. Corrado Bonifazi ([email protected]) – his main research interests are Demographic Trends and

International Migration, Size and Characteristics of Foreign Immigration into Italy, Long-term Trends of Internal Migration in Italy, Impact of International Migration upon the Receiving Countries, Attitudes Towards Migrants and Migration Policy, and Geography of European Migrations.

IOM – INTERNATIONAL ORGANISATION FOR MIGRATION Organizzazione Internazionale per le Migrazioni Via Nomentana, 62 00161 Rome Italy Tel.+39/06/44186226 Fax: +3606/4402533. Website: http://www.iom.int/ Director: Peter Schatzer The leading international organization for migration which acts with its partners in the international community to:

• assist in meeting the growing operational challenges of migration management;

• advance understanding of migration issues;

• encourage social and economic development through migration;

• uphold the human dignity and well-being of migrants. In 2000, IOM published the World Migration Report 2000, which comprised a global overview and nine regional updates on international migration trends and policies. The themes include integration of immigrants into their host societies, labour migration and brain drain, health concerns involved in various forms of migration, and challenges posed by irregular migration flows, including trafficking in human beings and smuggling of migrants. Relevant publications and researchers: Melchionda, U. (2003) (Ed.). Gli albanesi in Italia. Inserimento lavorativo e sociale. Franco Angeli, Milano. FACOLTÀ DI SOCIOLOGIA (FACULTY OF SOCIOLOGY) UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI ROMA ‘LA SAPIENZA’ Via Salaria, 113 Roma Tel. 0649918493 Website: http://www.sociologia.uniroma1.it/ President: Prof. Luciano Benadusi Faculty of Sociology has been established in 1991. Since 2001, a Master on ‘Immigrants and refugees. Formation, Communication and Social Integration’ (Immigrati e rifugiati. Formazione, comunicazione e integrazione sociale) has been organised. Relevant researchers: Prof. Maria Macioti ([email protected]) – Director of Master on ‘Immigrants and refugees. Formation,

Communication and Social Integration’. Her research is focused on multiculturalism. UNIVERSITÀ DI TORINO (UNIVERSITY OF TURIN) Departement of Social Sciences (Dip. di scienze sociali) Via S. Ottavio, 50 10124 Torino

63

tel. 0116702606 fax. 0116702612 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.unito.it/; http://www.dss.unito.it Director: Prof. Giuseppe BONAZZI Relevant publications and researchers: Prof. Giovanna Zincone – full professor of Political Sociology. She is President of FIERI (International and

European Forum of Migration Research). Former president of the National Committee for the Integration of Immigrants).

CENTRO STUDI E RICERCHE ‘IMMIGRAZIONE: DOSSIER STATISTICO’ Caritas di Roma Viale F. Baldelli, 41 00146 Roma tel. 06.54192300 fax 06.54192252 E-mail: idos@dossierimmigrazione. Website: http://www.dossierimmigrazione.it/ Migrantes Via Aurelia, 468 00165 ROMA Tel. 06 66398452 http://www.migrantes.it/ Director: Mr. Luigi Petris The Dossier Statistico Immigrazione (Statistical Dossier on Immigration) collects all the available data on immigration, placing it in its national, regional and local context and discussing its various aspects and problems. It also contains analysis of the statistical data by major experts in the field, and tables summarising and illustrating the data. Each year, since 1991, with the launch of the Dossier Statistico Immigrazione, a summary of the contents is distributed. This highlights the most important aspects of the developments over the past year, which are discussed in more detail in the book. The research has been carried out by the editorial team of Caritas ‘Dossier Statistico Immigrazione’, in collaboration with a committee of experts from Italian Universities and Research Centres and of international experts from eleven different countries. Relevant publications and researchers: Forti, O. Pittau, F., Ricci, A.(2004) (Eds.). Europa. Allargamento a Est e immigrazione, IDOS, Roma. Petilli, S. Pittau, F. Mellina, C. Pennacchiotti, C. (2004). Mediatori interculturali – Un’esperienza formativa,

Sinnos Editrice, Roma. Melchionda U. (2003) (Ed.). Gli albanesi in Italia. Inserimento lavorativo e sociale, Franco Angeli, Milano.

UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI GENOVA FACOLTÀ DI SCIENZE DELLA FORMAZIONE - FACULTY OF EDUCATIONAL SCIENCES Corso Andrea Podestà, 2 Genova Website: http://www.sdf.unige.it/ President: Pino Boero Relevant researchers: Prof. Salvatore Palidda - he is professor at the Faculty of Educational Sciences. His research interests include Deviancy and criminalisation, Security and police problems, and International migrations. Prof. Alessandro Dal Lago ([email protected]) – professor of Sociology of Cultural Processes. His research interests include the Insertion of migrants in the informal Economy, Deviance and the Impact of Migrations on receiving societies.

64

UNIVERSITÀ DI GENOVA DIPARTIMENTO DI SCIENZE ANTROPOLOGICHE Corso A. Podestà, 2 16128 Genova tel.: +39 010 209 53726 Website: http://www.disa.unige.it/index.php Director: Scopesi Alda Maria Relevant researcher: Prof. Maurizio Ambrosiani ([email protected]) – professor of Sociology. His research interests are

Immigration, Social economy, Voluntarism and Professional formation.

III. Civic participation

UNIVERSITÀ DI BOLOGNA FACOLTÀ DI SCIENZE POLITICHE Dipartimento di Organizzazione e Sistema Politico Strada Maggiore 45, 40125 Bologna (Italy) Tel: 39 051 2092713 Fax: 39 051 234036 Website: http://www.spbo.unibo.it/ President: Prof. Anna Stagni

The University of Bologna was probably the first University in the western world. Its history is one of great thinkers in science and the humanities, making it an indispensable point of reference in the panorama of European culture. University study has always been characterised by education and research irrespective of borders and national constraints. The University of Bologna fosters, runs and supports an array of co-operation agreements with foreign Universities in order to encourage the mobility of lecturers, research fellows and students. Relevant publications and researchers:

Giannetti Daniela 2004 (con Ken Benoit e Michael Laver, in corso di stampa). ‘Multi-Party Split-Ticket Voting Estimation as an Ecological Inference Problem’. In Gary King, Ori Rosen, e Martin Tanner, Ecological Inference: New Methodological Strategies . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2004 (con Ken Benoit e Michael Laver). ‘The Behavior of Frustrated Voters in Mixed Member Electoral System’ in corso di valutazione presso The American Journal of Political Science . 2004 ‘Italian Governments and the Confidence Vote’, University of Bologna manuscript. 2004 ‘Can Minority Governments Be Representative?’ Di prossima pubblicazione in Voting, Representation and Legitimacy in Europe , a cura di Andrea Roemmele e Hermann Schmitt. THE EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE Badia Fiesolana Via dei Roccettini 9 I-50016 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy Website: http://www.iue.it/ President: Yves Mény This University Institute was founded in 1972 by the European Community Member States. Its main objective is to provide advanced academic training to PhD students and to promote research at the highest level. It carries out research in a European perspective (fundamental research, comparative research and Community research) in history, law, economics, political and social science. Its full-time teaching staff and 330 research students come from all countries of the European Union and further field. It welcomes research students, for periods from one to three years, who wish to study for the Institute's doctorate (normally three years) or take the Ll.M. (one year's study) in comparative, European and international law; or in exceptional cases, spend one or two years' doctoral training at the Institute before defending a thesis in their home university. The Institute's current.

65

Relevant publications and researchers:

Donatella della Porta and M. Diani, Movimenti senza protesta?, Bologna, Il Mulino, 2004. Donatella della Porta and H. Reiter, Polizia e protesta, Bologna, Il Mulino, 2003. Donatella della Porta. I new global, Bologna, Il Mulino, 2003.

Documents

Ankica Kosic and Anna Triandafyllidou Active Civic ... · immigration. Italy has witnessed a steady increase in the number of foreign nationals during the period between 1986 and