3180979

The Afrocentric Paradigm in Health-Related Physical ActivityAuthor(s): Beverly D. PittmanSource: Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 33, No. 5 (May, 2003), pp. 623-636Published by: Sage Publications, Inc.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3180979Accessed: 13/05/2009 18:45

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THE AFROCENTRIC PARADIGM IN HEALTH-RELATED PHYSICAL ACTIVITY

BEVERLY D. PITTMAN The Pennsylvania State University

Two separate government documents have established a link between physical activity and health, and both documents provided bleak statistics for African Americans. Although the health statistics are not questionable, the physical activity data are debatable because the role of culture in physical activity has not been adequately explored. This article examines the role that culture potentially plays in health-related physical activity participation. In so doing, the kinesiology profession, which teaches the science of human movement, is discussed, and results from a health-related physical activity study are reported. A recommendation is made for the inclusion of an Afrocentric paradigm in the kinesiology curriculum, and Schiele's Afrocentric paradigm for the human services is employed.

Keywords: physical activity; health; Afrocentric paradigm; African Americans

In 1996, the Surgeon General released the Report on Physical Activity and Health (U.S. Department of Health and Human Ser- vices [USDHHS], 1996), which established the link between physical activity levels and health status. In the document, African Americans were identified as a "special needs population" for

physical activity because of reportedly insufficient physical activ-

ity levels to positively affect health. Four years later, the government released Healthy People 2010 (USDHHS, 2000), the health

policy initiative for the first decade of the 21st century. The report indicates that regular physical activity is a factor in lower death rates for all adults and decreases the risk of chronic illnesses such as heart disease, diabetes, colon cancer, and high blood pressure. The

JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES, Vol. 33 No. 5, May 2003 623-636 DOI: 10.1177/0021934703251487 ? 2003 Sage Publications

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report also identified African Americans as being at a higher risk for these illnesses than many other groups in the United States.

Although the government's morbidity and mortality statistics are not questionable, the characterization of African Americans as a special needs population for physical activity is debatable. Ainsworth (1998) acknowledged that the Surgeon General's (1996) report was based on the physical activity patterns of White men, and that the role of culture in physical activity has not been adequately explored. The purpose of this article is to examine the connection between culture and physical activity and to advocate for the use of an Afrocentric paradigm in health-related physical activity training and promotion.

BACKGROUND

Kinesiology, or the science of human movement, is an academic discipline comprising several subdisciplines. In addition to providing pedagogy training for the traditional K-12 physical education curriculum that is taught in schools, kinesiology also includes other areas of scholarship, such as history, philosophy, sociology, psychology, biomechanics, athletic training, motor development, and exercise science. All these areas of scholarship are historically based in European and European American culture (Freeman, 2001; Mechikoff & Estes, 2002), and there are relatively few Afri- can American scholars in the profession (Crase & Hamrick, 1997; King & Chepyator-Thomson, 1997). Most African American scholars in the profession are located in the history and sociology subdisciplines, where they have had substantial input into discus- sions of racial inequities in sport (Brooks & Althouse, 2000; Edwards, 1969); however, few of these scholars have addressed the historic racial inequities in health-related physical activity. In addition, very few African American kinesiology scholars have been situ- ated in the exercise science subdiscipline, which focuses on health-

Pittman / THE AFROCENTRIC PARADIGM 625

related physical activity, and there has been little cross-fertilization between the exercise science and sociology subdisciplines. In light of the government's (USDHHS, 2000) statistics on African Ameri- can physical activity and health, this is a major concern.

Health-related physical activity is defined as activity that pro- motes cardiorespiratory endurance, muscle strength, muscle endurance, flexibility, and lean body composition. Of these five components of health-related physical activity, cardiorespiratory endurance (i.e., aerobic activity) is of primary importance in pre- venting chronic illness. When health-related physical activity is combined with sound nutritional practices and other lifestyle factors, such as nonsmoking and stress management, the probability of optimal health is increased.

Because of the shortage of African American professionals in the exercise sciences, advocacy for health-related physical activity programming for African Americans has been limited. Most Afri- can Americans who interact with exercise science professionals do so in treatment facilities-after they become chronically ill and suf- fer a heart attack or stroke. In effect, the lack of culturally designed "preventive" services creates a market for kinesiology professionals who are trained as physical therapists.

Schiele (2000) contended that human service practitioners who share and understand the worldview of their clients are able to provide more effective service delivery (p. 10). However, most kinesiology training programs do not provide an opportunity for students to be exposed to different worldviews. Most kinesiology students are European American and have had little formal cultural training (or informal cultural interaction) in their kinesiology program. Therefore, their ability to provide culturally sensitive service is frequently constrained. A focus on culturally designed preventive health-related physical activity services-before people become chronically ill-necessitates the inclusion of a different paradigm in kinesiology training. The Afrocentric paradigm is the model proposed in this article.


THE AFROCENTRIC PARADIGM

Many Afrocentrists have discussed the characteristics of the African worldview (Asante, 1988, 1990, 1998; Myers, 1988; Nobles, 1991). Schiele (2000) summarized their thinking and stated that "the cosmological and axiological attributes of the Afrocentric worldview underscore interdependency, collectivity, spirituality, and affect" (p. 25). Schiele applied the Afrocentric paradigm to the human services professions, and his paradigm is used in this article to explore the need for an Afrocentric paradigm in health-related physical activity.

The basis for an Afrocentric paradigm in health-related physical activity already exists. Medical anthropologists have described African-based health care practices and have indicated that many African Americans use these practices in their health care regimens (Airhihenbuwa, 1995; Bailey, 1987, 1991, 2000). In addition, scholars in the anthropology and sociology professions have discussed the role of dance in African-based cultures (Dixon- Gottschild, 1996; Hazzard-Gordon, 1990; Malone, 1996; Welsh Asante, 1990, 1998). However, there has been little cross-fertilization between medical anthropology and dance. By combining the two, the Afrocentric paradigm in health-related physical activity can be

developed. The remainder of this article describes how these two areas of scholarship can be brought together.

THE RESEARCH STUDY

To test for the applicability of the Afrocentric paradigm to health-related physical activity, a small pilot study was conducted (Pittman, 2001). A qualitative research design was used because Afrocentric scholars have promoted qualitative methods as the pre- ferred research format for studying African American culture (Akbar, 1991; Asante, 1998; Schiele, 2000).

Fourteen women were interviewed for the study. They ranged in

age from 19 to 80 years old and were all associated as students, employees, or alumni of a large, predominantly White university


on the East Coast. Ten of the women had been enrolled in a culturally designed aerobics class that was taught at the university within the previous 18 months, and they had identified themselves as par- ticipating in physical activity for health purposes. These women were interviewed in one of four focus groups. Each focus group met only once, and the sessions lasted one-and-one-half to two hours.

The aerobics class was not a special offering; rather, the African American instructor chose to teach the regularly offered aerobics course in a manner that would appeal to African Americans. In addition to aerobic dancing, the course included information on exercise science, exercise psychology, nutrition, and chronic disease prevention.

The remaining four women in the study had not participated in the culturally designed aerobics class. They were selected because, in addition to their own personal participation in physical activity, they had taken a leadership role in promoting health-related physical activity in the African American community. These women were interviewed individually either on campus or in their respec- tive homes. The participants were interviewed only once, and each interview lasted approximately 1 hour. Two of the four women had master's degrees in kinesiology; another woman had a bachelor's degree in kinesiology; and the fourth was a retired nurse and health care advocate with a bachelor's degree in nursing.

Although the participants were asked two separate series of questions-one about chronic illness and physical activity, and the other about culture and physical activity-the results presented here pertain primarily to the questions about the effect of culture on physical activity and health. Only one subset of questions from the chronic illness series was related in any way to the Afrocentric paradigm, and those results are reported here.

The cultural questions in this study related primarily to affect and spirituality. As such, the participants were asked about cultural manifestations of physical activity, such as dance and music. The Afrocentric paradigm was demonstrated across categories. Collec- tivity was not specifically asked about, but it appeared throughout the responses and proved to be a major factor in promoting health- related physical activity for African Americans.


To begin, the participants shared their attitudes about the rela-

tionship between culture and promoting physical activity:

The music-hip-hop, jazz, R & B, gospel-is important. I know the music gets me going and I think it does that for a lot of people. I see my grandmom when the music comes on. She says, "Oh!" and she gets up and starts moving.

People tend to listen to people they can relate to. I always relate the culture to dancing, and we could tie that into health because we focus on dancing but we let other things go.

As the second participant indicated, many African Americans do not presently consider dancing to be related to health. As such, the

participants were asked about their perceptions of the community's support for dance as a form of health-related physical activity:

Dance is a big part of African culture, so dance and social activities are always prevalent in our communities, but I don't think [there is a] focus on exercising [or] concern about your health.

I don't think the community would present barriers, I just don't think there is understanding about how important physical activity is to your life. We have so many other issues.

The relatively low numbers of African Americans in kinesiology mean that there are few trained professionals who can connect Afri- can American social dancing to the scientific principles espoused in exercise science. When asked about scientifically based dancing, the participants' responses reflected concern:

Aerobic dance is perceived by many African Americans as a thing rich or middle income White women do. After they go to their aerobics class, they have tea and they meet with the girls. We need to have more role models because we need to know that we can do this.

It's important for a person to be comfortable. You need to see yourself to know not only that it can be done, but also that it's supposed to be done. You wouldn't question so much.

The notion of rich White women involved in aerobics evokes

images of leisure. However, the USDHHS (2000) stated that lack of


time can be a major barrier for many people who are trying to increase their physical activity levels. As such, preventive health care measures, such as physical activity participation, are less eas- ily accessible to people at the lower end of the socioeconomic lad- der. For African Americans, this is especially an issue because expendable leisure time is not a reality for many African Ameri- cans. A paradigm shift from a leisure model to a human services preventive model in kinesiology could be a mechanism by which social structures that promote inequality are changed to structures that promote health and well-being.

Schiele (2000) stated that an important component of well-being is spirituality, and it therefore should be incorporated into the Afrocentric paradigm for service delivery. To gauge the importance of spirituality in the development of an Afrocentric paradigm in kinesiology, the participants responded to a series of questions about their perceptions of spirituality:

Spirituality is part of our heritage. It gave us something to hold onto in a strange land. We had nothing to hope for but this Higher Power.

Everyone is entitled to their own opinion but I'm a strong believer in God. It keeps you grounded. I don't wake myself up in the morning, so I know someone does.

To test the application of the spiritual aspect of the Afrocentric paradigm to health-related physical activity, the participants were asked if there was a connection between spirituality and physical activity:

For me, being in touch with your spirit also means being in touch with your physical being, and you can't really know your spirit unless you know your physical being. Our society doesn't teach us how to nourish either one.

You don't even think of it that way until somebody asks you, but then when you start thinking about how you feel, then you know that the two are involved.

Finally, the participants were asked if they thought incorporating spirituality into physical activity could increase African American


participation in physical activity. In general, the participants agreed:

I think it can increase African American participation, but it depends on the type of music you have. It may also decrease it because some people feel that gospel music is boring. Music moves you, dance moves you. The confluence of those two things moves you, it's calming. Bringing music into the movement really is spiritual.

Although spirituality was identified as a positive component of African American culture, another aspect of the Afrocentric paradigm proved to be double edged. Schiele (2000) stated that "the welfare of the group takes precedence over the welfare of the individual" (p. 28) because collectivity focuses attention on group sur- vival. However, the women in this study associated some aspects of collectivity with stress-a risk factor for chronic illness. When asked about potential stressors in African American women's lives, the African-based helping tradition was frequently cited:

It's because of the way we're brought up-to help. We always have to be out there working as a part of the family. It all starts from there, and we just pass it on from generation to generation. It causes a lot of stress on us.

No time to do anything for themselves. Not being happy-doing what they have to do and not liking it at all. They're always putting everything else first, never having time for themselves. I know they have responsibilities, but you should always take time for yourself.

Schiele argued that the individual can only be understood "in the milieu in which the person is socialized" (p. 27). The responses these participants gave indicate that the present milieu might not be completely conducive to functioning in an Afrocentric manner. In health matters, the welfare of the group might best be served by focusing on the welfare of the individual.

Although this aspect of collectivity was seen as a stressor, over- all the women in the study viewed it positively. In the final question, the participants were asked to describe their vision of the ideal


physical activity program for themselves and for the African Amer- ican community. Four main themes emerged in the responses to this question: physical activity programming should be (a) family based, (b) community based, (c) dance and exercise based, and (d) educational. These findings are consistent with the principles espoused in the Afrocentric paradigm.

The four main themes that were identified did not occur in isola- tion; rather, they were frequently commingled. For example, several participants spoke about education within the other contexts:

It would be in the community so it would be easy to get to. It would be a blend of African and popular music. The movements would be Afrocentric but, of course, it would need to be aerobic, to be scientific.

Education is needed in addition to actual equipment. In addition to the person just coming in to work out, they'd need to participate in a course [for] maybe three to five weeks for an hour, hour and a half each session. That way you have continuity. You're getting the person to exercise, but they [will] understand why they're doing what they're doing.

The participants openly acknowledged the challenges as well as the supports in the African American community and did not overlook things that might need to be corrected. Instead, they believed that education about all aspects of the culture is necessary for promoting physical activity and health and for developing health policy:

A [community-based dance] program would interest African Americans, keep them motivated because it would be more like the social dances-just the liquor and stuff wouldn't be there.

I think it's important to include everything in the culture-even the way our guys view the women, even our food. If you tailor things toward healthy food, or the guys want girls who are smaller, then it would influence African Americans to exercise and eat healthier. I wasn't brought up knowing that you have to eat certain foods to stay healthy, or exercise is important.

Although they expressed a need for education, they also critiqued the lack of education and training that is currently available:


The important thing [about a fitness facility] is to find out if they will train you to use the equipment. I don't see just going into a gym, [having] somebody talk to you, and then signing a contract because after you've paid your money, you are lost. You cannot learn all that you need to know in one session.

Health clubs today are very fragmented in their approach. They're driven by trying to make money, and I think they have a lot of Afri- can Americans who sign up and then drop out quickly. These clubs are not servicing [African Americans] the way they need to be serviced.

It should be noted here that although there is some overlap between the current fitness industry and kinesiology as a profession, the two are not exactly the same. Although the fitness industry sometimes

employs kinesiology professionals, it also frequently employs indi- viduals with limited training and knowledge in kinesiology. Never-

theless, the fitness industry and the field of kinesiology have over- looked the needs of the African American community.

The affective dimension of the Afrocentric paradigm was present in the participants' awareness of their own needs as well as the needs of other people in the African American community. They expressed this awareness in a variety of ways:

I would like to have my friends there, a lot of people I'm close to- my own personal little fitness group.

Someplace they can bring the whole family. While they work out, there are activities for the children so you don't have to worry about dropping this person here [or] finding day care.

Affect was also demonstrated in financial terms:

I think the funds are not there. The majority of African Americans- if they had the time, they couldn't afford to pay for it.

We haven't had, as far as I know, any African Americans who are financially able to actually develop [facilities in the African Ameri- can community]. I've heard people talk about it, I've heard people say there is a need, but I haven't seen anyone actually put up the money.


The inability of African Americans to provide funding for health- related physical activity programming might be directly related to the low numbers of African American kinesiology professionals who can advocate for government funding or private investment for such programs. However, the creativity that has historically existed within the African American community and has enabled African Americans to "make a way out of no way" can also be employed to develop strategies for providing health-related physical activity in African American communities. The Afrocentric paradigm also provides a potential solution.

CONCLUSIONS

Schiele (2000) discussed the need for African Americans to develop their own human services institutions and contended that the African American church is a logical site for the placement of Afrocentric human services. The present study lends support to that notion and advocates for the inclusion of an Afrocentric human services model of kinesiology among those institutions. Although "music" was the most common theme mentioned by the participants when asked about spirituality, "church" was also frequently mentioned in relation to physical activity. The participants acknowledged that a connection does not currently exist, but the possibility was considered:

It depends on how holistic you look at health. You can make a case for [a connection], but I don't think most people actualize it, other- wise there'd be a whole bunch of people exercising in the church.

I notice that anytime a church is doing something or the church is sponsoring it, you have people coming out of the woodworks. You want to be involved because it's coming from a good place. It would probably increase physical activity to put the two together.

Although the church might be a perfect location for all types of Afrocentric human services, the low numbers of African American kinesiology professionals still must be addressed. One possible


way to address the shortage is to combine kinesiology training with African American studies programs. A linkage between these two programs can ultimately benefit both. Although kinesiology programs are lacking a cultural focus, African American scholars and African American studies programs tend to favor psychological health over physical health (Jones, 1999). Although the available scholarship on physical health has been comprehensive and excel- lent (Martin, 1999; Semmes, 1996), it, too, has had a limited focus on the role of physical activity in health promotion. Increasing the numbers of Afrocentric kinesiology professionals by training them in combined kinesiology-African American studies programs and then positioning them in African American churches can contribute to the creation of a holistic, preventive health care delivery system in the African American community.

The participants in this study demonstrated the positive effect that culture can have on physical activity participation. Their expe- riences might benefit other African Americans who want and need to participate in health-related physical activity. Despite the com- plexity of their lives, they have shown a sustaining determination. One participant provided a key piece of the puzzle:

We survived slavery, we survived the Middle Passage and so many negative things. Yeah, we have some health problems, but look at how strong we are. We're still here, even with all of our health issues and our social issues. So, if we understood what made us survive, we could be an even stronger people.

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Beverly D. Pittman is an assistant professor in the Department of Kinesiology at The

Pennsylvania State University. Her primary research interest is in socioculturalfac- tors in cardiovascular disease prevention. She received her doctorate in kinesiology from Temple University. She graduated summa cum laude and valedictorian from Lincoln University with a BA in sociology, and then received an MSS in social policy from the Bryn Mawr College Graduate School of Social Work and Social Research, and an MBA in management and marketing from the Wharton School of the Univer-

sity of Pennsylvania.

Health & Medicine

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