‘Free will’ is a woefully simplistic concept introduced by theologians, purloined by

metaphysicians and abused by politicians, which fails to reflect the complex factors

impacting the choice of aristocrats to take the cross during the thirteenth century. In fact,

crusade is a historical, albeit useful, anachronism reducing the contemporary ambiguity in

ideas and actions that enabled diverse responses amongst the crucesignati. ‘Devotion

alone’ was increasingly entangled in the social push and pull pressures of communal ties,

church oversight and chivalric ideals.

Medieval individuals operated within connections of kinship, vassalage and community.

Louis IX over Christmas 1245, most notoriously, distributed robes with pre-stitched crosses

to his knights. 1 Across Christendom similar choreographed events launched expeditions.

During Frederick II’s coronation at Aachen, many German aristocrats followed their

monarch’s example in taking vows.2 Such ‘subtle’ coercion created troubling moral

dilemmas for vassals anxious to retain both earthly and heavenly lords’ ‘favour’.

Centralising monarchical governments’ attempted to convert royal right into public

obligation through integrating social elites, theoretically forbidden to depart king’s realms

without permission, as ambassadors, commanders and administrators. Kinship both

restrained and encouraged aristocratic piety. Whilst John of Lacy, Chester constable, was

leading vassal of Ranulf in 1219, Henry III curtailed desires of Earl Richard of Cornwall, heir

to throne, until birth of Lord Edward in 1239. As evidenced by the correlation between

papal peace initiatives and expeditions to the Holy Land, crucesignati required propitious

local political circumstances. In 1270, Robert Burnell initially planned to travel with Lord

Edward: taking the cross, receiving ecclesiastical protection and, on 2nd August, authorising

representative attorneys. Five days later, however, the death of Boniface, archbishop of

Canterbury, precipitated future king and chancellor’s bid for election to the vacant see.

1 Simon Lloyd, English Society and the Crusade 1216-1307 (1988) 106, hereafter SL2 James M. Powell, The Anatomy of a Crusade 1213-1221 (1986) 74-5, hereafter JP

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Although unsuccessful, Burnett profitably remained in England to supervise his absent

master’s affairs.3

Increasingly prominent bureaucrats and lawyers pursued dilatory crucesignati, enforced

contracts for crusading and commuted prison sentences into Holy Land military service. St.

Louis, for example, took one Parisian clerk, cold-blooded murderer of three robber-men, on

his first expedition ‘because I wish my people to understand that I will never uphold any of

their evildoings’.4 Uniquely positioned in the feudal pyramid as focal point for crusading

expeditions, King Louis in Cyprus gave Joinville and retainers 800 livres tournais to

augment their dwindling 240L. Whether Anglo-Norman invasion of Ireland 1169-70 or

Palestine 1189-91, great lords surrounded by kinsmen, friends and dependants reflected in

miniature social organisation. In 1217, therefore, Saher de Quenci, earl of Winchester,

travelled with two sons Robert and Roger (SL, 107). Crusade was entrenched in Catholic

consciousness, reaching outward from individual’s religious experience in Church through

family, region and nation to conceive of the blessed Christian ‘people’. One classic

example, Jean de Joinville boasted numerous crucesignati predecessors from 1147

onwards. Demonstrating his historical sensibilities, Grandfather Geoffrey IV’s shield was

retrieved from Syria and installed, with commemorative tablets, in chapel of St Lawrence at

Joinville. In his Life of Louis, Joinville occasionally celebrates his many and far-flung

kinsmen, such as his colourful description of Count Jaffa’s mighty galley at Damietta: ‘what

with flapping pennons, booming drums, and screeching Saracen horns, you would have

thought a thunderbolt was falling from the skies’ (47). Practically, Joinville and two cousins

hired together ship at Marseilles. In fact, canon law considered unfulfilled crusading vows

inheritable. Yet Joinville, and many others, also pleaded domestic priorities, ‘remain here

to help and defend the people on my estates’, as ‘pleasing to God’ when pressed by Louis

in 1174 (222). Hence, within authoritarian medieval structures, the crusade institution

3 R. Huscroft, ‘Should I stay or should I go? Robert Burnell, the lord Edward’s crusade and the Canterbury vacancy of 1270-3’, Nottingham Medieval Society 45 (2001)4 Jean de Joinville, The History of St. Louis, trans. and ed. by Natalis de Wailly and Joan Evans (1938) 36, hereafter JJ

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enshrined in law, steeped in tradition and bound-up in numerous social connections,

extended tentacles restricting individual choices. As Marx somewhat dramatically noted,

‘the tradition of all past generations weighs like a nightmare on the brain of the living’.5

Contemporary awareness of desperately embattled Franks in Levant surrounded by

overwhelming Muslims reinforced pressure. News in narrative and exhortation format was

plentiful. 51 identified missives and several diplomatic missions from crusader states

represent only tips of correspondence icebergs (SL, 28). Furthermore, letters from

crucesignati to families, Cistercian general chapters and local preachers diffused much

talked about messages. Lateran IV 1215 sought to formally focus thoughts on Jerusalem’s

liberation through general processions every month and reciting prayers in all masses. The

speed of dissemination indicated ecclesiastical urgency. On August 1291, Acre imperilled

by Muslims, Nicholas IV re-issued bulls summoning provincial councils, copies of which

arrived at Canterbury archbishopric on 21st December and Norwich bishopric five day later,

where specific clerics supervised diocese-wide distribution by 2nd February 1292 (SL, 43).

Ecclesiastics in York set aside 14th September 1292, Holy Rood Day, for a propaganda

blitz. Whilst bishops preached at York, Beverley and Rippon, 35 mendicant friars scattered

throughout the diocese to population centres (55). The Catholic Church apparatus, from

pope to parish priest, specifically targeted the feudal lynchpins. At Ecris 1198, for example,

the young Count Champagne hosted a tournament, gathered aristocratic friends and

invited rousing preachers – one decisive moment in recruitment for the Fourth Crusade.

The evolving organisation and growing professionalism of expeditions weeded out

‘empty mouths’ to cultivate chivalric elite. Innocent III, confirming policy evolution,

encouraged all classes of men to take crusading vows: the minority to prosecute ‘holy war’

in person subsidised through majority redeeming their commitment. His bull, Quia maior

(April 1213), clearly established the rights of crucesignati to protection of goods and family,

moratorium on debts, clerical financial support and the fervent prayers of Christendom.6

5 Karl Marx, ‘The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte’ (1851), The Marx-Engels Reader ed. R. Trucker (1978) 5956 Louise and Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Crusades: Idea and Reality, 1095-1274 (1981) 118, hereafter RS

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Men could commute, redeem and defer vows without even, exceptionally, their wives’

consent. In this relationship the ‘heavenly king’ reigned supreme.7 Knights also exploited

other meritorious methods of support. Richard Cornwall, for example, granted numerous

large donations: Constantinople in 1238, 1000L to Holy Land via Hospitallers on

Jerusalem’s fall 1245, and 7000m in his legacy. According to Matthew Paris, no one

proved more solicitous about the Holy Land (SL, 92-3). Degrees of commitment, indicating

accepted diversity in means and piety, existed. Robert Bingham 1304 left merely 2s.

‘providing nothing further is sold of my goods in aid of that Holy Land for whatever reason’.

Amongst increasingly disparate expeditions – self-funded crucesignati, paid surrogate

soldiers, Military Orders, convicted criminals and leading lay powers’ contingents – the

purpose of ‘holy pilgrimage’, ascribed by Humbert of Romans’ apologetics, seemed to

endure (RS, 104). Joinville, for example, received from saintly Abbot of Cheminon the

traditional staff and wallet, left his castle humbly dressed on foot, venerated relics at

several local shrines and secured monastic prayer ‘insurance’ (JJ, 34). Thus, though

focusing attention on knights’ special responsibilities, crusading news, organisation and

preparations also expanded opportunities for, and enhanced quality of, involvement.

Crusades dovetailed with the Church’s endeavours to reform society by sanctifying

vocations. Bernard of Clairvaux launched most vocal amongst many vitriolic attacks on the

inherently sinful chivalric lifestyle, the ‘empty glory’ of knights covering their ‘horses with silk

cloths’.8 The aristocrat was ultimately accountable to the cleric. According to Innocent III,

the recalcitrant would ‘answer’ to pope ‘in the presence of the Dreadful Judge on the Last

Day of severe Judgement’.9 Ecclesiastical penalties, notably Frederick II excommunicated

for repeatedly postponed departure dates, helped enforce vow fulfilment. This fear

penetrated deep into individuals. Troubadour-count Thibaud (1201-53) lambasted the

snivelling, cowardly and blind Jew-baron for betraying the patrimony of his Lord and Father.

7 Innocent III to Conrad, dean of Speyer, 9th September 1213; RS, 1328 Bernard of Clairvaux, In Praise of the New Chivalry (1128-31)9 Innocent III, Ad Liberandam, 30 November 1215; RS, 126

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He specifically recalled Christ’s crucifixion at Golgotha: ‘you from whom I never received

aid will all descend into the depths of Hell’.10 Peer pressure also influenced Gwion, Bangor

bishop, ‘hard pressed by the archbishop and a number of other people, importuned in fact,

rather than persuaded’.11 Whilst most frequently directed against infidels or heretics, the

underlying acceptance of compulsion coloured medieval thinking. In one sermon c. 1216-

25, James Vitry justified the Military Order’s benevolent intention towards their enemies by

arguing to ‘take away licence to sin’ gave ‘reward of serving God’ (RS, 68). Humbert,

likewise, justified violent attack because, if not ‘brought to conversion indirectly by being

scourged’, Saracens ‘better’ dead ‘sooner rather than later’ (RS, 114). Those Christians

failing to ‘resist’ by implication ‘consent’ to wickedness. The pragmatic dispensation

invoked Old Testament precedents, especially Maccabees, to compel ‘lay persons’ to

brandish the sword against the Church’s adversaries. Thus the reforming papacy’s vision

of Christian society united in fulfilment of divine plan, especially salvation earned through

penance, imposed significant obligations upon knights.

The positive transcendental exercise of crusading, nevertheless, tapped into broad-

based popular support. To the legitimised ‘order’ of knights, clerics offered with certainty

and urgency a ‘new way deserving of salvation’.12 Predictably, Bernard of Clairvaux

captured this mood of jubilee, special heaven-sent opportunity not to be spurned: ‘now,

strong soldier, you have a battle you can fight without danger; in which to win will be

glorious and to die will be gain’ (RS, 97). Years later in one model crusade sermon the

spiritual bonanza continued: ‘the flood-gates of heaven stand open for an abundance of

indulgences, Mother Church opens her arms and extends her hands to the poor’.13

Through initiating, abetting and blessing the defence of fellow-Christians by purging sinful

10 W. Jordan, ‘The representation of the crusader in songs attributed to Thibaud, count of Champagne’, Journal of Medieval History 25:1 (March 1999) 32 11 Gerald of Wales, The Journey through Wales ed. L. Thorpe (Penguin Classics, 1978) 18512 Guilbert Nogent (1110), Colin Morris ‘Chivalry as a Vocation’ in D. Baker (ed.), Studies in Church History (1978) 1513 quoted in Norman Housley, The Crusaders (2002) 107, hereafter NH

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‘enemy’ Saracens, the Church debased divine grace to worldly love.14 Yet the call to arms

retained considerable power and poignancy. Thibaud imagines the distraught love-lost

crusader-knight, winning ‘Paradise by bearing discomfort’, fortified in poetry only by

remembering Christ’s ‘surpassingly true and powerful’ sacrifice, and rededicating self to

cause with joy and sadness (32). This overwhelming debt of gratitude was reiterated by

Innocent III, exploiting the opportunity of business request reply, to exhort Duke Leopold IV:

‘much more merit in the gibbet of Christ’s cross than in the little sign of your cross’ (RS, 91).

In another chanson de croisade c. 1150-1200, the unknown author sang of ‘Paradise by

firm promise’, and concluded ‘he who can gain this prize is mad if he waits until tomorrow’

(RS, 90). Whilst powerfully challenging norms of conspicuous consumption, such Christian

charity genuinely appealed to knights’ hearts. Consequently, holy war represented the

epitome of medieval life in which Christ’s warriors pursued the Lord’s concern against

intractable enemies of the Cross.

Chivalry as compelling vocation fused ideas: ‘clerical in inspiration yet knightly in

aspiration’.15 The Chanson d’Aspremont (1190), for example, embellished the Roland

legend by portraying SS George, Demetrius and Mercurius, overtly transformed into

chivalric knights, visiting and helping the hero. In fact, Ramon Lull believed defending the

faith against infidel a knight’s first duty.16 Amongst many true sermon exemplum, James of

Avesnes overwhelmed by Saracens in 1190, persevered amidst calls to retreat: ‘I will

advance more willingly and no man will hold me back’. This inspirational community ideal

influenced his son, relatives and many more, striving to follow their predecessors’ examples

(JP, 60-1). Aristocrats retained their identity, even amidst appalling conditions. Hard-

pressed by infidels, the Count of Soissons ‘jested’ with Joinville: ‘seneschal, let these curs

yelp as they will; by God’s bonnet we shall talk of this day yet, you and I, sitting at home

14 J. Riley-Smith, ‘Crusading as an act of love’, History 65 (1980) 177; cf. If you love those who love you, what reward will you get? Are not even the tax collectors doing that? And if you greet only your brothers, what are you doing more than others? Do not even pagans do that? Be perfect, therefore, as your heavenly Father is perfect. (Matthew 5:46-8)15 J. Macgregor, ‘Negotiating Knightly Piety: cult of warrior saints in West, c. 1070-1200’, Church History (2004) 73:216 Maurice Keen, Chivalry (1984) 9

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with our ladies’ (JJ, 72). Clerical censure failed to curtail tournaments. The outlet of

strenuous and energetic knights to display chivalric qualities, win fame and prepare for

battle overlapped in aims and participants with expeditions. Of seven earls and ten barons

prohibited by Henry III from tourney at Northampton and Cambridge in 1234, fourteen

departed for Palestine 1239-41, or took vows (SL, 99). In Christendom’s courts, romances

celebrated the saintly deeds of Charlemagne repulsing Moorish invaders, Godfrey Bouillon

capturing Jerusalem, and Richard ‘Lion-heart’ grappling with Saladin. According to one

chronicler, eliding vertical and horizontal relationships, Earl Ranulf of Chester ‘acquired for

himself glory and honour before God and men’ (SL, 98). Even clerics hinted at numerous

rewards awaiting crucesignati: ‘sure promise of kingdom of heaven and a greater hope of

temporal prosperity’.17 This broad church attracted those hankering after adventure, travel,

fortune or fame.

Only strongly-motivated crucesignati shouldered the inordinate expense, effort and risk.

Many took the cross but comparatively few unsheathed sword in the Levant. Prior to

departure these devout temporary clerics sought to make peace with their neighbours,

especially religious houses, by settling ancient disputes, raising mortgages, or endowing

prayers. At the pinnacle of dedication and power, St. Louis spent over 1,500,000 L. on his

first expedition and, released from captivity, amazed his peers by remaining in the Holy

Land four further years to bolster Christian defences. He even carried earth himself to help

fortify Jaffa and gain the manual work indulgence. Returned to France, this quasi-monastic

king fed 120 poor daily, tried to ban dice manufacture, and garrisoned 100 knights in

Palestine. During Louis IX captivity, one Muslim asked, ‘How did you, given all the virtue

and good sense which I observe in you, conceive the idea of boarding a ship and riding the

waves to country populated by Muslims and warriors, with ideas of conquest and lordship?’

The saint’s only response was a seraphic smile (NH, 105).

17 Abbot Martin of Paris c. September 1201 (written August 1207-1208); RS, 71

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In conclusion, analysing motivation is somewhat speculative, especially due to the

reversibility of social pressures whereby pushing shades imperceptibly into pulling.

Evolving patterns of organisation, notably vow redemption, reinforced Church totalitarian

control and opened-up new pathways of salvation. Although creating lineages, crusading

impacted unevenly across Christendom as domestic responsibilities or comforts vied with

pious or worldly aspirations. Armed pilgrimage to the Holy Land thrived upon genuine

popular appeal. According to the weight of evidence in papal bulls, sermons and

chronicles, compelling devotion, properly placed in context of developing family traditions,

group solidarity and demonstrations of martial prowess, remained pivotal.

Bibliography

Bernard of Clairvaux, In Praise of the New Chivalry (1128-31), ‘On-line Reader at SM University’, http://faculty.smu.edu/bwheeler/chivalry/bernard.html accessed 01/03/2006

Norman Housley, The Crusaders (2002) NH

R. Huscroft, ‘Should I stay or should I go? Robert Burnell, the lord Edward’s crusade and the Canterbury vacancy of 1270-3’, Nottingham Medieval Society 45 (2001)

Jean de Joinville, The History of St. Louis, ed. by de Wailly & Evans (1938) JJ

W. Jordan, ‘The representation of the crusader in songs attributed to Thibaud, count of Champagne’, Journal of Medieval History 25:1 (March 1999)

Maurice Keen, Chivalry (1984)

Simon Lloyd, English Society and the Crusade 1216-1307 (1988) SL

J. Macgregor, ‘Negotiating Knightly Piety c. 1070-1200’, Church History (2004) 73:2

Karl Marx, ‘The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte’ (1851), The Marx-Engels Reader ed. R. Trucker (1978)

C. Morris ‘Chivalry as Vocation’ in D. Baker (ed.), Studies in Church History 15 (1978)

James M. Powell, The Anatomy of a Crusade 1213-1221 (1986) JP

J. Riley-Smith, ‘Crusading as an act of love’, History 65 (1980)

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Louise & Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Crusades: Idea and Reality, 1095-1274 (1981) RS

Gerald of Wales, The Journey through Wales ed. L. Thorpe (Penguin Classics, 1978)

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