From targets of charity to citizens? Emerging lessons on gender-responsive social protection from Palestine

Dr Nicola Jones, Senior Research Fellow, ODI, UK

Economic Research Forum, Cairo, Oct. 25 2015

Woman, children and goatsCredits: Rebecca Reid 2013Presentation

overview

1) Concepts and trends

2) Palestinian case study

3) Future policy /programming entry-points

1. Social protection concepts and trends

The rise of social protection as a poverty reduction tool

• Social protection has risen rapidly up the political agenda as a poverty reduction approach, with over 750 million households reached globally (DFID, 2013)

• Programme design diverges considerably depending on economic, social and political contexts – within various paradigms – human development, economic growth, child protection, social inclusion and citizen right to basic welfare.

• Increasing interest in moving from “safety nets” to “transformative social protection” as analysts have realised that cash alone is not enough (Devereux and Sabates-Wheeler, 2003; 2012; Molyneux, 2009).

But social protection programming has often been gender-blind

• While social protection targets vulnerability, until recently programme design was seldom informed by an understanding that vulnerabilities are inherently gendered.

• Women, men, girls and boys not only experience different types of risks but also cope with the same risks and vulnerabilities differently (Meinzen-Dick et al, 2011).

• But limited attention to gender equality and women’s empowerment in social protection policy and programming: often conflated with targeting women (e.g. as cash transfer beneficiaries, female headed households). (Kabeer, 2008; Molyneux, 2006; 2009).

Towards gender-responsive social protection

Gender-responsive programme design recognizes that: • gender inequality is a key and multi-dimensional source of vulnerability embedded

in the broader socio-political environment

• these risks and vulnerabilities are mediated through policy interventions, pre-existing political economy dynamics and social norms, all of which are gendered

• and aims not only to tackle gendered vulnerabilities but also to promote the empowerment of girls and women at individual, household, community and polity levels directly and indirectly through complementary programme linkages

Source: Holmes and Jones, 2013

Credits: Rebecca Reid (2013)

2. The Palestinian case through a gender lens

What about social protection in the MENA region?

• MENA region countries have been much slower to embrace the cash transfer revolution seen in other parts of the globe, and have retained a stronger focus on food and fuel subsidies, but with significant pro-poor targeting issues

• Within the region, the West Bank and Gaza are the only areas in the region where social safety net coverage is above the word average, where govt, donor and NGO programmes cover more than half of the poorest quintile.

• But from a gender-responsive lens, however, its record is much more mixed …

Silva et al., 2013

Situating our study(1) Highly complex political economy dynamics:

• Comparatively strong human capital development record • Economic crisis and truncated labour market due to Israeli occupation/ international

blockade on Gaza• Political division between Gaza and West Bank;• Very high donor dependency • State-citizen contract fragile due to military occupation but linked to protection from

economic and political vulnerability • Social protection policy spaces are relatively strong in West Bank esp. since Arab Spring

and growing vulnerabilities in Gaza post-blockade; weaker in Gaza • But fiscal space for social protection is precarious due to economic context but high level of

commitment from PA and donors

Situating our study: a brief gender profile

Indicator (2014) Score/ rank for State of Palestine

Median years of schooling 8.4 yrs for girls, 9.3 yrs for boys[significantly lower level of inequality than average for Arab States – 4.9 vs 6.7]

GDI (deviation from parity with HDI) 0.974; ranked 41 globally [one of highest among medium human development countries]

Female labour participation rate 15.2%

GNI per capita for women compared to men

1651 USD ppp cf. 8580 USD ppp

Average age of first marriage 20.1 years

Total fertility rate 4.1 births (cf. 2.75 regional average)

Overview of Palestinian National Cash Transfer Programme

Origins Funded by EU, WB and Palestinian Authority since mid-1990s; amalgamated and reformed in 2010

Transfer amount

From 750–1,800 NIS ($195-468); quarterly payments; +free social health insurance, educational subsidies, food aid

Target groupExtremely poor households but some residue categorical targeted beneficiaries

Coverage 120,000 households in West Bank 48,000 families in Gaza

Targeting approach

A consumption-based proxy means testing targeting approach A unified registry across safety net programs improved targeting accuracy and crisis response capacity.

M&EFour major evaluations – on targeting accuracy (World Bank); on systems (EU); on child impacts (UNICEF); on citizen perceptions (DFID) - critical to maintaining support from govt and donors alike

Qualitative research methodology

Type of interviews 2011 2013

Key informant interviews 50 16

Focus group discussions 25 28

In-depth interviews 80 40

Community mappings 10 4

Individual level empowerment? Mixed impacts on empowerment of women at the individual level – both in terms of practical and strategic gender needs • Improved household consumption and nutrition (including covering costs of disabled

family members’ needs - e.g. medical needs, assistive devices, diapers). • Improved uptake of basic services (education, health) • Improved sense of self-confidence (esp. vis-à-vis in-laws / male family members) But very limited effects on: • women’s income generation capacities – women’s labour force participation is one of

lowest regionally due to truncated labour market but the CT is not providing links to labour markets, skills building or micro-credit

• women’s access to psycho-social support - in contrast to other contexts where there is access to social workers / social services

‘The cash transfer protects us from begging and burdening our families.’ (Female household head, 33, Jenin city)

‘The cash transfer strengthens us, and strengthens the relationships with our kids because I can buy them at least something they like’ (female beneficiary, 35, Jenin).

‘People respect us more for having some money, unlike when we didn’t have anything’ (female beneficiary, middle-aged, Hebron)

The PCTP is like first aid that resuscitates the victim. Women like us would be lost without it. (Female beneficiary of MoSA, 45 years , Rafah, Gaza)

Intra-household empowerment?Some but limited impacts on women’s care work burden

• Universal view that transfer amount is inadequate but it does provide opportunity to treat children/ provide some leisure opportunities

• Some evidence that intra-household violence is reduced as a result of lessened stress around livelihood insecurity (esp. vis-à-vis children)

Intra-household empowerment?• But no effects on women’s care burdens – which are high given very high fertility

rates, especially within households with pwds, sometimes multiple family members

• No behavioural change communication component to shift gender norms around intra-household gender division of labour in contrast to cash transfers in Latin America or the Philippines

• Very limited specialised disability support services – despite high rates of disability linked to a range of factors – including conflict and consanguineous marriages

• No linked legal aid (in contrast to Latin America) critical for access to social transfers for deserted women or women living in polygamous households

‘I am a young widow with two children and live with my husband’s family, it will be very difficult for me to go to other houses to work. People here are not like in Ramallah. The men of my husband’s family would not allow me to work.’ (Female beneficiary, 42, Hebron city)

‘We tried to take our disabled son to get help, but no organisation accepted him. I am ready to work outside my home to make a better living for my children but I cannot leave my son alone. This lack of care options really limits my chances of employment and mobility. This is why we have to make do with assistance from the cash transfer and UNRWA.’ (Female beneficiary, 44, Jenin camp)

Community-level empowerment? Relatively weak evidence of community-level empowerment from programme participation: • exacerbated by form of payment mechanism• social isolation given cultural and occupation-related mobility barriers is a key

vulnerability for women but neither networking opportunities nor linkages to safe spaces

‘We are under the eyes of our society. People observe us when we move, they want us to be prisoners at home! It is an unbelievable culture. When a young woman is divorced or a widow she is expected to stop doing everything. But we have the right to live normal lives!’ (female beneficiary, Rafah, Gaza).

• complaints of stigmatisation of beneficiaries by non-beneficiaries ‘They name us beggars. We wish to give up this stigma but we don’t have any other choice’ (female beneficiary, 28, Hebron, West Bank)

Enhancing social capital BUT CT beneficiaries noted more opportunities to participate in community events…

• Enhances social inclusion by facilitating beneficiaries’ ability to participate in family and community events (e.g. birthdays, weddings); to regain respect within the community and to secure informal credit

• Some information sharing about entitlements/ complementary services but limited impact on collective action

Political empowerment?• If social programmes are to enhance state legitimacy it is important to assess not just

what is provided but how citizens are treated (Eyben and Ladbury, 2006; Bukenya et al., 2012).

• Information provision about programme reforms has been limited, leading to distrust and tensions

• Feedback channels between programme implementers and communities are relatively weak despite potential of trained social worker cadre and community-level social protection committees

• A comparatively strong rights-based culture notwithstanding, oral and written grievance mechanisms function sub-optimally.

‘This is better than a hand-out. It is my right. (Older female beneficiary, Hebron) You [to a bank official] must pay me this until I’m dead. This is my right. You do not pay it from your pockets.’

(Older female beneficiary, Jenin)

‘The money is my right and that of my daughters. The oldest said to me this money is for us and the money we receive is better than [charity from] people.’

(Female beneficiary, 37, Jenin camp)

‘The benefit is our right – in Israel people get X and Y. Here we get barely a thing. They take from us but don’t give us anything. There are just 10 metres between me

and the Arabs in Israel but they are living much better than me. It is our right.’ (Young female, non-beneficiary, Hebron)

• But strong demand for more meaningful interaction opportunities

• Current pilot on beneficiary fora involving cross-governorate beneficiaries in forums of 20 people to articulate concerns and recommendations about implementation

• Gender parity in participation although men dominating in practice (more exposure to public space)

• Opportunity to interact with others and share experiences and information; and also to channel views to policy makers – through public hearings

• Potential for transformation is high but needs considerable mentoring

Opportunities for social accountability

There are no places where we can raise our voices and speak up. It would be great if these places existed. But in these places the people we speak to should also be in a position to help us - people in charge who can decide, and can provide us with the things we really need.

Before I was lost. I had no voice. Now [since joining the Beneficiary Forum] I know I have rights and that I have a voice. Even if my own problems with MOSA are solved, this will be the last thing that I give up, my role in this committee. I need to fight for the rights of vulnerable people like us, and especially the rights of the disabled like my daughter’

Female focus group participant, Rafah, Gaza

Female beneficiary forum member, Qualquilya, West Bank

3. Policy and programming implications

Policy and practice implications: moving from charity to empowered citizens?

1. Consider a Cash PLUS model of tailored support and promote linkages to: • economic empowerment for women; • psycho-social support • legal awareness and legal aid to overcome gender-

discriminatory practices • bcc interventions to shift gender division of labour• disability support services • safe spaces for women to meet and exchange

experiences and information

2. Scale up of community beneficiary fora to enhance marginalized women’s voice; and to improve programmefeedback loops and service provider accountability

ReferencesHolmes, R., Jones, N. (2013) Gender and Social Protection in the Developing World: Beyond Mothers and Safety Nets London, Zed Books.

Jones, N. et al., (2016). ‘Transforming cash transfers: citizens’ perspectives on the politics of programme implementation in MENA’. Journal of Development.

Abu-Hamad, B., N. Jones and P. Pereznieto (2014) ‘Tackling children's economic and psychosocial vulnerabilities synergistically: how well is the Palestinian National Cash Transfer Programme serving Gazan children? Children and Youth Services Review. October.

Jones, N. and M. Shaheen (2012). Transforming Cash Transfers: Community and Beneficiary Perceptions of the Palestinian National Cash Transfer Programme: Part 2: the Case of the West Bank”, DFID and ODI.http://www.odi.org/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/8179.pdf