The Adaptive Strategies of the I’waks of Kayapa

A cursory glance at the adaptive strategies of the I’waks of Kayapa shows at least two definite practices: shifting cultivation or slash and burn, and wet or dry agriculture, but these depend upon which culture center is mentioned. The environmental conditions determine to a large extent the kind of economic activities involved in each territory. It may be said thus, that while a number of practices is generally shared by the I’waks, there are slight differences in the manner by which economic activities are done.

Since the communities are nestled in plateaus or at the foot of mountains, the swidden cultivation system is practiced. A farming cycle also depends on which crops are grown. Moreover, land utilization varies.

In Alang-Salacsac for instance, a greater part of the territory is given to pastureland (70%), about 20% is forest, 7% is given to gardening, while a negligible 3% is to wet agriculture. Although there may be a vast acreage that can be made available for cultivation, water supply is a problem.

The problem of water supply in Alang-Salacsac makes swidden farming (slope gardening) account to only about 7%.

Pastureland in Alang Salacsac comprise about 70% of the land area. These man-made structures are used to barricade the cows and keep them from leaving the place.

About 20% of the total land area of Alang-Salacsac is forestland.

The very location of the sitios in Alang Salacsac ward of potential rainfall; and since the crops are rain fed, the people need a catch basin from which water can be drawn for irrigation purposes. Unfortunately, doing so requires a huge cash outlay which the community cannot afford at the moment.

Meanwhile, Amelong-Labeng, an upland barangay with an elevation of more than a thousand meters above sea level supports 15 % pitak or rice land and about 85% garden or upland agriculture. It also abounds in grasslands which is good for grazing animals like cattle and goats. The forestland is a protected area because it is a watershed. This is where much of their requirements for firewood is obtained. Plastic and metal pipes transport water from the source to the field; while a tank enclosed in hollow blocks serves as a storage or reservoir.

Water storage

Site clearing for swidden fields

Water from natural springs make it possible to cultivate rice in terraces in Amelong-Labeng (about 15% of the land area while swidden fields are about 85%)

Swidden Fields

Buyasyas both in Kayapa and Sta. Fe has about 75-80% agricultural land, 25% forestland, and about 5% of pastureland. Some 75% is cleared by way of slash and burn. Of this 50% is maintained vegetable gardens while 35% is dry agriculture.

Talnag, Buyasyas Kayapa Buyasyas, Sta Fe

Sitio Tuyungan

Sitio Li’bawan

These adjacent sitios in Kayapa Proper West are two of the oldest culture centers of the I’waks located at the foot of the Caraballo mountain ranges

On the other hand, Li’bawan and Tuyungan in Kayapa Proper West utilize at least 40% of the land area to agricultural activities while a greater part (60%) is forest land. Yet even, if this were so, intensive farming is observed because of the availability of fertile soil and the abundance of water supply.

The gradual elevation, some flat terrain at the lower portion of the valley, and the abundance of water supply from natural springs account for the extensive farming activities . Most I’waks from these sitios are farmers until some agricultural areas were passed to the migrants.

Mandamon(To weed)

Dabdab (Clear site)

Burned swidden site

Whichever way land is utilized, the following constitutes a typical cycle for I’wak swidden cultivation. Swidden farming of rice begins with the clearing of selected fields, a process known as pan-uma in January or February. Trees are first felled after which cut brush are made to dry for a week or two, then burned immediately.

Debris and ash resulting from burning are spread or left on the soil for it to absorb nutrients. Panlablab, or soil cultivation lasts for a week. To ascertain that land is very well prepared for planting, the I’wak farmer does the bangdal (or plowing) to break, mishanum the soil; this is further loosened, pag-as and finished with saluysoy or suyod. Inasmuch as the rains are still frequent this time, the I’wak prepares or does the kamma, plant bed in three days.

The digging, cuelo of holes is done in a day; and shortly thereafter, planting or tannaman/mantuned of seeds follows. Sustained monitoring is done in between the planting and harvesting. This includes weeding, damon or panlinis, occasional watering, panhibog or maintaining checkdams, or irrigation to assure a good harvest. This is repeated at least 3 or 4 times before the harvest, panburas occurs in October.

I’waks of the aforementioned sitios are quick to point that harvesting of palay depends upon the variety planted: the long-range requiring about 5-6 months of waiting, and the short about 4 months. For the latter thus, the next cycle occurs in June. Although rice has replaced taro and gabi as staple, seldom do the I’waks harvest rice surplus; in fact, the harvest usually fails one to six month’s short of families’ annual rice requirements. It is for this reason that gardening of taro or sweet potato is maintained the whole year to assure them of sustenance and survival.

Horticultural activities either by the slopes of mountains or in cleaned plots complements wet or dry agriculture. Although the methods employed are similar to the above, again, the cycle depends on which crops are maintained. Taro and sweet potato are planted anytime of the year and the I’waks only have to wait for five months before the harvest is ready.

What is good about the production of both is that the yield lasts for a year. It is true however, that the first harvests are often the best and most profitable; as the months stretch into a year, the harvest is not so good particularly in summer, when water is scarce. What is left of the harvest thus, is set aside and serve as fodder for animals like pigs.

Simple fence such as this keeps the native pigs and other animals from going astray.

In Amelong-Labeng animal and agricultural products are brought to the market every Wednesday because it is market day at the town proper. Women trek the mountains at least 4 times a month depending on the yield. They usually carry with them a kayabang or basket of sweet potato weighing about 15 kilos, which sell at 15 pesos a kilo.

With this amount, they buy rice, salt, or vegetable oil which is just about what they need since vegetables are obtained from the gardens. In the same territory, cardis (garden peas), patani , tabungao and karabasa (gourd family), repolyo (cabbage), sitting beans and Baguio beans abound. At Boyasyas sweet peas, sitting beans, tomatoes, pepper, ginger, and peanuts are common, while coffee and bananas intercrop with their gardens.

The products are transported using sacks, Kayabang and or by simple cartwheels

Baguio Beans Taro & other rootcrops

Sweet Potato

Tomato

Upland Rice

In the same territory, cardis (garden peas, patani (lima beans), tabungao & kalabasa (gourd family), repolyo (cabbage, sitting beans and Baguio beans abound. At Boyasyas, sweet peas, sitting beans, tomatoes, pepper, ginger, and peanuts are common, while coffee and bananas intercrop with their gardens.

Li’bawan farmers tend their farms more than eight hours a day

Weeding Tomato Plantations

Intercrop of rice and tomato

Swidden fields abound in Besong and in some nearby sitios of other barangays

The same are produced in Alang-Salacsac, with cassava on the side. At Li’bawan and Tuyungan, the variety in garden produce is further enhanced by the cultivation of tomato, cucumber, and watercress.

Cabbage fields abound in Besong

Upland gardens are thus given over to the extensive cultivation of sweet potatoes; in the valleys like Li’bawan and Tuyungan, a more intensive method is followed using both mixed cropping and crop rotation. Households generally cultivate at least one of each garden type.

The choice for which crops to rotate depends on the season and the soil on which these are maintained. Some of these like beans and cucumbers take 45 days to mature; cauliflower about 65 days, while peanuts take some four months.

A multi-crop of String Beans, Baguio Beans, Rice, Banana & Lemon in Besong

Whichever is produced, gardening or bangdal, starts with bukwal, or the clearing of a garden plot. Damon or uprooting of grass followed and drying or dadbab comes next.

To even out the soil, kalpagan or pagpag is done, which requires breaking the soil loose. Only when this is through that tanem or planting takes place. While weeding or damon pre-occupied the I’wak between cycles, maintenance required the use of fertilizers (traditionally using organic materials) along with the regular watering of the plants.

Pagpag/Kalpagan (To lossen the soil)

Bangdal

Damon

Water Sprinkler

Several rolls of PVC pipes are utilized to transport water for household and agricultural consumption.

In places where there is little water like Alang-Salacsac, this is done manually while in places more blessed with it, sprinklers do the job.

Meanwhile, two natural springs supply the essential water to Li’bawan and Tuyungan farms aside from the river at the lower portion of the valley.

Protecting the gardens from occasional pests like birds or rats also keep the people busy. Scarecrows are of makeshift materials ranging from old clothes, to plastic bags or nets, etc. At Tuyungan, used tin cans bored with holes on both ends and thread with a piece of string are used in place of scarecrows. As the cans dance with the rhythm of the wind, the birds are driven away. The more resilient ones are dealt with slingshots from an irate gardener.

Shooing/scaring birds out from the field

At Boyasyas the bayya-ong, a bamboo mouse trap is used by the I’waks to

control rats in the farms.

The farmer leaves a piece of sweet potato inside the bamboo trap and once the rat trips the bamboo coil, the pin will be removed and the string pulls up and catches the mouse by its neck.

Kinobet de Leon illustrates how a bayya-ong (Bamboo mouse trap) is done.

The Bayya-ongs are then positioned in various areas of the fields to trap as many mice as possible.

In histories past, rituals played a significant role in the farming cycle. Peralta in his study for instance observed the key position of taro and pigs in said rituals. I’waks look back to fond memories of butchering pigs on several occasions, the reason why ritual houses called “abunan” are maintained. It was here where relatives converged and partook in the meat which was offered in the “purong”, a ritual done to assure that a newly opened garden will last awhile and yield a bountiful harvest.

About August or September, the “sab-ong” was practiced to celebrate the first harvest of taro. A pig is butchered followed by the cooking of the gathered root crops which was shared and eaten with the neighborhood. The farmer who brings home the first harvest is welcomed by a ritual called “bunongan” which again is done in a common household. Finally, the “chakwag” was celebrated for the community harvests, which was done slowly to fend off immediate consumption.

Abunan in Alang - Salacsac

But the prioritization of needs and the perceived lack of practicality given the expenses surrounding the celebration made the conduct of rituals a mere survival of the past. In communities where there is the presence of a Baptist or Protestant church, harvest festivals are celebrated with the pastors in chapels or in churches administering.

It is no wonder that the political head of Alang-Salacsac would insinuate how better off the socialization be with the butchering of a pig or two. At Amelong-Labeng, the Barangay Captain could afford to butcher a small pig to welcome our presence since the raising of native pigs complements the agricultural activities. Interestingly, dogs too are raised in sizeable numbers not only to serve as companions in the gardens but also because dog meat is a source of additional income.

Chapel of Baptist Ministry in Labeng

In a set up where fields and gardens have to be monitored time and again, a sexual division of labor is in place, although informants claim that agricultural activities are shared by both sexes most of the time. They also draw the line between tasks that are heavy and those that are menial.

As such, clearing particularly the felling of trees, the preparation of seed beds, digging ditches or check dams are the exclusive province of males. Weeding and harvesting meanwhile is female turf especially with certain types of vegetables that necessitate gentle hands.

At Boyasyas, elders say that planting and harvesting still follow the “ammoyo or chinahonan” or community work, akin to “bataris or bawid” where members of the community are hired to do the labor.

Site clearing and burning of selected swidden fields are usually done by males.

Manlinis (Cleaning) and Mandamon (weeding) maintenance are usually done by females ( aside from doing household chores).

It is common among I’wak family members to share in the labor before any fruits of production can be consumed or shared by the household.

1. Bayo or Rice Pounding

3. Ready to cook rice

2. Ta-ep – Elimination of Rice Husks

At Li’bawan and Tuyungan, the well-off or I’waks with bigger lands to cultivate hire labor per dia or per day. Children’s participation in the agricultural cycle is seen from their typical roles as errand boys or girls, or in performing household chores like washing of dishes or clothes or taking care of their younger siblings while their parents are out in the field. Sometimes they are asked to plant if not to shoo the birds away. This explains why the dropout rate among children in the schools of Kayapa is high given the odd jobs that they have to do. The elderly like in the past continue the tradition of passing on to the young oral histories of the past.

Alang- Salacsac Farm Implements

There is little industrial art among the I’waks save from the garden tools and farm implements which are either homemade or obtained from the markets. The details that go into the farming cycle necessitate a tool or equipment appropriate for the process. Such range from…

Tuyungan & Li’bawan Farm Implements

Man-made “carts” are used to transport chopped off firewoods, vegetables, and other heavy products from one place to another.

Tiger grass for softbroom-making

The practice of swidden agriculture has given the I’waks a more settled way of life. Generally houses about 3-4 meters in size, and 200-500 meters apart are located where the gardens are. This enables the household owners to tend their gardens or fields without having to walk long distances, save for those whose garden plots are laid along slopes of the mountains. Informants say that they do not find any difficulties with this except during the harvest time when crops planted in higher elevations required a longer duration of gathering. Dwellings are constructed such that spaces beneath the floor are left open for the domestication of animals like pigs, ducks, chickens, or dogs as the case may be.

I’wak Traditional Houses from the 6 Culture Centers

Domestication of animals is a significant part of I’wak subsistence

Goat

ChickenCarabao

Pig

Buyasyas Upland Rice

Basically, the I’wak people have self-sustaining household economies. Production is geared towards household consumption but in the later years, outside trade/exchange has been encouraged. As a result, introduction of rice as a staple food replaced the traditional taro/sweet potato food. But even at present, these crops are still cultivated

Crop rotation has also guaranteed them a stable source of food supply. Although it was already mentioned that rice harvests may fall several months short, the availability of taro and sweet potato the whole year round compensates for what is lacking. A household (a nuclear family) then is able to eat three regular meals with rice as staple (particularly at Boyasyas, Li’bawan, and Tuyungan).

In periods when the families ran out of rice, sweet potato or taro becomes a replacement. Otherwise in Amelong-Labeng and Alang-Salacsac sweet potato remains a staple. Viands range from camote or taro tops or beans dashed with a few slices of meat.

Poultry is eaten occasionally. With the onset of trade and their interaction with people in the mainstream, the I’waks like anyone else eat canned goods, noodles, biscuits etc. a far cry from those days when they were totally dependent on taro production and consumption.

Taro & other rootcropsSweet Potato

The presence of one or two retail stores at least in each culture center has allowed their use of fragrant and laundry soap, shampoo, condiments, instant coffee, lard, salt, even junk food with money obtained from farm produce. It is given thus, that crops from either the fields or the gardens are first and foremost for home consumption.

I’waks claim that for smaller family sizes (3-5 household members) food gathered is enough. It is a reality however, that many I’wak households have on the average 6 to 8 children (the biggest being 11) and this is where food source and consumption become a problem.

For those able to produce surpluses, they have entered the market sphere. Many of them have taken advantage of improved road access by planting cash crops. Here they contribute to local economy. Crops are hauled to the town proper then brought to the vegetable terminal at Bambang. Like any upland producer, however, they haggle for reasonable prices and have to deal with the law of supply and demand. More often in their desire to get their goods disposed with, they become prey to prices dictated by the middlemen.

Pineapples

Tomatoes abound in Li’bawan

Chayote

Sweet Potato

This is the reason that farming becomes intensive. They realize that their yields are not comparable to crops produced with commercial fertilizers. They admit thus, that since crops maintained organically do not sell fast as middlemen prefer robust-looking farm produce, they are forced to invest in farm inputs like commercial fertilizers, high-yield varieties etc.

Rice & Cucumber intercrop

The first harvests then go to paying for farm inputs for the succeeding cycle. In the economic equation, part of the proceeds go to household needs like rice, clothes and at other times medicines for those who get sick. For those located in mountainous terrains, the absence of farm to market roads adds to their economic burden. Since trekking the mountain trails take a solid one or two hours, and bringing the produce to the terminals requires the services of Jeepney drivers, they have to pay freight rates that soar high during the rainy season when roads are at their worst.

Gardeners too, have to contend with seasonal problems like the onset of heavy rains or typhoons during the wet season (July to September) or the shortage of water in summer particularly at Alang Salacsac. Farmers complain about crops getting rotten and no longer commanding competitive prices once they reach the market. Thus, while they are able to generate income enough to tide them over the next cropping, often they ran into debts particularly when their produce do not sell high.

Part of their frustration is that while they are able to feed their families, seldom are they able to send their children to school. Those that do attend school finish until high school or two years in college, since the problem is always with sustaining them. It is for this reason that some go to other places to look for odd jobs (like being hired helpers or laborers or working in mines) that can at least send money home. Also, the problem is worsened by the fact that the schools are located in distant places like in Tuyungan and Li’bawan so that children almost always drop out from classes because of exhaustion.

Moreover, their timidity also gets in the way when negotiating for things or matters that affect them. It is revealing however, that they attempt to get integrated into the mainstream by actively participating in political and social assemblies at the barangay level. This gives them a measure of self-fulfillment and security that their representatives speak in their behalf. As such in spite of their relative poverty, they are not burdens to the local government.

In tropical developing territories, shifting cultivation in its many diverse forms remains a pervasive practice (En. Wikipedia:2010). That it has survived today in places like those occupied by the I’waks shows that it is a flexible and highly adaptive means of production. But knowledge such as this has been subjected to a lot of criticisms particularly from others’ impression that it has contributed much to the degradation of the forest. Critics are quick to judge the practice as destructive since they do not see past the clearing of forests and the felling of trees and do not perceive “often ecologically stable cycles of cropping and fallowing” (http://en.wikipedia.org: 2010) Joseph Cornell and Michelle Miller (of Washington Environmental Information Coalition) point out that:

“in areas which have not experienced rapid population growth and where sufficient lands exists, swidden has proven more sustainable and about as productive as more energy-intensive methods”

Although at the moment, the research team has only a crude estimate as to the number of residents occupying I’wak territory, (the team is currently doing a census survey of the I’waks in their culture centers), it is safe to say that their population has not increased significantly as to endanger their enclaves. Moreover, as indigenous peoples familiar with indigenous knowledge, the I’waks are very sensitive and caring of their environment. Being able to cultivate the soil properly and over a sufficiently large area, their swidden result in “a mosaic of agricultural, secondary and relatively undisturbed ecosystems that imitate more closely natural disturbance regimes than does mechanized modern agriculture”. Since they retain several crop species in each field along with useful trees, such a practice has been shown to have characteristics conducive to biodiversity conservation (Cornell and Miller:2007).

Having cultivated these fields over a period of time, I’waks have knowledge essential to the conservation and management of their environment. Knowing which crops to plant at a particular time, nurturing them with organic fertilizers, or with very little intervention, they get a “few years’ worth of annual crops, and finally a full-fledged cash tree crop plantation that eventually give way to the regrowth of the natural forest” (Cornell and Miller: 2007).

Moreover, the fact that they grow different varieties of crops enables them to minimize the risk of harvest failure (Tebtebba:2008). Having learned to plant new crop varieties (from taro and sweet potato), along with the domestication of animals (with the shift from its major function as food for rituals to food for home consumption), they have ensured their survival over the years. Furthermore, their awareness of which crops to plant with specific soils have made them selective of forest lands to clear.

Familiarity with more recent techniques of cultivation like sloping land technology has enabled them from keeping the mountain sides from erosion. The use of contour lines in some areas has guaranteed safe cultivation and the promise of better harvests. Keeping vegetable production at a minimum with enough surplus to dispose at the market protect the lands from overuse. As such, “contrary to the image of primitive Third-World farmers irresponsibly destroying precious forest, swidden agriculture is in fact a highly managed sustainable use of forest land” (Cornell and Miller: 2007).

Contour Lines: To prevent soil erosion

On the other hand, there are a number of changes which the I’wak farmer has to contend with if he is to ensure the proper and continued use of this centuries-old practice: the use of commercial fertilizers as well as machines for intensive cultivation. Although they admit that the use of commercial fertilizers guarantees that their crops command higher prices, (and which they do to a minimum), this runs counter to the traditional way of doing things which as earlier stated has done much to keep soil nutrients intact. The facility with which machines have brought about the clearing of lands could tempt the I’wak into using the technology to hasten the clearing of more lands with wanton disregard for environmental conservation.

Extensive farming activities in Li’bawan necessitate the use of modern farm equipment such as hand tractor and a rice thresher for post production.

This is in the light of the “unconscious” neglect of passing on to the next generation indigenous knowledge held in esteem. It helps thus, that some of the children that go to state colleges or universities earn degrees in agriculture rather than become professionals elsewhere in the future. But like those in the mainstream longing for material advancement and financial security of their children, I’waks wish that their children finish something else.

Moreover, although respondents say that the local government pursues agricultural policies deemed to improve the market value of crops produced, there seems to be the absence of a direct consultation with them on how best to address issues such as this.

Although the government has been active in providing access roads, the I’waks yet have to make local officials realize that there is more to building structures that to aggressively address problems to assure the latter of continuously “improving land directly engaged in swidden instead of increasing areas under slash and burn cultivation”.

Subject Adaptability/Application to other areas of studyThis study about the I’waks maybe integrated in the following

courses namely:

Lessons on Ecology – Ecology is the scientific study of the relation of living organisms with each other and their surroundings. The I’waks’ harmony with nature sustained them for many generations. Until now, the I’wak culture centers have sustained both biotic as well as abiotic components that generate and regulate the ecosystems in the place which provided goods and services that helped sustained their general well-being.

Lessons on Anthropology - Anthropology is the scientific study of the origin and behavior of man, including the development of societies and cultures. The study on the ethno-ecological adaptation of the I’waks of Kayapa tried to trace the growth and development of the I’waks as a people in several culture centers, growth in population, including patterns of movement as part of their adaptation and coping in a fast changing world; Likewise, using the approach of synchronic as well as diachronic methods, it takes into account the I’waks presence in relation to other societies or tribal groups in the old administrative region of I’tuy and details the I’waks’ adaptive strategies considering the changing signs of the times.

Lessons on History - History is the discovery, collection, organization, and presentation of information about past events. In an attempt to reconstruct I’waks’ history, tracing of reliable secondary sources entailed pouring over documents written by Spanish chroniclers and friars which were translated in English by American authors. But these entries were far and between, hence oral history had also been used particularly to validate information taken from secondary sources.

Lessons on Sociology - Sociology is the study of society which uses various methods of investigation and critical analysis to develop and refine a body of knowledge about human social activity, often with the goal of applying such knowledge to the pursuit of social welfare. The study on the I’waks utilizes largely a qualitative approach in documenting their ethno-ecological adaptation and see how these adaptive strategies have changed or were sustained overtime, providing an explanation of the importance of such a technology in their over-all survival as a people. It also takes into account the I’waks socio-economic activities.  Selected Lessons on Agriculture - Agriculture is the cultivation of animals, plants, and other life forms for food, fiber and other products used to sustain life. Since Agriculture is the key implement in the rise of sedentary human civilization, a documentation on the I’waks’ adaptive strategies on this aspect, whereby farming of domesticated species created food surpluses that nurtured their development of civilization may serve an excellent example .

CONCLUSIONSBased from the above discussion of findings, the following conclusions

were arrived at:

1.The I’waks of Kayapa, Nueva Vizcaya are an ethno-linguistic group which from the documentary sources are a people that practice shifting cultivation, and wet agriculture, and these economic activities have sustained them for many generations;2.On the basis of a semi-census survey, I’wak culture centers are found in the mountain enclaves of Barangays Besong, Alang-Salacsac (Bileg, Lower & Upper Bolo, Landing & Alang) Kayapa Proper West (Tuyungan & Li’bawan), Amilong-Labeng (Poblacion, Cawayan, Sayuding, Saguipat), Ansipsip (Dumolpos), Buyasyas, Kayapa (Talnag, Mataba, Parago) and Buyasyas, Sta Fe (Kapangan, Bocaog);3.Given the physiographic make-up of these culture centers, the I’waks have adapted themselves to the environment through the practice of swidden and wet agriculture. These economic activities depended upon which culture center is mentioned. Thus far, it may be said thus, that while a number of practices is generally shared by the I’waks, there are slight differences in the manner by which economic activities are done. 4.Since most I’wak communities are located in man-made and or natural plateaus or at the foot of mountains, the swidden cultivation system is largely practiced except in those centers which have gradual land elevations and which abound in water, where wet agriculture (Li’bawan and Tuyungan) is practiced. A farming cycle depended on which crops are grown. Moreover, land utilization varies. Some I’wak culture centers have greater part of their territory given to pastureland and or forest, while others are for gardening and wet agriculture.

5. Rituals played a significant role in the farming cycle of the I’waks but the prioritization of needs and the perceived lack of practicality given the expenses surrounding the celebration made their conduct a mere survival of the past;

In a set up where fields and gardens have to be monitored time and again, a sexual division of labor is in place. The I’waks also draw the line between tasks that are heavy (men) and those that are menial (women);

Children’s participation in the agricultural cycle is seen from their typical roles as errand boys or girls, or in performing household chores like washing of dishes or clothes or taking care of their younger siblings while their parents are out in the field;

There is little industrial art among the I’waks save from the garden tools and farm implements which are either homemade or obtained from the markets;

The practice of swidden agriculture has given the I’waks a more settled way of life.

Dwellings are constructed such that spaces beneath them are left open for domestication of animals; Crop rotation also guaranteed the I’waks a stable source of food supply. The availability of taro and sweet potato the whole year round compensates for what is lacking during the lean months.

6. In their overall survival as a people, the I’waks have to contend with some conditions brought forth by the changing signs of the times namely:

a. While originally producing agricultural outputs only for home consumption, the I’waks have entered into the market sphere to deal with surplus products, having bigger families with growing needs; they haggle for reasonable prices and have to deal with middlemen. More often in their desire to get their goods disposed with, they become prey to prices dictated by the middlemen

b. For those located in mountainous terrains, the absence of farm to market roads adds to their economic burden. The I’waks have to pay high freight rates especially during the rainy season when roads are at their worst; they have to contend with seasonal problems like the onset of heavy rains or typhoons during the wet season or the shortage of water in summer;

c. While the I’waks are able to feed their families, seldom are they able to send their children to school. Those that do attend school finish until high school or two years in college, since the problem is always with sustaining them.

d. I’wak’s timidity also gets in the way when negotiating for things or matters that affect them.

e. As indigenous peoples familiar with indigenous knowledge, the I’waks are very sensitive and caring of their environment.

f. Having learned to plant new crop varieties (from taro and sweet potato), along with the domestication of animals (with the shift from its major function as food for rituals to food for home consumption), they have ensured their survival over the years.

RECOMMENDATIONS1.To ensure the proper and continued use of this centuries-old practice of swidden farming and wet agriculture which supported the I’waks for many generations, the use of commercial fertilizers as well as machines for intensive cultivation must have to be minimized. It is therefore, strongly recommended that government agencies both national and local, spearhead a rigorous information dissemination drive about the right and proper way of doing swidden fields and wet agriculture;

2. Since the facility with which machines have brought about the clearing of lands could tempt the I’wak into using the technology to hasten the clearing of more lands with wanton disregard for environmental conservation, informal education, trainings and workshops among the I’wak gardeners and farmers can capacitate them in assessing their knowledge in the light of the “unconscious” neglect of passing on to the next generation indigenous knowledge held in esteem by past I’waks;

3. It helps that some of the children that go to state colleges or universities earn degrees in agriculture rather than become professionals elsewhere in the future. But like those in the mainstream longing for material advancement and financial security of their children, I’waks wish that their children finish something else. Scholarship grants and other educational opportunities for the I’waks therefore is a much needed relief and support given the financial constraints of majority of the I’waks;

4. Moreover, although respondents say that the local government pursues agricultural policies deemed to improve the market value of crops produced, there seems to be the absence of a direct consultation with them on how best to address issues such as this. A periodic consultation should therefore, take place with agriculturists assigned at the municipality so that measures to improve crop produce may be taught, with the view of sustaining the people at the same time protecting the environment.

5. Compared to Amelong-labeng, Buyasyas, Kayapa Proper West and Besong, Alang-Salacsac experiences water shortage; It is therefore highly recommended that non-governmental organizations, private and state agencies alike look into the possibility of establishing linkages with the local government Unit of Kayapa to address this problem of the I’waks of Salacsac as part of their CSR;

6. The building of water reservoirs for natural springs and planting trees in watershed areas are also strongly recommended for these things can preserve and trap the much needed water for household and agricultural consumption rather than continuous flow of water that result to wastage;

7. Since the high elevation, the cold climate of most I’wak culture centers, and market demands, affect crop production, the exploration of other crops that can thrive in these areas aside from the usual vegetables or crops being planted is very much recommended and;

8. Above all, since it has been proven historically that the I’wak people is one of the original settlers of Kayapa, Nueva Vizcaya, a more comprehensive and dynamic integration of this group of people in the political, socio-economic and moral fibers/spheres of society be made for the preservation, protection, promotion of their indigenous knowledge, systems and practices for their growth and development as a people.

REFERENCESBlair & Robertson, eds. “The Philippine Islands”Bonifacio, Ramos V. 2003. “ The Abong: A Witness to the I’waks Simplicity, Tranquility, and Accord with Nature,” Journal of Northern Luzon, Vol. Xxxi (January – December, 2003)Castillo, Rayda Joy B. 1999. “Ethnography and Life Cycle of the I’waks,” Journal of Northern Luzon, Vol. 28-29 (July 1999 – Jan. 2000)Cornell, Joseph D. 2007. “Slash & Burn,” Encyclopedia of Earth. Washington D.C.,: Environmental Coalition, National Council for Science & EnvironmentEmber & Ember, 1997. Anthropology. Prentice Hall: Simon & Scheuter (Asia) Pte Ltd. 317 Alexandra Road, SingaporeKeesing, F. 1962. “The Ethnohistory of Northern Luzon” , Stanford University Press: Stanford, California, USAPeralta, Jesus T. 1982. “I’wak Alternative Strategies for Subsistence: A Micro-Economic Study: The Iwak of Boyasyas, Nueva Vizcaya, Philippines.” Anthropological Papers, National Museum, No. 11. Manila: National MuseumPeralta, Jesus T. 1977. “The I’wak,” Filipino Heritage; The Making of A Nation, Metro Manila: Lahing PilipinoScott, William H. 1988. Trans. from Antolin F. , “Notices of the Pagan Igorots in the Interior of the Island of Manila”, UST Press: Manila, PhilippinesTEBTEBBA Foundation, 2008. “Guide on Climate Change & Indigenous People”, Valley Printing Specialist: Baguio City, Philippines