Rotaract global model united nations 2014 peacbuilding commision study guide

Rotaract Global Model United Nations | September 4-7, 2014 | Westminster www.RotaractMUN.org |

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PEACEBUILDING

COMMISSION

STUDY – GUIDE

Prepared by:

Suhaas Ema

&

Joe Kennedy

On the date of: July 2014

http://www.rotaractmun.org/



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Word of Welcome Secretary General of Rotaract Global Model United Nations 2013

Dear Delegates,

It is my absolute pleasure to welcome you to the 2014 edition of Rotaract Global Model United

Nations. We are privileged to hold this conference in Westminster, a city that has been a bastion

of diplomacy and debate for centuries – and which saw the birth of the UN nearly 60 years ago.

Having engaged with Model UN since my school days, I can confidently say that the activity is

in my blood. I sincerely believe that there is no better activity for young people trying to engage

with the issues currently troubling our world today. It goes without saying that these issues are

dangerous, as they are numerous, and I could not even begin to summarise them in such a

limited space. However, simply from reading your applications, I have been inspired by the

massive contribution young people are willing to make to solving these problems. This is why I

have decided that the conference shall be based around the theme: Leaders of Tomorrow.

I do not mean to suggest by this that our conference will nurture you and prepare you to make

future contributions. Rather, I propose that you are already leaders – young people poised to

make a meaningful difference to international affairs. With our conference as your unique

gathering place and speaking platform, I can guarantee that your debate contributions will not

simply be academic exercises. Instead, they will form part of a meaningful policy proposal that

Rotaract will ensure reaches the desks of the UN.

With this collective spirit in mind, I hope you are extremely excited to read the Study Guide of

your committee. Having handpicked your chairs personally, I can assure you that they are world-

leaders in their field. Put simply, there are few people who are more qualified to write this guide

than them. So, use their sterling work as a starting point for your research, and be inspired to

read and research far beyond the confines of this guide.

I feel extremely honoured to welcome this unprecedented gathering of great young minds to

London. I am fascinated to hear the solutions you propose, and pledge to do all in my power to

translate them into meaningful political change.

Yours Sincerely,

Adam McLaren

Secretary General, Rotaract Global Model United Nations 2014




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Dear Delegates,

My Name is Suhaas Ema, I am currently a second year degree student pursuing

my triple major in Psychology, Sociology and Economics at Christ University, Bangalore. My

interested in Model U.N conferences sparked when I was in high school and it has never left me

since then. I have a deep passion of international relations and I am extremely excited to come to

London to be chairperson of the U.N Peace-Building commission. In my free time, I enjoy

watching my favorite TV shows and singing. I cannot wait to experience a whole new different

style of Model U.N. Coming from the Indian Model U.N circuit I can say that it’s very

competitive and the level of debate is intense. I hope to find even more of that here.

All the best,

Suhaas Savio Ema




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Dear delegates,

My name's Joe Kennedy, I've just finished up a law degree in University College Cork, Ireland.

My particular areas of interest are public international law and human rights law. I fell in love

with MUN when I first tried it with my university society and I've been hooked ever since. I've

had great success at MUNs throughout the UK and chaired at Cambridge Univerity International

MUN last year. I had the great honour of being President of my university's MUN society last

year. This year I'm the Education Officer in my Students' Union and I'll be fitting in as much

MUN as I can. Looking forward to a great weekend of debate.

All the best,

Joe.




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Introduction to the Peace-building

Commission

As a result of a General assembly resolution passed in December of 2005, the UNPBC has the

highest priority of ensuring that post conflict countries are stabilized using methods of peace

building, recovery, development etc. The UNPBC also has latent functions it must perform to

ensure that conflict areas do receive non-intervention based assistance. This commission may be

mandated to perform a number of functions in regards to a broad social sense. It is a subsidiary

body of not only the general assembly but more importantly, the Security Council. Its mandate

maybe expanded by a resolution from the latter. It is a non-traditional approach to resolving

many conflicts that plague our world. We hope that delegates take advantage of this platform to

perform their best.




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Topic A – Children in Armed Conflict

A. Statement of the problem

The issue of children in armed conflict has been time and again ignored by the world

community. We are sadly reminded of these innocent lives time and again when they are lost. In

this context we do not only look at the protection of children in armed conflict, but more

fearfully, their involvement in it. Children being recruited as soldiers or trained to terrorize the

public is a worse scenario. Children have served as militants for centuries, yet the image of a

young child with barrels of dynamite strapped tightly to his chest is a more recent, more

shocking one. This image galvanizes us because it deeply disturbs our sense of humanity – war

is brutal, evil, and destroys life; children are young, innocent, and must be protected. Particularly

because terrorism is a branch of warfare which is bound by no rules or conscience and whose

aim is to create as much fear and destruction as possible, children must be protected from its

false lures of “glory” and almost certain result of death. Thus, whether as boy soldiers in the

American Revolution, disguised insurgents on the Soviet border during the Cold War, or suicide

bombers during the World Wars, these children should have been protected. Thus we can better

understand how the modern surge of children trained to terrorize is in part a legacy of the child-

spy networks created during the First and Second World Wars and the Cold War. Today, well-

funded and connected organizations including Al-Qaeda and the Tamil Tigers actively recruit

children to execute terrorist attacks. Often enlisted against their own will, these little “angels of

death” are not only indoctrinated to take pride in their cause, but are also trained in espionage,

marksmanship, kidnappings, arson, bombings, and in some cases, suicide missions. The

responsibility of the Peace Building commission of to ensure that such catastrophes are

prevented in this peace building process.

Under the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC),

which is ratified by all U.N. member states except for the United States and Somalia, children

under the age of fifteen may not take part in warfare. Considered too low by the international

community, the age limit was raised to eighteen in 2000 in the Optional Protocol to the

Convention on the Rights of the Child, which prohibits the compulsory military recruitment of

children under the age of eighteen and specifically states that “armed groups that are distinct

from the armed forces of a State should not, under any circumstances, recruit or use in hostilities

persons under the age of eighteen years. “Thus, consistent with international legal standards, the

word “children” in this guide refers to all persons under Eighteen years of age.




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How to explain the current state of lawlessness in conflicts waged around the world? Graça

Machel provides an astute explanation of our modern situation and the new challenges it

presents in the U.N.Report, Impact of Armed Conflict on Children. She characterized modern

warfare in postcolonial states as involving the “abandonment of all standards” and having a

special “sense of dislocation and chaos.” The culmination of post-colonial struggles, internal

dissent, structural monetary adjustments, uneven development, the collapse of government, the

personalization of power and the erosion of essential services all contribute to the breakdown in

the rules of warfare. As a result, the abandonment of standards has brought about human rights

violations against women and children, including the recruitment of children into armed forces

as soldiers or terrorists.




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B. Analysis of the problem

“Terrorists are not freedom fighters, as some claim; they are brainwashed killers, oppressors,

and murderers, the hidden hands of tyrannical and despotic regimes who want to keep their

people in bondage. They reject progress, human rights, and equality under the law. Like pirates,

they live off the destruction of others but cleverly disguise their cause around honorable

religious slogans...The true freedom fighters are the women and men who speak for peace,

progress, democracy and freedom, even if their lives are threatened.”

- Nonie Darwish, in “Raised for Jihad: A Shahid’s

Daughter Speaks Out”

Terrorism is the deliberate creation and exploitation of fear with the aim of attaining political

change. It is thus undeniably a form of psychological warfare. Today, around 300,000 children

under the age of eighteen are involved in some form of warfare worldwide. These young

children fight in 75% of the world’s conflicts. The military use of children takes three distinct

forms: children can take direct part in hostilities as combatants, or they can be used in support

roles such as porters, spies, messengers, look outs, and sexual slaves; or they can be used for

political advantage either as human shields or in propaganda Indeed, it would seem that children

are deliberately conscripted by modern militia as part of their strategy, especially for political

attention:

“War today just simply does not match the traditional conception of two opposed armies…in

which each side generally abides by the ‘rules of the game,’ respecting the basic inviolability of

civilian non-combatants and the special protection due to the young.”

- Graça Machel




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Children involved in terrorist activities can be found worldwide today. In Burma, it is not

uncommon for children as young as eleven-years-old to be forcibly recruited off the streets to

serve in armed ethnic opposition groups. In Sudan, the Sudanese Armed Forces, the Janjaweed

militias and the Sudan Liberation Army factions all use thousands of child soldiers to partake in

terrorizing the civilians. Sadly, the list of countries in which child terrorists can be found extends

tirelessly: it includes the Democratic Republic of Congo, India, the Philippines, Cote d’Ivoire,

Burundi, Somalia, Thailand, Chad, Uganda, and many others. The following case studies will

examine the situation in four countries with the most serious cases of child involvement in

terrorism. Not only will the current situations be detailed in their severity and scope, but also for

those children who are not in fact coerced, it is also necessary to explore their reasons for

volunteering to be terrorists.




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Columbia-

Since La Violencia in 1948, Colombia’s political scene has been fraught with South America’s

most enduring armed conflict. Between government forces, right-wing paramilitaries and left-

wing guerrilla insurgents, violence and anarchy escalated in the 1990s, fuelled by the cocaine

trade. While violence has decreased significantly since 2002, the well-established Marxist-

Leninist guerrilla group FARC (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia), the ELN

(Ejército de Liberación Nacional) and the paramilitary federation AUC (Autodefensas Unidas de

Colombia) are still declared as terrorist groups by the Colombian Government, the European

Union for their ongoing terrorist activities and the United States Department of State Notorious

for their prolonged kidnappings, extortion, drug-trafficking and arbitrary assassinations, the

aforementioned terrorist groups are also known for their indiscriminately-ruthless attacks. Be it

Colombian politicians or ordinary civilians, any and all are considered legitimate targets. In

accordance with such modus operandi, both FARC and ELN continually fill their ranks with

“dispensable” child forces. In fact, at least one in four of their ranks are children, who are forced

perpetrators of car-bombings and mass murders, etc.




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Afghanistan and Pakistan-

Mired in bloody conflict for the last 30 years, Afghanistan has been involved in wars that have

ravaged the country and taken a severe toll on its citizens. As a result, those with financial

means flee, and those who remain do their best to survive amid the violence and downward

economic spiral. Families are destroyed and children are robbed of their innocence. For the

millions of Afghan refugees fleeing into neighboring Pakistan, losses incurred are material,

social, and emotional. Since the events of 11 September, 2001, Pakistan has been a center of

terrorist activity, including the bombing of the US Consulate and the kidnap and murder of

American journalist Daniel Pearl. The volatile political climate has become even more unstable

due to the latest influx of Afghan refugees. Since the fall of the Taliban, hundreds of thousands

of refugees, over half of them children, have flooded into Pakistan. They roam the streets,

picking through rubbish and hustling odd jobs at the markets, ostracized socially by local

Pakistanis. Scarred by the violence that has woven their childhood, the young Afghan boys

found in Pakistani refugee camps are more familiar with Kalishnikovs and APC guns than they

are with their alphabet. Fear of bombs and death continues to haunt them as they struggle to

make ends meet. Treated as adults, these young Afghan children are burdened with the

responsibility of feeding the members remaining in their family, and so they must scavenge for

food, work long and arduous hours or take up dangerous jobs for money. As a result, many




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Afghan refugee children find the Islamic religious schools, or madrassas, appealing. The

madrassas not only feed and care for the students, but free the children from the burden to work

and teach them the Qur’an. Unfortunately, many of the madrassas focus on rote memorization

and do not encourage critical thinking. Some even teach their students to develop a disdain for

Western life and ideals, and develop extremist ideology within the four walls of these schools.

Pakistan has between 10,000 and 40,000 madrassas, a few of which are said to provide military

training. Pakistan is thus a paradigm example of where a society of immense poverty, lack of

education, and a high unemployment rate creates the potential for terrorism.

“God willing we will strike. We will strike so that America would repent for Afghanistan. Real

Muslim’s hearts would be glad. And American veins would be cut.”

- Khal Mohammad, 10 years old

Palestine-

“Any attack on civilians is prohibited by international law, but using children for suicide attacks

is particularly egregious. Palestinian armed groups must clearly and publicly condemn all use

of children…for military activities, and make sure these policies are carried out.”

- Jo Becker, children’s rights advocacy director at Human Rights Watch

The situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territories is the gravest example of its kind. Aside

from the recruitment of underage boys and girls to participate in “regular” terrorist activities

such as those listed above, the Palestinian case is particularly astounding for its recent history of

child suicide bombers, all aimed at Israel and Israelis, with the aim of establishing a Palestinian

state. Why is this the case? The prominent Palestinian legislator Hanan Ashrawi explains that

“The people who do it… are driven to desperation and anger by the Israeli activities.” Indeed,




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the constant struggle between the Palestinians and Israel for the last 60 years forms the

background of the issue at hand. The Palestinian refugee crisis was created in the wake of 1948

Israeli War of Independence, otherwise known as Al-Nakba (the catastrophe) in the Arab

historical narrative. Apart from the physical destruction of over 530 Palestinian villages that

resulted, the psychological trauma of sustained homelessness is profound within the Palestinian

psyche. Throughout the years immediately after Al-Nakba, Palestinians reportedly suffered from

fear, anxiety, panic, insecurity about their immediate future, and uncertainty about the

whereabouts of relatives and loved ones. Indeed, such dire conditions contributed to the national

desperation which was manifested in a high frequency (almost 80%) of PTSD, and a highly

vulnerable mental state emerged. Furthermore, according to Eyad Sarraj, a psychiatrist and

founder of the Palestinian Independent Commission for Citizen Rights, “Since the establishment

of Israel in 1948 and the resultant uprooting of Palestinians, a deep seated feeling of shame has

taken root in the Arab psyche. Shame is the most painful emotion in the Arab culture, producing

the feeling that one is unworthy to live.” Stemming from this desperate existence is the “cult of

martyrdom” that has developed more and more prominently in the occupied Palestinian

territories (OPT).

Although this “cult” does have a strong underpinning in the Arab tradition of honoring martyrs,

the popular support for suicide bombing appears to have developed principally over the last

decade, as the first act of suicide terrorism occurred in Israel only twelve years ago. As Ashrawi

insists, “Our culture is not a suicidal culture; historically, the incidence of suicide among

Palestinians has been very low.” While support for suicide terrorism fluctuates constantly, since

November 2000 Palestinian public opinion has increasingly supported suicide bombing, shifting

alarmingly towards radical Islamic organizations. In early 1996, only 20% of Palestinians

Supported the practice, but today about 70% do. From a very young age, children are socialized

into a group consciousness that honors “martyrs,” including human bombers who have given

their lives for the fight against what is perceived by Palestinians to be the unjust Occupiers of

their lands. Young children are told stories of “martyrs” and many wear necklaces venerating

particular ones. Especially in the more militant refugee camps of Nablus and Jenin, posters of

martyrs and their deeds cover the walls of the town and camps, and television programs and

music videos extol the virtues of bombers. An alarming number of children even aspire to be

terrorists, as many reports and stories affirm. Recruiters from Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade pick out

candidates from schools or mosques, particularly those stating admiration for martyrs. In 2002,

16-year-old Ayat al-Akhras volunteered as a terrorist for Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade. Ayat’s “self-




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discipline, hatred of Israel and fierce Palestinian nationalism made her a natural candidate,”

needing little psychological preparation. Soon after, she strapped a set of explosives to her waist

and detonated them, killing herself and two Israeli civilians. Although originally devastated by

their daughter’s suicide attack, Ayat’s family reticence shifted to pride. Ayat became an icon in

Bethlehem and at Al-Quds University, was the muse for a poem in London-based Arabic

Newspaper al-Hayat, was a Newsweek magazine cover story and was featured in the New York

Times and on CBS TV’s 60 Minutes II (Bomber Next Door, 2003), making her the most

discussed female suicide bomber of the time. Although there is no evidence of systematic

recruitment of children by armed Palestinian groups, who all publicly oppose the use of children

in combat, Hamas, Islamic Jihad, Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade (all considered terrorist

organizations by the European Union, United Kingdom, the United States And Canada)

nevertheless provide children with military training and use them either as messengers and

couriers or fighters and suicide bombers to attack Israeli soldiers and civilians. According to the

“2004 Global Report on the Use of Child Soldiers” by the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child

Soldiers, at least nine children were documented as having perpetrated suicide attacks between

October 2000 and March 2004. A major cause for concern is that although militant Palestinian

groups oppose the use of children in combat, there is no system for enforcement of such ideals.

The confusion regarding government authority in Gaza extends to this as well.




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C. Proposed Solutions

The aim to eradicate all involvement of children in terrorism begins with a unilateral declaration

by all member states condemning this abhorrent practice. International law prohibits the

recruitment of children for warfare, but the specific indictment of non-state terrorist

organizations for their recruitment of children is currently fragmented and insufficient. Thus, a

unified front is necessary if the roots of the global problem are to be addressed.

Intercept Flow of arms and Financial Funds

In regards to technical reasons behind the large numbers of child terrorists, UNPBC believes that

the proliferation and widespread availability of small, lightweight arms is one of the primary

factors behind the disturbing increase in the number of child terrorists.

Easy to carry, use and maintain, these weapons can be used by children without much prior

training, and allow a child to become a direct combatant. The culture of violence is a grim one;

as one writer puts it, “When… ten- to fourteen-year-old children armed with automatic rifles

that can fire 600 700 rounds per minute is set loose on the civilian population, the results can be

devastating.” This committee thus should urge its member states to cooperate in minimizing the

manufacturing and proliferation of such weapons. States neighboring volatile areas must develop

strategies to tightly monitor their borders for illegal shipments and drug trafficking, both which

often make up a large percentage of the funds supporting terrorist organizations. It is the

responsibility of each delegate in committee to understand the intricacies that are involved in

implementing this solution. The problems and ways of implementation must be discussed and

thoroughly debated.

Legal consequences for adult Perpetrators

Since children, even aspiring suicide bombers, cannot successfully commit terrorism without the

inspiration, guidance and training offered by adult members of terrorist organizations, the

international community must focus its efforts on identifying the adult perpetrators and bringing

them to justice. Whether before international or domestic courts, the adult members of terrorist

organizations must be prosecuted properly and held accountable for robbing countless children

of their lives and futures. Aside from international efforts, domestic efforts must not be




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underestimated. One of the most effective measures towards addressing the situation of child

militants is the cooperation and collaboration of regional bodies. These outcome documents are

often more targeted more specifically to the unique circumstances of a region, more focused and

easier to enforce, and more readily accepted and implemented by the nations of the regional

conference.

Dismantling “Fertile Soil”

The layers of obstacles this committee faces lie in addressing the conditions which allow for and

create vulnerable candidates. These include poverty, rampant violence, and lack of education,

frequent humiliation and abuse, all of which inspire despair, low self-esteem and “cracks” in

children’s psychology. The international community also needs to tackle the atmosphere that not

only accepts but supports the recruitment of children into terrorist organizations. Too often, the

children who become terrorist recruits are sent by their parents, either out of desperation or

ironically, pride and hope for glory. Thus parents must be properly educated of the consequences

their children suffer and held responsible for their fate; pro-terrorist media must be outlawed,

and funds for both indoctrination and training must be sought out and cut off. This committee

has the resources to provide vulnerable communities with alternate measures to protect their

children. Aside from educating parents about the illusion of “terrorist glory,” cooperation with

local humanitarian groups and NGO’s to collect information will help to tightly monitor and

look out for unstable families. To date, the dearth of information regarding the names, ages, and

exact numbers of children being recruited into terrorist organizations makes it very hard for

international organizations to track these children and also prosecute adult perpetrators. Thus

information centers are part of the solution which will greatly benefit the children in question;

not only will they provide a safe location where civilians can go to for help without fear of being

reported to terrorist organizations, but the U.N will also gain a better understanding of the

recruitment strategies of the various terrorist groups and develop counterstrategies.

Education for Peace

Before being recruited, the lack of education often makes a child the perfect “blank slate” on

which terrorists can carve their own agendas. Thus early training of children in the

indoctrination process is developmentally dangerous because it can become too absolute, fixed,

and irreversible. For this reason, it is crucial that sovereign states educate their children so as to




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help them develop critical thinking, consider consequences, and form individual judgments –

tools with which to recognize terrorism as an undesirable future. As for those who have already

been recruited and after the war must learn how to live, think, and feel again, education has the

unique ability to dissolve the false images of hatred fed to children by their adult leaders. These

perceptions are often reinforced by education from early childhood and by political

brainwashing, whereby the demonization of the other allows the attribution of hateful and

threatening qualities to a group of people whom we perceive as alien or different. As child

psychiatrist Dr. Flashman says, “Nothing gives children more hope than the understanding that

children of the enemy side are very much like themselves – also growing up in times of pain,

solitude, and silence. Children need to hope that on the other side there are children like

themselves, who wish to live in a quiet and just way, protected and safe.”

Psychologically

Given the damage to a child’s psyche that involvement and growth amidst the horrors of

terrorism can create, successful DDR must include expert treatment and sufficient attention for

children with PTSD. Post-traumatic stress disorder is particularly difficult to understand for

many communities, however it is important to understand that it occurs in over 40% of children

simply exposed to a threatening event or disorder. It has been found to be present more than

fifteen years after a terrorist event. These numbers are shocking on their own, but they do not

speak to the devastating consequences of actually participating in such events. The demonization

of the other perpetuates trauma and violence between individuals and collective societies.

Children are particularly vulnerable to this projection onto an enemy, but the negative

consequences of this process can be reverse. Simple, effective tools to do this can restore healthy

functioning on various levels, including physical, emotional, and spiritual.

The role of children

The role of children in solving the problem that they were once part of is a delicate one. Often,

the trauma sustained renders it impossible and psychologically dangerous for children to revisit

their memories. Nevertheless, the international community needs to provide an outlet for those

children who wish to speak out against their oppressors. Indeed, whether their stories are told at

national forums or international summits, only the voices of children can help us truly

understand the extent of this humanitarian crisis and be better equipped to stop it. Some of the




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most powerful figures in children’s rights today were themselves child soldiers or terrorists –

Ishmael Beah and Graca Machel are only two examples of individuals whose resilience has

inspired and lead the healing process for many others who have suffered the same injustice. The

stakes that rest on the success of the international community are high. If yet another generation

of children in Colombia, Afghanistan, Sri Lanka, Israel, Palestine and elsewhere are exposed to

current levels of political violence, the violations of children’s rights will not only damage these

children’s prospects for a future life, but a generation of children who grow up to be adults who

do not know how to resolve conflict in a non-violent manner will only perpetuate the cycle of

violence throughout the world.




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D. Past Actions

International Measures, Forums, and Standards

1924 and 1959 - Declaration of the Rights of the Child

1948 - Universal Declaration of Human Rights

1949 - The four Geneva Conventions

1973 - International Labor Organization (ILO) Minimum Age Convention (138)

1977 - Additional Protocols to the Geneva Conventions

1979 - International Year of the Child

1985 - United Nations Standards Minimum Rules for the Administration of Juvenile Justice

(“The Beijing Rules”)

1989 - Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC)

1990 - World Summit for Children

1995-1996 - Mid-decade review

1996 - United Nations report: “Impact of Armed Conflict on Children” by Graça Machel

1997 - The Cape Town Principles and Best Practices: on the Prevention of Recruitment of

Children into the Armed Forces and on Demobilization and Social Reintegration of Child

Soldiers in Africa

1997-present - Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Children and

Armed Conflict (OSRSG/CAAC)

1999 - ILO Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention (182)

2000 - Optional Protocols (OP) to the CRC

2000 - United Nations Millennium Summit and

Declaration

2000 - International Conference on War-Affected Children

2001 - “We the Children: Meeting the Promises of the World Summit for Children”

2002-present - Red Hand Day

2002 - United Nations Special Session on Children

2005 - World Summit

2007 - “Free Children from War” Conference, the Paris Commitments and Principles

14 Specialized Agencies 15Harvard Model United Nations India 2012

Harvard Model United Nations India 2012A14

Regional Instruments and Initiatives




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1990 - Organization of African States, African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child

1994 - League of Arab States, Arab Charter on Human Rights

2001 - Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), Declaration on the Commitments for

Children in ASEAN

2002 - Organization of American States, Resolution 1904

2003 and 2006 - European Union (EU), “Guidelines on Children and Armed Conflict” and

Implementation Strategy for the Guidelines

2007: United Nations, Paris Commitments on Children Associated with Armed Forces or Armed

Groups

2009: United Nations and Nepal, Action Plan for Discharge of Minors Disqualified from the

Maoist Army

2010: Central African Countries, N’Djamena Declaration

2011: United Nations Security Council, Resolution 2002 Targets Recruiters of Child Soldiers.

As the above timeline illustrates, numerous international laws have been passed in an attempt to

protect children fighting in conflict zones around the world. Certain documents in particular,

such as the updated Convention on the Rights of the Child, the Impact of Armed Conflict on

Children written by Graça Machel, the 1997 Cape Town Principles, etc. mark crucial milestones

in establishing acceptable international standards for child recruitment and military training.

While focused attention and discussion on the more extreme case of child terrorists is lacking in

the history of international law, the literature on child soldiers (of which child terrorists are a

significant portion) is far from meager. Thus the question remains, given all the international

laws and protocols created to protect children from becoming child soldiers and child terrorists:

why has the practice not only continued but become more severe in certain parts of the world?

Eligibility and the scope of international law is perhaps the first barrier. The structure of the

current international system is such that war crimes committed by non-state actors are difficult

to prosecute.




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E. Bloc Positions

CEE/CIS region

As the region with the most severe cases of institutionalization and children’s rights violations,

CEE/CIS countries are under international pressure to overhaul the remnant practices of defect

ology which continue to stigmatize, isolate and imprison millions of children with disabilities.

Many promising initiatives for the disabled have taken root in CEE and CIS countries which, if

implemented, could considerably improve the quality of life of children with disabilities.

Examples of positive actions include: laws in Hungary which require all public and private

institutions to be accessible with lifts and ramps; integrated education implemented in 120

primary schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina; the innovation of family therapy centres in

Kazakhstan; improved neonatal services in Poland; establishment of a resource centre for child

psychosocial and cognitive development in Georgia with the help of UNICEF; para-Olympic

committees and international charities and businesses in Turkmenistan; de-institutionalization

strategies formed by the Ministry of Social Security, local NGOs and UNICEF in Armenia.

While still at the beginning stage, these initiatives seem to represent a desire to help children

with disabilities feel like an equal member of society, and a willingness to cooperate with

international bodies in protecting these children’s human rights.

Asia: china, Taiwan, Thailand, Vietnam, India, Indonesia

As the region with the greatest prevalence of children with disabilities being exploited as

beggars, prostitutes or child laborers in homes and in factories, Asia can no longer turn a blind

eye to the plight of over 2 million children within their borders. While these countries are all

developed countries, the “black market” for these practices is still alive and well, and it is up to

the local governments to act upon their voiced commitment to the protection of their children’s

rights.

Developed countries: North America and Western Europe

As made evident from the list of regional acts and treaties in the above section “Relevant UN

Actions,” developed countries may not have the problem of institutionalization or exploitation of




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disabled children but still continue to address social discrimination and the rights of persons with

disabilities especially in education and in the work force. These countries have a responsibility

to lead the disability movement on an international scale. Indeed, the modern disability

movement in the United States back to the “Rolling Quads,” a small group of wheelchair users

in California in the late 1960s who insisted on being allowed to attend university and live on

campus. As we can see, access to buildings, transportation, public spaces, information and

communication are critical first steps to the participation and inclusion persons with disabilities

having established these basic facilities, countries such as the U.S., Canada, U.K. and Australia

have both the resources and the experience to improve the plight of children with disabilities

worldwide.




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F. Thinker’s (Question A Resolution Must Answer)

1. What are the conditions and variables contributing to the recruitment of children into

terrorist organizations? What can the international community to do decrease and prevent

these underlying factors?

United Nations Children’s Fund

2. How do the issues of lightweight arms, drug trafficking, sexual exploitation contribute to

the greater issue at hand? As with preventative measures, what can be done to combat

these components of the topic?

3. How can children be successfully reintegrated into their communities and empowered for

the future?

4. Do neighboring countries of states that harbor child-exploiting terrorist organizations

have a special responsibility to help their child populations? If so, what kind of

responsibilities do these include?

5. What can and should both national and international governments implement in order to

better educate global citizens about this issue? In particular, how should UNPBC help

address the issue of media misconceptions and range of this information as well?

6. How can the international community better keep track of the number of child recruits

and their plight?

7. What alternatives can UNPBC and the international community provide for the children

who feel compelled to volunteer for terrorist activities or organizations?

8. In addition to revising and updating international initiatives, how can Member States

increase community and family responsibility on a local level as well?




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G. Recommended Readings

Given the complexity of the background and current situation of the involvement of children in

armed conflict, this study guide should serve only as your launching point in your research. In

order to participate fully at conference, it is crucial that you develop a full understanding of the

issue at hand by examining all aspects of the motivating factors and challenges that face the

respective societies. Do note, however, that since the nature of this topic engenders many

extremist viewpoints on both sides of the issue, be cautious in defining the scope of your

resources. Many resources you come across may have a tendency to present their case in a

biased manner. Thus while conducting your research, be critical of your sources and wary of

sensationalist phrases and headlines that seem prejudiced or imbalanced. There are several

effective ways to check the credibility of sources; you can either examine the variety and nature

of the sources it cites, or check for reviews to see what other authors or organizations have to

say about the source. Given the evolving and volatile nature of the terrorist organizations and

activities, Internet resources are most helpful for staying up-to-date on the most recent

developments. Particularly balanced and helpful websites include Human Rights Watch, the

Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, BBC and its Special Report pages. Interviews are

also incredibly insightful; many of the case studies in this research guide are excerpts from

interviews conducted by various scholars, humanitarian workers and even doctors who provide

expert analysis on the psychology of both the individual and community in societies harboring

terrorist activity. To obtain a thorough foundation on the history of children in armed conflict,

both web and print resources can be useful. An excellent and comprehensive overview of the

problem of child soldiers and terrorists is provided by P.W. Singer’s Children at War, which

describes in detail all elements of the issue and provides positive suggestions towards the end.

Singer is a Senior Fellow of the Brookings Institution, and has served as an advisor on the child

soldiers issue to the U.S. Marine Corps and the CIA. Another thoughtful report is written by

expert (and ex-child-soldier) Graça Machel; first published in 1996 and updated in 2001, “The

Impact of Armed Conflict on Children” is ground-breaking and has greatly influenced much of

the following literature on child terrorists. This report was commissioned by the UN Secretary-

General, and although only one section focuses specifically on child soldiers and terrorists, it

provides a valuable commentary on how international authorities should address the dual

responsibility and vulnerability of the child identity, and how children’s rights should be applied

to situations of armed conflict. For a more personal portrait, Ishmael Beah’s A Long Way Gone:

Memoirs of a Boy Soldier compellingly describes his experience as a child insurgent in Sierra




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Leone before he fled to the United States where he is now a world-renowned children’s rights

advocate and an advisory member of the Human Rights Watch Children’s Rights Division

Advisory Committee. The above selection are merely a few of resources that can give you a

historical, legal, scholarly, and personal understanding of the internal challenges of the issue.

For a more in-depth look into ethnic conflict and the psychology of suicide terrorism, delve into

literature written by experts including William D. Hartung, Jeffrey Victoroff and Vamik Volkan;

a detail list of their relevant work can be found in the bibliography below. Finally, United

Nations sources may prove extremely helpful in understanding what role the U.N. has played in

trying to halt the practice of recruiting children into terrorist organizations worldwide.

Resolutions from the U.N. Security Council, mentioned in the Past Actions section, will provide

valuable insight on past U.N. actions for the committee. The UN Documents website

(http://documents.un.org) provides free online access to many resolutions and other documents

published by the U.N.




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Bibliography

Beah, Ishmael. A long Way Gone: memoirs of a Boy Soldier. 1st Ed. New York: Farrar,

Straus and Giroux, 2007.

Berko, Anat. The Path to Paradise: The Inner World of Suicide Bombers and their

dispatchers. Westport, Conn.: Praeger Security International, 2007.

Bloom, Mia. Dying to Kill: The allure of Suicide terror. New York: Columbia University

Press, 2005.

Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers. “DDR.”10 July 2007 <http://www.child-

soldiers.org/childsoldiers/ddr>.

Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers. “Extract From: Child Soldier Use 2003: a

Briefing for the 4th

UN Security Council Open Debate on Children and Armed Conflict.”

London: International Secretariat.2003 <http://www.child-

soldiers.org/document_get.php?id=702>.

Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers. “International Standards.” 10 July 2007

<http://www.child-soldiers.org/childsoldiers/international-standards>.

Cohen, Jared. Children of Jihad: a Young American’s travels among the Youth of the

middle east. New York: Gotham Books, 2007.

Costigan, Sean S., and David Gold. Terrornomics. Aldershot, England; Burlington, VT:

Ashgate, 2007.

Lemish, Dafna, and Maya Gotz, eds. children and media in times of War and conflict.

Cresskill, NJ: Hampton Press, Inc., 2007.

Machel, Graça. “Children in War.” Journal of the Society for International development

1.42 (1996).

Mount, Mike. “Khalid Sheikh Mohammed: I Beheaded American Reporter.” CNN news

15 March 2007.

<http://www.cnn.com/2007/US/03/15/guantanamo.mohammed/index.html> (July 2008)

Obaid Sharmeen terror’s children. Prod. Obaid, Sharmeen, Jay Keuper, and Mo Naqvi.

DVD. Discovery Times Channel, 2003.

Singer, P. W. children at War. New York: Pantheon Books, 2005

Somasundaram, D. “The Tragedy of War.” World psychiatry: official Journal of the

World Psychiatric association (WPA) 5.1 (2006): 36-8.

United Nations. “Convention (IV) relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time

of War.” Geneva. 12 August 1949.

<http://www.icrc.org/ihl.nsf/FULL/380?OpenDocument>.




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United Nations General Assembly. Resolution 1386(XIV). “Declaration of the Rights of

the Child.” 20 November 1959 <http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/25.htm>.

United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). CLOSED

- Occupied Palestinian Territories: Consolidated Appeal Process 2007. Dir. Issa, Rima,

and Eran Torbiner. Prod. Afadila Mamdouh.

Werner, Emmy E. reluctant Witnesses: children’s voices from the civil War. Boulder,

Colo.: Westview Press, 1998.




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Topic B – Peacebuilding in the

Democratic Republic of the Congo

Introduction to the Topic

The turbulent history of the Democratic Republic of the Congo continues to challenge the

country, the United Nations and the international community. Often the focus has been solely on

the military situation.

The cycle of conflict and violence warrants a new approach: it is necessary for the United

Nations to take a concerted look at peacebuilding activities in the DRC. The issues facing the

country are rooted in history and have plagued the nation since it’s foundation. The United

Nations must bring together all the stakeholders in order to end the cyclical conflict.

The United Nations has been heavily involved in the conflict, primarily through peacekeeping. It

must capitalise on the current relative stability and seek to create a sustainable peace in the

DRC.




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A. Statement, analysis of the problem and past action

Statement of the problem

Since 1996 there has been continuing conflict in the DRC, particularly in the East. The scale of

this conflict has ranged from sporadic rebel attacks to a war involving nine countries that was

seen as one of the worst since World War II. Large swathes of the country were occupied by

foreign powers, the government had little control and millions died - the DRC came to be seen

as a failed state. The situation has improved: the government has regained control some and

fighting is less regular and less intense.

The DRC’s history has been one of violence and exploitation, with the ultimate victims being

the ordinary citizens. The origins of the conflict are many multi-faceted - they include the

natural resources of the country, its colonial history and struggle with subsequent dictatorship.

The origins do not lie neatly within geographic borders - many of the issues stem from situations

in neighbouring countries, particularly Rwanda, and from other external phenomena such as the

cold-war.

Support of a more militaristic nature has been more forthcoming, as evidenced by the large

peacekeeping force in the country. However peacebuilding efforts have been less successful.

The root causes of the conflict must be tackled and a partnership approach to creating a lasting

peace must be developed.




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Analysis of the problem

It is necessary to chart some of the historical developments of the DRC in order to understand

the conflict and it’s cyclical nature. Delegates need to be familiar with the root causes of the

conflict, the national, regional and international factors at play and the impediments that exist to

the creation of a lasting peace.

Colonialism:

The territory of the Congo became a personal possession of King Leopold II of Belgium in the

late part of the 19th century. Natural resources were heavily exploited, slave-labour was

widespread and millions of people died due to the harsh treatment. After these practices were

exposed there was international outcry and the region became a Belgian colony in 1908, under

the control of the Belgian government rather than the monarch.

The policies of the Belgian government were not as draconian as those of the King. However,

the key motive of exploiting resources for profit remained. Slave labour continued in many

respects, though not in such a manner as to incite international outrage, as was previously the

case. Improvements and investment in the country itself was never a priority and the quality of

life of the Congolese people improved little and slowly.

Independence:

The Congo gained independence from Belgium in 1960. In comparison with other nations that

became independent at this time, the Congo was ill prepared. The Congolese who took over had

no experience of governance.

Patrice Lumumba became Prime Minister in the first democratic elections. His call for economic

independence from Europe and overtures to the USSR, alarmed Western powers. Removed from

power by political rivals only a few months into his premiership, Lumumba was eventually

assassinated by forces linked to Belgium and the US.

Lumumba’s death only worsened the political crisis in the Congo, with instability and weak

government persisting for the next five years.




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Dictatorship:

In 1965, General Mobutu, who had been heavily linked to the assassination of Lumumba, seized

power in a coup d'etat. An ally of the United States in the Cold War, Mobutu was to hold power

for over thirty years.

Mobutu renamed the country the Republic of Zaire. He consolidated power through nepotism

and the execution of opponents. Mobutu’s Congo was a classic kleptocracy and over his time in

power he amassed a fortune of over $4 billion.

With the end of the Cold War, Mobutu became a less important ally for Western powers. He

promised democratic reforms but little materialised. As the economic situation deteriorated,

unrest fermented - particularly when the military went unpaid. He was overthrown in 1997

following a Rwandan led invasion.

Road to war:

Much of the recent conflict in the DRC has been linked to Rwanda and the Rwandan genocide.

Though just one factor, it is an important one.

The Rwandan genocide of 1994 saw large numbers of refugees fleeing to the Kivus provinces of

eastern DRC. Initially it was Tutsis that fled to the DRC. However, following the overthrow of

the Hutu regime in Rwanda, many of the génocidaires themselves fled to the DRC. These Hutus

began to attack Congolese Tutsis and Mobutu’s government did little to intervene. Fighting

broke out in the eastern provinces between Tutsi militias backed by Rwanda and Uganda, and

Hutu militias backed by Mobutu.

The militia backed by Rwanda and Uganda ousted Mobutu and installed Laurent Kabila as

President. It wasn’t long before Kabila’s backers turned against him and Rwanda, Uganda and

Burundi backed militias and sent troops in an effort to oust him. Kabila succeeded in getting

support from a number of African nations including Zimbabwe, Namibia, Angola, Chad and

Sudan. The conflict quickly escalated and became known by many as Africa’s World War - the

death toll reached millions. Kabila remained in power but had little control over the East of the

country.




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Path to Peace:

Efforts were made to secure a peace deal and a UN force for the country was approved.

However, Kabila was proving an obstacle to peace. He was assassinated in 2001 and replaced by

his son Joseph Kabila.

The younger Kabila was more amenable to peace and in 2002 a peace agreement was signed in

Sun City, South Africa. Most foreign troops left the country and Joseph Kabila remained as

president but militia violence continued in the East.

Transitional institutions were set up which involved representatives of different groups. A new

constitution was approved and elections were held in 2006. Despite violence, the elections were

deemed to be relatively free. Joseph Kabila was elected President.

Continued Unrest:

The DRC joined forces with neighbours in an effort to root out rebel groups in the east of the

country. Operation Lightning Thunder was launched in 2008 by the DRC, South Sudan and

Uganda in an effort to destroy the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA). The operation failed and

there were numerous reprisals against Congolese civilians.

Further operations against the Hutu rebel group,

FDLR, though more successful, failed to

eliminate the group.

Kabila was re-elected in 2011, though these

elections were labelled as “seriously flawed” by

the United States.

There was a serious rebellion by M23, a group

of rebels that had been incorporated into the Congolese army, in 2012. They succeeded in

capturing the city of Goma but the rebellion ended in 2013.




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Many obstacles remain to a lasting peace in the DRC. The government’s inability to establish

lasting control in the east of the country being one of the primary obstacles. The legacy of war

continues to haunt the country; there are an estimated 2.6 million internally displaced people and

almost 500,000 refugees who have fled the country. Democracy does not have a firm root in the

DRC and there are fears about what the next elections may bring.

Economy

The DRC is one of the most mineral rich countries on earth yet the potential of this wealth has

never been realised for its inhabitants. The country’s wealth was not invested in the country but

taken by the colonial powers and later Mobutu.

Transparency around the issuing of contracts for mineral extraction has been a concern for many

years. Indeed, IMF support was suspended because of it. China has been involved in large

mineral for infrastructure deals with the government. For the most part however, complex issues

around the control of mineral sites has discouraged foreign investment. There has been

economic growth in past years and this must be capitalised on; infrastructure must be improved

economic returns must be invested in public programmes and peace building and not used to

enrich individuals. Worryingly, the DRC remains one of the worst ranked countries on the

Corruption Perception Index.

Peacebuilding Efforts

There have been very generous donors towards peacebuilding efforts in the DRC and many

projects undertaken. However, a lack of harmony between different projects and a lack of

understanding about the history of the country and the causes of the conflict, have blunted the

effectiveness of peacebuilding attempts.

The lack of government authority in the East of the country has severely hampered

peacebuilding efforts. Promises of institution building have never materialised. A lack of

services and sporadic pay for government employees has diminished trust in the central

government.




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In a country recovering from major conflict and with millions of displaced people, a

sophisticated and competent justice system is essential. However, this is not the case.

Perpetrators of war crimes and gross violations of human rights have been able to act with

impunity. A lack of clear, enforced laws surrounding land and property rights has been a source

of tension and conflict in communities. This issue is sure to get worse as displaced people

attempt to return to their former homes.

Rape and sexual violence was used as a weapon during conflict in the DRC. It continues to be

perpetrated by militias in the east. However, there is a high rate of sexual violence throughout

the country and government soldiers have been implicated in numerous cases. There is little

justice for victims as convictions are rare.

Demobilization of armed groups and and reintegration into society has met with limited success.

Demobilized groups were integrated into government forces. Many armed groups treated

individuals who wished to demobilize as deserters with terrible consequences. Further progress

in this area must ensure protection for former combatants and their families and adequately

incentivise individuals to give up weapons.




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Past action

The United Nations was involved in the DRC during the 1960s and again since the 1990s.

Initially limited to an observer mission, the DRC now has the largest number of peacekeepers of

any UN mission, including an intervention brigade which is considered the first offensive UN

force. The United Nations has also been involved in humanitarian and peacebuilding works in

the country.

The United Nations Operation in the

Congo (ONUC) took place between 1960

and 1964. It was initially set up under

UNSC 143. The key mandate of the

mission was to secure the withdrawal of

Belgian troops from the country and assist

the government in maintaining stability. It

was largely successful in its goals.

The mission was the most ambitious

undertaken by the UN to date, in terms of

manpower, area to be covered and

challenges. The mission also had to deal with the attempted secession of the mineral-rich

province of Katanga. Once Katanga was secured as part of the national territory and Belgian

troops and withdrawn, the mission was scaled down and ultimately ended in 1964.

The United Nations once again became embroiled in the Congo in the 1990s. The UN Mission

on the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC) began in 1999 to monitor the Lukasha

ceasefire between the DRC, Angola, Namibia, Zimbabwe, Rwanda and Uganda. Before long the

missions mandate expanded to enforcing the ceasefire. The mission helped organise the 2006

elections and was involved in a number of peacebuilding activities.

In 2010’s UNSC Resolution 1925 the mission was renamed United Nations Organization

Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO). In 2013, by

Resolution 2098, the Security Council authorised the establishment of an “intervention brigade”




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in the DRC. This force is a new departure for the UN and is permitted to carry out targeted

offensives. Although this force has helped with the security situation, it is not a sustainable

solution to issues in the country. In 2014, the Security Council extended the mandate of

MONUSCO, including the intervention brigade, until March 2015.

The United Nations Peacebuilding Fund has been involved in projects in the DRC. Between

2009 and 2012 the fund worked quite well and was involved in four key areas: protection of

civilians; demobilization and reintegration of combatants; strengthening of state authority; and

local reconciliation. However, the M23 rebellion led to a suspension of many projects what

shows the fragility of peacebuilding in the DRC. Many of the major UN agencies are involved in

the DRC including: Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, Office of High

Commissioner for Human Rights, UN Development Programme, UN Population Fund, UN

Refugee Agency, UN Children's Fund, World Food Programme, World Health Organization.




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B. Proposed Solutions

The situation in the DRC is multi-layered and is the result of decades of conflict and abuse - as

such there is no simple solution.

Strengthen government & institutions

A strong central government is essential to peacebuilding in the DRC. The country is vast -

around the size of Western Europe - and in some areas there is little or no government control.

Government control is vital for many reasons. Militias in the east of the country cannot be

eradicated until there is a strong and consistent government presence in the region. The lack of

control allows terrorist groups to operate from the DRC into neighbouring countries.

The lack of government control also inhibits the ability to deliver vital services. With an

estimated one million people in the DRC living with AIDS, such services are vital.

Weak government also hinders economic growth. Some of the most mineral rich areas of the

country are those where the government has a weak presence. If the DRC is to strengthen its

economy to the benefit of its citizens it needs to be in control of these regions. Corruption must

also be tackled if foreign investment is to be tackled.

The strengthening of the government must also be balanced against the need to maintain

democracy in the country. Kabila is constitutionally barred from seeking a third term as

president, though some fear he may attempt the amend the constitution. The next elections will

be a serious test of the fragile peace in the country.

The lack of a functioning judiciary is also a barrier to lasting peace. There is little of no justice

for victims of rape and war crimes. Furthermore, disputes over land and property are causing

serious disputes, often along ethnic lines, and inhibit the process of reconciliation. One proposed

solution has been mobile courts, which have been deployed in relation to sexual crimes. While

they have been effective in some cases, they are often under-resourced. It is also questionable

whether such courts could adequately deal with property disputes which often require in depth

understanding of the locality.




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Co-ordinate projects & donors

While funding for projects in the DRC has often been forthcoming, it has not always been put to

the best use. There have also been many peacebuilding projects undertaken in the country,

though few have sought to tackle the underlying issues.

Many different projects without adequate communication has led to a scattering of effort and

reduced impact- a focused approach would lead to far higher yields for the time and money

invested.

A proposed solution to this problem is to identify key causes of unrest and a number of targeted

solutions. Government and international effort could then be directed at such projects, with the

necessary military back-up, to ensure success.

Education

Education is an essential and often overlooked element of peacebuilding. Funding of education

by the government has fluctuated depending on the economic situation. Many international

agencies are involved in education in the DRC.

Major conflict in the 1990s led to a lost generation - millions of children never received any

form of schooling.

A well thought out, well-funded education strategy for the DRC would help immensely with

peacebuilding efforts. It would allow a greater understanding of the conflict which would help

minimise its recurrence. Education around the law and rights would also help the growth of the

judiciary and bring about an end to the culture of impunity. Health education is also vital to help

stop the spread of AIDS. If the DRC is to realise its full economic potential and to prevent a

return to violence, education is essential and all possible attempts must be made to reclaim the

lost generation.

Regional Co-operation

Regional co-operation is vital to a lasting peace in the DRC. Significant tensions between the

DRC and Rwanda remain. The issues of refugees and militias are ones that cannot be tackled by

either country in isolation.




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Ethnic tensions, war and mistrust have severely damaged the relationship between the two

countries. The international community has a role to play in ensuring communication between

the countries and the rebuilding of trust. This is no small task with continued accusations of

Rwandan support for militias operating in the DRC. Wider regional collaboration between the

DRC, South Sudan, Uganda and the Central African Republic is needed to tackle military groups

such as the Lord’s Resistance Army.

C. Bloc Positions

Nations have differing views on the military situation in the DRC and the best way to achieve

stability. However, there is little argument that lasting peace in prosperity in the DRC is in the

interests of Africa and the international community. While most nations talk of a commitment to

peacebuilding, the implementation of that commitment varies. It is necessary to be aware of

other countries history with the DRC and what interests, other than altruistic ones, they have in a

peaceful DRC.

United States

The United States has a complicated history with the DRC. The DRC became an important part

of the cold war struggle.

The USA was involved in the assassination

of Lumumba and supported Mobuto for

most of his reign. Indeed in American

diplomatic circles Mobutu was known as

“our man in Kinshasa.” The USA was

willing to ignore the autocratic regime and

robbery of state funds in return for stability

and opposition to soviet influence.

With the fall of the USSR, the USA has attempted to redefine its role in central Africa -

opposition to Islamic extremism playing a central role. Mobuto became a less useful ally and his




- 40 -

involvement with extremists and American guilt over failure to intervene in the Rwandan

genocide, led to the USA supporting his overthrow.

The USA’s desire for stability in the DRC can conflict with its support for Rwanda. This came

to a head when it emerged that Rwanda was supporting the M23 rebels. This resulted in the USA

cutting finding to Rwanda.

The United States has yet to decide what role it wishes to play in the DRC and the wider region;

while it wants to see stability in the region, anything short of major conflict is unlikely to draw

major attention from a country embroiled in serious conflict elsewhere.

European Union

For the European Union and most EU countries, the priority in relations with the DRC is

ensuring stability and avoiding a return to large scale hostilities. Certain EU countries, in

particular France and Belgium, have more complex relations with the DRC for historical

reasons.

The EU contributed roughly 540 million euros to the DRC between 2008 and 2013. These funds

were used for humanitarian assistance, improving governance and supporting state agencies. The

EU also deployed a security and defence mission to the country in 2005 to help the police

maintain order during the transition to democracy.

Many EU countries give aid to the DRC through their own national programmes. EU donors

suspended aid to Rwanda over support for rebels in the DRC.

Rwanda

Rwanda continues to have a turbulent relationship with the DRC. Rwandan forces were heavily

engaged in fighting in the DRC following the genocide and were instrumental in the overthrow

of Mobuto.




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The relationship improved in the past few years with both countries undertaking joint military

exercises against militia groups. However, alleged Rwandan support for the M23 rebels has led

to a sharp deterioration in relations.

Co-operation between both nations is vital to ensure stability in the east of the country and

prevent militias operating with impunity - it remains to be seen whether such lasting co-

operation can be fostered.

France

France’s role in the DRC and other African nations has been characterised by its desire to

remain a major international player.

France supported the Hutu regime and Mobuto, even when other western nations had severed

ties. The fall of Mobuto greatly diminished France’s political influence in the region. France

attempted to gain economic influence and large French companies announced that they would be

entering the DRC market for uranium mining, cement and telecommunications. However, little

has materialised in these areas.

As a Francophone country, there will always be a tie between the DRC and France but it remains

to be seen whether France will regain influence in the region, be it political or economic.

China

The People’s Republic of China’s interest in the DRC is largely economic. Instability and

corruption threatens China’s ability to do business in one of the mineral richest places on earth.

China has entered large mineral for infrastructure deals with China which sees the building of

much needed roads, hospitals and schools. These deals have been delayed by corruption and

instability which has made China more cautious.

China and the USA are both vying for the DRC’s minerals but China’s infrastructure deals and

no insistence on human rights or democracy can make Beijing a more attractive business partner

than Washington.




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D. Thinker’s - Questions that our resolution must answer

1. How can donors tackle root causes of conflict and instability in the DRC?

2. How can state institutions be strengthened while avoiding a return to autocratic rule?

3. How can resources be used to the benefit of the Congolese people and not simply exploited by

individuals or foreign powers?

4. What funding and policy is needed to ensure adequate education?

5. How can a relationship of co-operation be fostered between the DRC and its neighbours, in

particular Rwanda?

6. How can demobilization of armed groups and their reintegration into the community be

completed?




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E. Recommended readings

Hochschild, A. (1998). King Leopold's ghost. 1st ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

Kent, J. (2010). America, the UN and decolonisation. 1st ed. London: Routledge.

Labda, A. (2011). EVALUATION OF CONFLICT PREVENTION AND PEACE BUILDING IN

THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO. Belgium.

Monusco.unmissions.org, (2014). [online] Available at:

http://monusco.unmissions.org/LinkClick.aspx?fileticket=aJTREZ0tqT0= [Accessed 27 Jul.

2014].

Turner, T. (2013). Congo. 1st ed. Malden, Mass.: Polity.

Unpbf.org, (2014). Congo, The Democratic Republic – United Nations Peacebuilding Fund.

[online] Available at: http://www.unpbf.org/countries/congo-the-democratic-republic/

[Accessed 27 Jul. 2014].

UN Security Council Resolution 1279






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