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Evidence-based policy making…what type of evidence do we need? Mark Petticrew Faculty of Public Health and Policy London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine Improving health worldwide www.lshtm.ac.uk

Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

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Page 1: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

Evidence-based policy making…what type of evidence do we need?

Mark Petticrew

Faculty of Public Health and Policy

London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine

Improving health worldwide

www.lshtm.ac.uk

Page 2: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

• We live in a world of evidence-based everything…and everyone wants to be (seen to be) “evidence-based”

Page 3: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)
Page 4: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

Evidence-based cosmetics

Page 5: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

The Logic Model:

Page 6: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

• The term “evidence” in public health is problematic, by evidence we often mean “trials”, and we wring our hands about the “weak” public health evidence base...

• “There isn’t very much evidence, and what there is, isn’t very good”

Page 7: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

• The term “evidence” is problematic, by evidence we often mean “trials”, and other sorts of evaluations of policies, and we have often wrung our hands about the “weak” public health evidence base...

• “There isn’t very much evidence, and what there is, isn’t very good”

• So we need to increase the “flow” of evaluations of the health effects of interventions (particularly those outside the health sector)

Page 8: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

The inverse evidence law

• The strongest evidence we have is often about risk factor modification, and we have more, “weaker” evidence about many of the wider social economic and environmental determinants of health (including policies)

• E.g. The evidence on modal shift in transport - how to get people to walk and cycle more...

Page 9: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

Types of intervention

• “Health promotion” activities (Education campaigns; free bikes)

• Engineering measures (Bicycle infrastructure; traffic restraint)

• Financial incentives (voucher/fine to leave car at home)

• Providing alternative services (e.g. A new railway station)

• Complex urban transport policies

Page 10: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

Study designs used to evaluate interventions to

bring about modal shift (Ogilvie et al., 2007)

N (studies)Randomised controlled trial (individual-level) 3

Panel survey 13

Repeated cross-sectional survey (community-level) 17

Retrospective or after-only survey 11

Case study /uncertain (city-level) 20

Page 11: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

• Does “No trial”=“no evidence”?

Page 12: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

Three public health interventions for

which there is “no good evidence”

• There have been 5 RCTs of the health effects of social housing investment. They don’t show major significant effects on health.

• Is social housing “ineffective”, and so should be withdrawn?

• (– I don’t think so)

Page 13: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

Two more interventions for which there

is no trial evidence (but which surely

‘work’)

• Zebra crossings: there are no trials, but there is direct experiential evidence, and excellent theory (“common sense”) that if you walk directly into the traffic you will be knocked down...there is no “equipoise”

• Gritting pavements. Not worth asking for “perfect evidence”? However, if the question is about the comparative effectiveness (different “doses” of gritting, or salting vs gritting, or CBA of gritting vs public warnings) then this may be worth evaluating (though may not be ethical)

Page 14: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

Source: theweekendinparis.com

Page 15: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

The myth of the single

“killer” study

• In public health there is rarely one single, killer study which tells us definitively what to do (or stop doing)

• Good evidence-informed decisions draw on the wider range of prior evidence (including observational evidence), theory as well as what is know about causal mechanisms; along with judgements about plausibility of effects across a range of outcomes

• “Best available evidence” may often be good enough

• …particularly given the need to act according to the precautionary principle

Page 16: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

The need for replication

• “Too many social scientists expect single experiments to settle issues once and for all. This may be a mistaken generalization from the history of great crucial experiments in physics and chemistry. In actuality the significant experiments in the physical sciences are replicated thousands of times, not only in deliberate replication efforts, but also as inevitable incidentals in successive experimentation and in utilizations of those many measurement devices (such as the galvanometer) that in their own operation embody the principles of classic experiments.

(Campbell, Reforms as Experiments, 1969).

Page 17: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

• Because we social scientists have less ability to achieve “experimental isolation”, because we have good reason to expect our treatment effects to interact significantly with a wide variety of social factors, many of which we have not yet mapped, we have much greater needs for replication experiments than do the physical sciences….

Page 18: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

• “Policy outcomes can be monitored with triangulated methods (accumulation of evidence from a variety of sources to gain insight, often combining quantitative and qualitative data)”*

*Brownson, Chriqui & Stamakis (2009)

Page 19: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

All those problems...where are

the answers?

• The answers do not lie simply in more epidemiology, or more research

• But also in understanding the political and other cultures within which evidence is produced, valued, used, misused, or not used at all (in different sectors)

• And a greater focus on the decisions that are taken:

• “What type and strength of evidence (if any) is needed to support the decision that needs to be taken”

Page 20: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

• Q: Is, as SV said yesterday, « the best the enemy of the good » in the case of public health evidence? (A: Yes)

• We need robust RCTs where these are possible

• For addressing the most complex influences on health, we need to also rely on complex sets of epidemiological evidence, includingmodelling studies, knowledge about causes and mechanisms

• We need to be wary of over-emphasising the problems with public health evidence – it ignores the contribution of different types of evidence to decisionmaking

• A cautionary tale about « methodological purism »:

Page 21: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

The 7 CEO’s of Big Tobacco

• Testified in turn to Senator Waxman’s hearings (1980-1994): “I believe that tobacco is not addictive”

• The tobacco industry developed a range of sophisticated epidemiological and methodological arguments to undermine the public health evidence base on the harms of tobacco

• Their “multifactorial causes” argument was developed to argue that epidemiological studies are hopelessly confounded; nothing can be “proved”:

Page 22: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

“Stressed-out” smokers

• “While some scientists have associated cigarette smoking with heart disease, it is certainly clear that a number of other factors including life-style, blood pressure, biochemistry, genetics and in particular, stress, may also be involved”

• ‘‘These diseases are also statistically associated with many other variables, such as diet, lifestyle, heredity and stress. . . . But the existence of a statistical association does not mean that smoking causes these diseases.’’ (BAT statement to the Irish Joint Committee on Health and Children in 1998)*

*Am J PH Paper on tobacco industry funding of stress:http://researchonline.lshtm.ac.uk/3743/

Page 23: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/rgy93f00

Page 24: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

• Ulucanlar et al. (2014)

Page 25: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

• First, published studies were repeatedly misquoted, distorting the main messages.

• Second, ‘mimicked scientific critique’ was used to undermine

• evidence; this form of critique insisted on methodological perfection, rejected methodological pluralism, adopted a litigation (not scientific) model*, and was not rigorous.

• Third, TTCs engaged in ‘evidential landscaping’, promoting a parallel evidence base to deflect attention from SP and excluding company-held evidence relevant to SP.

*Examining and discounting studies piece by piece

Page 26: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

Example of evidential

landscaping

• ‘… the real drivers of smoking initiation include factors such as parental influences, risk preferences, peer influences, socioeconomic factors, access and price’

Page 27: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

• Our natural scientific concern with rigour and internal validity needs to be balanced with the need to integrate a wide range of evidence to feed into policy and other decisions

• We need to be aware of how others are interpreting and using the concept of evidence

• Developing better public health evidence, is an incremental process

Page 28: Colloque RI 2014 : Intervention de Mark PETTICREW (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine)

No, that last slide was too

pessimistic…

• A more positive message:

• We have public health methods are as robust as those used in the physical sciences – the exact same methods in many cases

• RISP methods are reliable, widely accepted, tried and tested (centuries old!) and appropriate for investigating and estimating the effects of policies on health

• We need to take every opportunity to reinforce this message