POLITICAL ELITES AND DEVELOPMENT CRISIS IN NIGERIA(A CASE STUDY OF SOUTHERN IJAW LGA OF BAYELSA STATE)
BY
AbstractPolitical elites are decision-makers whose powers are not subject to control by any other body in the society. The members of a political elite group have important influence in shaping the values and attitudes held by their segment of society.
This research project is thus a search for political elites and development crisis in Nigeria.
Chapter one of the study lays an introduction for subsequent chapters. Following the background of the study, the problem statement and the objective of the study which provided basis for the significance of the study and the hypothesis were stated. The limitation of this study were also highlighted.
In the literature review as contained in chapter two, works of various authors, international and local journals were reviewed to elicit views on the roles of political elite and development crisis in Nigeria.
Chapter three, research methodology, description of population and sampling procedure for data collection were discussed. Methods of questionnaire design, determination of sampling size and questionnaire distribution were also highlighted.
Chapter four was based on analysis of data collected. This chapter was sub-divided into data analysis, hypothesis testing and summary. Percentage table, figure and narration were carefully employed for proper understanding and testing of hypothesis.
Finally, chapter five was divided into summary of findings, recommendation and conclusion.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title Page - - - - - - - - - i
Approval Page - - - - - - - - ii
Declaration - - - - - - - - iii
Dedication - - - - - - - - - iv
Acknowledgement - - - - - - - v
Abstract - - - - - - - - - vi
Table of Contents - - - - - - - vii
CHAPTER ONE – INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of the Study - - - - - 1
1.2 Statement of General Problem - - - - 5
1.3 Objective of the Study - - - - - - 6
1.4 Research Questions - - - - - - 6
1.5 Significance of the Study - - - - - 7
1.6 Scope of the Study - - - - - - 8
1.7 Definition of Terms - - - - - - 8
CHAPTER TWO – REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
2.1 Introduction - - - - - - - 10
2.2 Theoretical Framework - - - - - 11
2.3 The Concept of National Development - - - 14
2.4 Perspective of elite formation in Nigeria- - - 16
2.5 Summary of the Chapter - - - - - 16
CHAPTER THREE – RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.1 Introduction - - - - - - - 32
3.2 Research Design - - - - - - 32
3.3 Area of the Study - - - - - - 32
3.4 Population of Study - - - - - - 33
3.5 Sample size and Sampling Techniques - - - 33
3.6 Instrument for Data Collection - - - - 33
3.7 Validity of the Instrument- - - - - 33
3.8 Reliability of the Instrument - - - - 34
3.9 Method of Data Collection - - - - - 34
3.10 Method of Data Analysis - - - - - 34
CHAPTER FOUR – DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS
4.0 Introduction - - - - - - - 36
4.1 Data Presentation and Analysis - - - - 36
4.2 Characteristics of the Respondents - - - 36
4.3 Data Analysis - - - - - - - 394.4 Testing Hypothesis - - - - - - 46
4.5 Summary of Findings - - - - - - 514.6 Discussion of Findings - - - - - 52
CHAPTER FIVE – SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION
5.0 Introduction - - - - - - - 54
5.1 Summary - - - - - - - - 54
5.2 Conclusion - - - - - - - - 57
5.3 Recommendations - - - - - - 58References - - - - - - - - 61Appendix - - - - - - - - 62
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY
Presently, the crisis of development is the most serious
problem facing Nigeria and Africa as a whole. This is because the
country has remained largely underdeveloped despite the
presence of huge mineral and human resources. Several decades
after the end of colonialism, most parts of Africa with Nigeria
inclusive is still fighting with problems such as high poverty rate,
lack of basic infrastructural facilities in all sectors of the economy,
unemployment, high mortality rate, political instability and
insecurity of lives and property. For example, Nigeria the most
populous African country, according to the United Nations human
development report (2005), out of 177 countries, ranked 158 in
human development index,165 in life expectancy at birth,121 in
combined primary, secondary and tertiary gross enrolment and
155 in GDP per capital. Recently, Suberu (2007) also had said of
Nigeria that “it earned around US$500 billion in oil revenues since
the 1970s, yet remains mired in poverty, unemployment, a
bourgeoning domestic debt, infrastructural squalor, abysmal
health and educational services, and attendant social frustration
and unrest’’.
Against the background of Nigeria’s development crisis,
emanated the debate on how to solve the crisis of development in
Nigeria. The political elites constitute the majority of the
stakeholders that can facilitate state development leading to
resolution of any crisis of development. According to Wikipedia
(2015), the political elite is a small group of people who control a
disproportionate amount of wealth or political power. In general,
political elite means the more powerful group of people. It can be
otherwise described as a selected part of a group that is superior
to the rest in terms of ability or qualities or has more privilege
than the rest.
Political elite are the most influential and prestigious stratum
in a society. The elite are those persons who are recognized as
outstanding leaders in a given field. Thus, there are political,
religious, scientific, business, and artistic elite. Ekeh (1983) has
defined elite as small minorities who play an exceptionally
influential part in the affairs of society in specific fields. He further
described political elite as decision-makers whose power is not
subject to control by any other body in the society. Nnoli (1981)
maintains that political elite are those who have an influence over
the fate of the society because of their superiority. The members
of an political elite group have important influence in shaping the
values and attitudes held by their segment of society. Falola
(2005) has described them as those who make decisions having
major consequences, who are able to realize their will even if
others resist, and who have the most of what there is to have-
money, power and prestige. However, the term does not apply to
any one person but refers to a plurality, a collectivity of persons,
however small it may be. This identifiable collectivity has certain
attributes and skills which give it not only a certain superiority but
also power of decision-making and influencing others.
The term political elite may also be defined as a group of
high stratum decision-makers in political culture or concrete
political structure which monopolizes political power, influences
major political policies and occupies all important posts of political
command. The main duty of political elite to the public as a whole
is to reconstruct society by attempting to mobilise and tap
available resources and political energies. Their attack on
economic backwardness, in order to achieve material
advancement, is through change in institutions and attitudes. The
political party or governmental apparatus serves for them as the
central instrument for modernization. However, the elite class in
Nigeria seems to assumed dimension that is unusual of realistic
functions in development context. Analysis of contemporary
situations in Nigeria reveals that the country political elite class
has no consistent and significant linkage to its national exploit.
The formation and conduct of Nigerian’s political elite group have
not been translated into a source of national development,
despite the fact well observed by American political scientists
John Purcell(1974) that powerful initiatives from within the
political elite groups is critically important for national
development (Ojo, 2006). However, the researcher seeks to
identify the relationship between the political elites and the
development crises in Nigeria.
Southern Ijaw whose political elite are directly under study in this
research work is a Local Government Area of Bayelsa State,
Nigeria. Its headquarters are in the town of Oporoma (or
Osokoma) in the north of the area at4°48′17″N 6°04′44″E. The
area has a coastline of approximately 60 km on the Bight of
Benin. It is the second largest Local Government in Nigeria
(Landscape) after Toro Local Government of Bauchi State. The
people and their language are known as Izon. It has Institutions
like The Niger Delta University(NDU) and the states airport in
Amassoma and Federal Polytechnic Ekowe in Ekowe, it is the
home of Kolu United FC of Koluama II. the first democratic
governor chief Diepreye Alamieyeseigha (DSP) and the former
deputy surveyor general/director for urban development in
Bayelsa state capital Mr C.B Ingibina is also from the Southern
Ijaw LGA. It has an area of 2,682 km² and a population of 319,413
at the 2006 census (Wikipedia, 2015).
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Almond (1960) has used the term ‘power elite’ for the
political elite who monopolies power and rule the country. Blanda
(2001) has called them ‘governing elite’, Marx, referred to them
as ‘ruling class’, Riesman as ‘veto group’, and Floyd Hunter as
‘top leaders’. The Nigeria political elite class had little disposition
to contemplate the positive use of elite advantage as strategic
instrument for engineering national development. Nigeria has
realized very little of her potentials because of in effective
mobilization of these potentials by the political elites.
Today the people (masses) have limited access to education,
lack of good drinking water and adequate medical care. Millions of
Nigerians are said to be suffering from various deadly diseases.
There is a prevalence of poor income and unemployment, street
trading by children, hazardous reproductive behaviours. However,
the researcher will analyze the development related crises in
Nigeria considering the role of political elites (Ake, 1995).
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
The general objective of this study is to examine the relationship
between the political elites and development crisis in Nigeria
while the following are the specific objectives:
1. To examine the relationship between the political elites and
development crisis in Nigeria.
2. To identify the developmental challenges and crisis in
Nigeria.
3. To examine the role of Nigeria political elites in the national
development process
1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
1. What is the relationship between the political elites and
development crisis in Nigeria?
2. What are the developmental challenges and crisis in Nigeria?
3. What are the roles of Nigeria political elites in the national
development process?
1.5 HYPOTHESES
HO: There is no significant relationship between the political elites
and development crisis in Nigeria
HA: There is significant relationship between the political elites
and development crisis in Nigeria
1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
The following are considered to be the significances of this study:
1. This research will be a useful guide for political elite in
Nigeria in identifying their roles and actively participating in
the process of national development using their political
power as the development facilitation tool.
2. This study will educate the general public on how political
influences of some small group of people in the society can
be used in resolving the developmental challenges faced in
the society.
3. This research will be a contribution to the body of literature
in the area of political elite and development crisis in
Nigeria, thereby constituting the empirical literature for
future research in the subject area.
1.7 SCOPE/LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY
This study on political elites and development crises in
Nigeria will cover the relationship between the political elites and
process of development in Nigeria. It will also examine the role of
political bigwigs in facilitation of developmental projects in
Nigeria.
LIMITATION OF STUDY
Financial constraint- Insufficient fund tends to impede the
efficiency of the researcher in sourcing for the relevant materials,
literature or information and in the process of data collection
(internet, questionnaire and interview).
Time constraint- The researcher will simultaneously engage in
this study with other academic work. This consequently will cut
down on the time devoted for the research work.
1.8 DEFINITION OF TERMS
Political elite- political elite are a small group of people who
control a disproportionate amount of wealth or political power. In
general, political elite means the more powerful group of people
within the political structure.
Development- the act or process of growing or causing something
to grow or become larger or more advanced.
Infrastructure- the basic physical and organizational structures
and facilities (e.g. buildings, roads, power supplies) needed for
the operation of a society or enterprise.
REFERENCES
Ake C (1995) Democracy and Development in Africa, Spectrum Books Limited; Ibadan.Almond G, James C (1960). (eds.) The Politics Of Developing Area, Princeton University Press, PrincetonBlanda,W. (2001) The Struggle for development in Africa.Sanata Press. LagosEkeh P (1983). Colonialism and Social Structure. Inaugural Lecture, University of Ibadan.Falola T (2005). (ed), The Dark Webs: Perspectives on Colonialism in Africa. Carolina Academic Press.Nnoli O (1981). “Development/ Underdevelopment: Is Nigeria Developing?” in Okwudiba Nnoli (ed) Path to Nigerian Development. CODERSIA, Senegal.Ojo, E.O (2006) Challenges of Sustainable Democracy in Nigeria. Ibadan: John Archives African Experiences” Ibadan J. Soc. Sci. (2)1
Suberu R (2007). ‘’Nigeria’s Muddled Elections ‘’ J. Democracy 18(4).United Nations Development Programme (2005). International Cooperation at a Crossroads: Aid, trade and security in an equal world (Human Development Report) New York.
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter gives an insight into various studies conducted by outstanding researchers, as well as explained terminologies with regards to political elites and development crises in Nigeria. The chapter also gives a resume of the history and present status of the problem delineated by a concise review of previous studies into closely related problems.
2.2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
This work adopts the ‘economy of affection’ and the ‘social
exchange’ theories as explicited by (Alchukwuma, 2007) in
explaining the findings of the research. The theory is considered
apt because it explains the formation, structure and modes of
sustenance of both formal and informal institutions and
associations in contemporary Africa. The theory elaborates on
how weaknesses of the state and formal institutions reinforce
people’s confidence in informal institutions one of which being
godfatherism.
Although the origin of godfatherism can be located in the history
of Ibadan, its reaffirmation is explainable through the seminal
work of Lemarchand (1972). The use of despotic measures by the
military regimes of Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha to ban
many old politicians without following up with a proper
restructuring of the polity created a political class without any
normative principle nor reliance on the electorate for political
ascendancy.
2.3 THE CONCEPT OF NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
National development is a process that never transpires outside
of definite social contexts. The particular strength and lapses of
certain development forces and structures inherent in state
formation which development actors pursue is one option but
elites overriding concern have a powerful influence, if not the
determining factor on the course of national development.
Development has in fact been theoretically linked with elite
theory since the heyday of modernization ideology when it was
assumed that suitably committed elites would hopefully be agents
of modernization in less developed or backward countries once
they had their reckoning with traditional elites.
The leaders and most of the active supporters of the Nigerian
nationalist movement came from the ranks of those who had
been most strongly affected by western education influences, and
in particular from the western educated, English speaking
minority (Coleman, 1958). The westernized elites were crucial
factors in the awakening of racial and political consciousness.
Therefore, the struggle for independence in Nigeria was driven by
the elites who were assumed would hopefully transform the
social, economic and political sectors to ensure sustainable
development.
The spread of western education presaged the appearance of the
elite that eventually influence the semi-literate masses. As
remarked by Macauley, “education was the progenitor of self-
government”. This is apt because, this class or group of people
formulates national and transnational policies that enhance
national development. The elites class through decision making
steer other sectors of the society, hence they play greater role in
national development. Thus, successful decision making,
interpretation and discourse among the elite class is fundamental
and crucial elements in national growth and development. In
other words, power relations among the various elites reflected in
the policy process in the context of the country development.
However, the elite class in Nigeria seems to assumed dimension
that is unusual of realistic functions in development context.
Analysis of contemporary situations in Nigeria reveals that the
country elite class has no consistent and significant linkage to its
national exploit. The formation and conduct of Nigerian’s elite
group have not been translated into a source of national
development, despite the fact well observed by American political
scientists John Purcell(1974) that powerful initiatives from within
the elite groups is critically important for national development
(Frank,1991).
The Nigeria elite class had little disposition to contemplate the
positive use of elite advantage as strategic instrument for
engineering national development. Nigeria has realized very little
of her potentials because of in effective mobilization of these
potentials by the elites.
Today the people (masses) have limited access to education, lack
of good drinking water and adequate medical care. Millions of
Nigerians are said to be suffering from various deadly diseases.
There is a prevalence of poor income and unemployment, street
trading by children, hazardous reproductive behaviours.
The depressing picture of Nigeria is worrisome. Based on this the
study consider the following questions:
I. In Nigeria, who are the elites?
II. On what level does elites interact in Nigeria
III. What forum exists for this interaction?
IV. To what extent are the elite’s major barriers in development
process in Nigeria?
In this paper, the terms ‘knowledge elite’, ‘technocrats’ and
‘bureaucratic elite’ will be used to refer to individuals whose
ability to participate legitimately in the policy process is grounded
mainly on their technical and professional credentials. However,
some distinctions are worth mentioning. Knowledge elites are
formed by those individuals whose intervention in the policy
process is based mainly on their technical credentials. They can
be either inside the public sector or state apparatus (e.g., policy
experts who are public servants) or outside it (e.g., consultants
and academics). Technocrats are those who hold top or national
political managerial positions in the public service and status
apparatus (e.g., a minister and vice-minister, a Central Bank
governor, the chair of a regulatory agency) as a result of their
technical abilities. In this regard, a technocrat is a person who has
risen to a top political position, in this case a ministerial or a
national policy-decision position, as a result of his professional
career path. Bureaucratic elites are those public servants who
exert their technical or administrative authority to inform policy
decisions through their managerial positions(e.g., permanent
secretary or national director).This distinction from the overall
bureaucracy is relevant in the case of Nigeria (Marcelo, 2009),
which lacks a bureaucracy in the Weberian sense . Political elites
are those who have decision making power in the state resulting
from their statutory or institutional position, or who have
influence on policy decisions as a result of their status in the
ruling coalition. Moreover, in contrast to knowledge-based elites,
Marc (2008) argues that, given the various attempts to define
elites in the literature, it is almost impossible to come out with a
general and all-encompassing definition. Rather, what would be
more appropriate is to consider the elements that constitute the
concept, such as inequality, predominance and organization. In
Marc’s words, ‘‘the first centers on a way of presenting the
dichotomy of those with influence and those without, the best and
the rest, or the rulers and the ruled. The latter on the other hand
has a different focus, with its axis of analysis centred on forms of
elite cohesion and the concentration of power’’. Although
ministers can be considered essentially politicians, depending on
their career path, they can also be technocrats. These terms are
used interchangeably because there is a potential overlap
between these definitions. For example, public servants with
expertise in some policy areas and who consequently inform
policy decisions can also be considered elite inside the
bureaucracy. Technocrats provide a ‘‘knowledge input’’ to the
policy process by participating at the policy design level (in their
sector) and also a ‘‘political input’’ by participating in the
decision-making level, for example, in the cabinet, influencing
other decision-makers and also taking positions on policy issues.
From the above elites as used here refer to political leaders at the
national, state and federal levels.
2.4 PERSPECTIVE OF ELITE FORMATION IN NIGERIA
In pre colonial Nigeria societies the elite’s class were traditional
rulers, prince and chiefs, wealthy long distance traders and
priests. These traditional elites include King Kosoko of Lagos, King
Jaja of Opobo,the Awujale of Ijebu, Oba Ovonramwen, Attahiru 11
of Sokoto Caliphate etc.
However, with the development of western education, a new
class,the westernised elite men and women emerged. They
include Herbert Macauley, Messrs Ernest Ikoli, Samuel
Akinsanya,H. O Davies, JC Vaughan, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Chief
ObafemiAwolowo, Ahmadu Bello etc. These elites united in their
struggle against colonialists. However, latter development shows
that they merely united because they had common enemy the
British. As soon as the European left, this unity collapsed. Each
leading nationalists wanted to achieve power using the people of
his tribe as the base. This shows that what was taken as unity of
purpose by Nigeria nationalist’s elites was only an illusion.
Fundamentally, all government have elites at the head.
Everywhere elites are viewed as essential elements of the
political and social life of the country and in every country ,the
stability of the nation and its regime seem to depend in a large
measure on way in which the elites is organized and fits with the
other sectors.
There are qualities which constitute the hallmark of competent
groups. These qualities are so essential for national development.
Essentially, elite’ formation is legitimated by their identification
with the most pervasive goals in society. That is, elites are an
embodiment of national consensus. Elite therefore is a nexus of
need fulfillment that binds situational demands and group
membership. Thus, the failure and success of national
development depends on elite’s effectiveness in knitting together
political influence so that it responds to functional demand on the
system. By personalizing the national values and giving a
relentless drive to development, the elite’ energies the productive
capacity of his society. Indeed, the quality of a nation’s elites and
the image which they projects upon the world constitutes an
important source of power. As Stoessinger said:
No amount of manpower or industrial or military potential
will make a nation powerful unless its elites use their
resources with maximum effect. China and America
development status is a function of their elites cohesion on
national development exploit.
It is sad that Nigeria has never been lucky enough because
Nigeria elites toe ethnic ties with absence of a coherent system of
choice in politics and economics. This prevented the emergence
of leaders who will take the country as a whole, as their
constituency. Nigeria is paraded with elites that regard
themselves as the canonical representative of their personal and
ethnic interests. Today elites organize their kinsmen to make
various demands on the State. Rather than coming together to
transform the nation economically, elites mobilise their tribal
forces under sub national organisations to threaten national
survival.
2.5 NIGERIAN’S ELITES AND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
EXPERIENCE.
According to Tamuno cited in Obaro 1980, prior to British
colonization, what is today known as Nigeria had various ethnic
cultural communities with varying forms of state formation
process. The various ethnic groups were joined together in 1914
through the Lord Lugard project and ruled as imperial state. The
imperial state was organized and consolidated through ethnic
based policy of regionalism, a political formation that post colonial
Nigeria elites found difficult to depart from it. Today politics of
ethnicity or region has become the ideology creating and
sustaining power structure among the elites in Nigeria. People are
now made to treat ethnicity or region as relevant to their personal
and collective choice of candidate during election .This ethnic or
regional dynamic is further reinforced by the relative economics
prosperity associated with real or imagine favour derived from
political advantage that accrue to group or region in control of
public affairs in Nigeria the elites overriding concern is to
preserve the postcolonial status quo with themselves in its
commanding positions. The masses that had been mobilized and
politicized on behalf of a universal goal now had to be
depoliticized rapidly in the service of elite domination. Because
ethnicity is close to core of individual identity, ethnic movements
is created and use by the elites in furtherance of their own special
interests which are time and again constitutive interests of the
emerging social classes. In this way, ethnicity becomes a mask for
class privileges (Sklar 1967). The dominant classes unable
intrinsically to increase production because of their dependent
nature on the capitalist relation of production, this class depend
on the state device to increase their benefits from the society.
Part of the ethnic scheme is seen to be part of ‘the mechanism
through which the political elite maintain power and exercises
influences. It is the attribute of elite behavior… the educated elite
become the chief proponents and purveyors of parochialism’
(Dudley 1973)
Mamdani (2002)noted that the transference of cultural identities
to the political domain by the political elites was to hijack power
by using identity as a basis for condemnation, discrimination and
marginalization. Such segregation along ethnic division is
employed to discriminate not because of the superiority of a
particular ethnic group over another but in competition to control
the economic spoil of the nation – state. In 1949, Azikiwe Shows
his ethnic bias when he remarked: It would appear that the God of
Africa has specially created the Ibo nation to lead children of
Africa from the bondage of the ages…the martial prowess of the
Ibo nation at all stages of human history has enabled them not
only to conquer others but also to adapt themselves to the role of
preserver. The Igbo nation cannot shirk from its responsibility
(Nnoli 1978).The NPC equally made such sentimental remark; It is
the southerner who have power in the North. They have control of
the railway stations, of the Post Offices, of Government Hospitals,
of the Canteens; the majority employed in the Kaduna secretariat
and in Public Works Department are all southerners; in all the
different Departments of Government it is the Southerner who
has power (Coleman 1958:)With intensive competition among
Nigerian elites for control of the spoils of office, politics become a
winner-takes-all affair. The political parties in control in each
region easily became weapons in the hands of major nationality
groups for the continued marginalization of the minorities.
Oppressed minorities began seeking solace in the opposition
parties with inevitable consequences of politicization of ethnicity.
The expulsion of EyoIta, a minority Efik, from the Igbo dominated
National Council of Nigerian Citizen (NCNC)led by Nnamdi Azikiwe
in 1952 resulted in Eastern Region minorities forming the rival
National independent Party, with EyoIta as president (Ojo and
Fawole2004).
The implementation of the Macpherson constitution of1951
accelerated the drift towards sub-group national ism and
tribalism. Educated Nigerians who aspire to fill new position of
power and status opened up to Nigerians by that constitution
realized that their most secure base of support would be the
people of their own groups. The indirect electoral system
strengthened this realization.
Manipulation and exploitation of ethnicity became a veritable tool
of political contest. Thus, a symbiotic relationship develops
between politicians who wish to achieve their own positions, and
their ‘people’, who fear political domination and economic
exploitation by a culturally distinct group allegedly organized for
themselves. A politician thus gains a tribal power by successfully
manipulating the appropriate cultural symbols and by articulating
and advancing his peoples collective and individual aspiration
(which he himself probably helped to arouse) (Graft 1983).
With a weak economic base, Nigerian elite was rendered
incapable of fulfilling the historical role played by its European
counterpart i.e. the development of the forces of production. The
dominant class at political independence was a pathetic parody of
what a dominant class is (Ihonvbere 2001). They were merely
recipient of a socio-economic system and state structure created
by and for the metropolitan power. The elite seize control of the
centre to redeploy it rather than transform it. They were unable to
subordinate the relatively high developed state apparatus.
According to Alavin (1972) the relatively autonomous role of the
state apparatus allows the neo-colonialist bourgeoisies pursue
their class interesting the post-colonial societies. Loss of political
legitimacy is a crucial indication of state failure and collapse
(Murunga2004). The incidents of vested interests and crisis of
legitimating have been attributed to the configuration of the
dynamics of social class. Ninalowo(1999) argues that for society
not to be propelled toward self-annihilation through intra-class
and inter class struggle over mutually contradictory vested
interests, it become historically incumbent on the state to bring
about orderliness via the abiding interests of legitimation.
Habermas (1986) points out “the acquisition of legitimacy
(through manipulation) is self-destructive as soon as the mode of
acquisition is exposed. Although coercion is the ultimate basis of
power, it is not a sufficient basis of governance. While force and
manipulation can sustain a government, voluntary acceptance is
more enduring, stable and reliable basis of governance
(Osaghae,Isumonah and Albert 1998. Legitimacy crisis occurs
when citizenship rights and benefits are largely denied, and the
states seems out of reach, sub-national identities then form basic
source of support and the individual may constitute a platform of
résistance against the state. In this context, transformation of
ethnic groups from group in them to group for themselves is more
likely (Adejumo 2001). In a situation of loss of legitimacy, the
state loses the willing allegiance and legitimizing support of its
population giving way to alternative centre of power within the
territorial space of the nation – state. A discrepancy in invested
interest of the elites and general interest and value deepens the
crisis of legitimacy. Ninalowo (1999) purports the ultimate test of
the legitimation resides in people’s fulfilment of their needs,
aspirations, value and interest. Widening disparities in access and
opportunities, socioeconomic insecurity, corruption, politics of
exclusion of the vast majority of the populace from the state and
increasing enrichment of the few, politicization of ethnicity has
led to loss of confidence among many Nigerians in the Nigerian
state. Babawale (2006) writes ‘the level of pillage that goes on
within the state apparatus is reflective of the elites’ loss of
confidence in the Nigerian project’. Similarly, Ihonvbere (2001)
adds without avenue of legitimacy, the government is de-linked
from the society and alienated from it. This makes mobilization of
the society for development impossible; the parasitic elite
preoccupation is primitive accumulation and not welfare and
satisfaction of the governed (Onuoha, 1999).Exploitative elite that
did not meet the aspirations or expectations of the people give
rise to legitimacy crisis. Such unproductive elites whip up ethnic
sentiments and emotions to enhance their strategic positions in
the Scheme of things. According to a Northern politician ‘we had
to teach the people to hate southerners; to look on them as
people depriving them of their rights, in order to Win them over”
(Theen and Wilson 2001). Politics in Nigeria is conceptualized by
various factions of the elites as a competition for crude
accumulation for personal Wealth but it portrayed as a mean of
enhancing ethnic interest. Thus political competition has fuelled
ethnic Conflicts, instability and violence (Ojo and
Fawole2004).Politics among the ethnic-based parties in the post-
Independence years was dominated by competition for hegemony
among the dominant ruling class. According to European
Scientific Journal November 2013 edition vol.9, No.31 ISSN: 1857
– 7881 (Print) e - ISSN 1857- 7431 169 Theen and Wilson (2001)
since the parties were closely tied to particular ethnic groups,
their electoral Strategies focused not so much on broadening their
base to include new social categories but rather on how to
mobilize the seemingly fixed group of supporters in order to
maximize turn out. The ethnic elements in elite’s formation in
Nigeria have implications for the balance of power that shapes
policy choices and implementation, as well as its results. Hence:
a) how elites emerge or consolidate their roles as part of the
policy process; b) what the elites’ strategic interests are; and c)
how the relationship between knowledge elites and political elites
shapes policy choices and implementation in the context of
pursuance of the development agenda. This make their roles in
the policy process more apparent than real. Building a
developmental state in a country where national issues are giving
ethnic interpretation is challenging.
The ethnic power relations involved in the policy process, the
absent of elites that contribute to a positive political
transformation make decision-making and the implementation of
policies in Nigeria complex, chaotic, uncertain, unpredictable, and
sometimes, solutions not always being aligned with national
realities as the main actors – bureaucrats and politicians are
concerned either with the ethnic interest or with their own
parochial interests (Lane, 2000]. In this concept, policy-making is
an incremental process in which adjustments are continuously
made to deal with development problems related to complexity,
uncertainty and ignorance about the major issues influencing the
trajectory of the development process.. It is essential to argue
that in Nigeria the possibility of the policy process being high-
jacked by particular groups and used to respond to their clienteles
through relations of patronage is clear. Therefore, development
problems in Nigeria centre around the elites abuse of
development policy process, which comprises a set of four
elements, namely 1) the constitution of power – the way power is
made up as a result of the underlying socio-economic structures
in Nigeria 2) the distribution of power – while power is formed in
response to social changes, it is not distributed in response to
challenges that require ‘freezing’ relations in order to obtain
greater certainty and predictability; 3) the exercise of power –
what means are used in exercising power; and 4) control of power
– the extent to which power is checked and the various ways in
which people constrain the use of power, which can range from
coercion to persuasion. The ethnic feat of elites in Nigeria affect
agenda setting – the general policy framework or strategy that a
country relies upon; 2) policy formulation – the formulation of
specific policies at the national level; 3) policy implementation –
activities associated with putting policies in place; and 4) policy
effects –the effectiveness (what has been achieved) and
legitimacy (how it has been achieved), which implies analysing
how the country’s citizens relate to the government and other
public institutions (Hyden, 2006). The policy process is a
combination of political and technical aspects .However; in
Nigeria the relationship between the actors involved takes
different forms as ethnic politics abuse public administration to
the extent that there is no clear separation between politics and
public administration. This has clear implications for the role and
behaviour of elites in the policy process. In this regard, Nigeria
lacks the Weberian perspective (Weber, 1982) bureaucracy elites
one that pursues its collective interests through the discharge of
its authority in a legal-rational and impersonal fashion, in stark
contrast to the patrimonial form of organization that mainly
characterized Nigeria structures. Nigeria bureaucratic elites are
mere agents of politicians that end up pursuing their own
interests. This has affected national development effort. The
concept development here mean process that raise a nation’s
standard of living, to free its population from a life of subsistence
agriculture to improve health and health care, and to effectively
join a world commercial community. It mean that people are the
real wealth of a nation and the expansion of people’s freedoms to
live long healthy and creative to advance other
goals .Thus ,national development is one that put people first and
enhance their empowerment ,creation of favourable social and
political environment for equal participation in decision making
process.
2.5 SUMMARY OF THE CHAPTER
Nigeria today wallow in the blind alley of development .This is one
fact that stirs no controversy .The possible area of controversy,
however, may relate to the explanation of this situation .However,
the discussion of the study has shown that the elites roles in
national development is numbed, trapped, and caged by
ethnicity. This is obviously correct because history has shown that
the success and failure of any nation or people is largely a
reflection of its elites approach to national development .Nation
that developed owe such status to dynamic and resourceful elites
who had vision of how their country not tribe, religion should be in
the comity of nation and then determine the path of strategy to
achieve the define goals. Developmental states are usually
characterized by a leadership which is strongly committed to
developmental goals and which places national development
ahead of personal enrichment and/or short-term political gains.
The success of Asian Tigers appears to rest on successful elite
cohesion. The elites group function actively in terms of national
development .In these countries, internalized elites cohesion
contributed greatly to national development. The elites
consciously risk political gain to achieve sound economic
development. A good development policy is linked with regime
survival and sound economic policy is considered good politics.
Therefore, to produce a positive economic transformation leading
to development, the dynamics of the policy process between
elites must be designed to overcome ethnic politics to a degree of
political stability to sustain national development efforts in
Nigeria.
(i) There should be a fundamental restructuring of the Nigerian
state through the “recurring decimal” of national conference.
(ii) Devolution of power to the component groups on the basis of
ethnic nationalities in the true spirit of federalism. This will help to
reduce the source of tension and terrorism, and also the struggle
for state power among the various ethnic groups.
(iii) The monopoly of power by few ruling class should be broken.
Political power holding should not be vested with just few ruling
elites, rather it should be re-distributed to accommodate all
groups or constituents of the Nigerian state.
(iv) Government should embark on development projects and
programmes that are of priority to the people in the Muslim
dominated region of the north as well as other parts of the
country with the aim of winning over the locals who are easily
recruited into terrorist (vanguard) groups. And the project should
be such that generate meaningful employment for the vulnerable
youths.
(v) The monstrous evil of corruption by political office holders
should be viewed as a crime that attracts stiffer punishment.
CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.0 INTRODUCTION
This chapter describes the various methods and techniques used to collect and analyze the data gathered for the study to gain a deeper understanding of the topic under study.
The data collection stage is important since the result of the analysis is dependent on the quality of the data obtained. Therefore, the method selected for data collection must be the most appropriate to assist in achieving the objectives of the study:
3.1 RESEARCH DESIGN
The type of research design for this study is exploratory and it is conducted because a problem has not been clearly defined. It helps to determine the best research design, data collection method and selection of subjects.
This is the best approach if one aims at clarifying understanding of a problem by three Primary ways which are Literature Research, talking to experts in the area of study and Conducting focus group interviews as claimed by Saunders et al (2000).
3.3 POPULATION OF THE STUDY
The population of this study is the regular staff of Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Ijaw South Local
Government Area, Bayelsa. The population figure for the study was 45.
3.4 POPULATION SIZE AND TECHNIQUE
Since the population for the study was not large, and data could be collected from all the respondents, the researcher adopted the census sampling technique to successfully complete the study. All 45 respondents were used for this study.
3.5 DATA COLLECTION METHOD
Data for this study was collected from the respondents by means of structured questionnaires that were self administered and field surveys through responses to questions in the questionnaire served as the main source of primary data for this study. Structured questionnaires were used to reduce cost, save time and avoid prejudice. Secondary data were collected from text books, journals and the internet (World Wide Web).
The first five (5) questions detailed personal information of the respondent. The rest centered on issues related to employee involvement and its impact on the organization. The questions comprised closed and open-ended questions. The open-ended questions were used when it became necessary for respondents to provide additional information.
3.6 DATA ANALYSIS
Saunders et al (2000) defines data analysis as consisting of three concurrent flows of activity that is data reduction, data display and a conclusion drawing/verification part.
Various analytical tools and software such as tables and Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) will be used in analyzing data for this study.
Data collected will be analyzed using frequencies and percentages. These frequencies and percentages will enable the researcher to clearly represent true data characteristics and findings with a great deal of accuracy. Interpretation and analysis of data will also be used to describe items in tables used for this study.
3.7 LIMITATION
Exploratory research often relies on secondary research such as reviewing available literature and/or data, or qualitative approaches such as informal discussions with consumers, employees, management or competitors, and more formal approaches through in-depth interviews, focus groups, projective methods, case studies or pilot studies. The results of exploratory
research are not usually for decision-making by themselves but they can provide significant insight into a given situation. The objective is to gather preliminary information that will help define problems and suggest hypotheses. (Kotler et al, 2006)
CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION
This chapter is devoted to the presentation, analysis and
interpretation of the data gathered in the course of this study.
The data are based on the number of copies of the questionnaire
completed and returned by the respondents. The data are
presented in tables and the analysis is done using the chi-square
test.
4.1 Data Presentation and Analysis
The data presented below were gathered during field work:
QUESTIONNAIRE ADMINISTRATION
INSTRUCTION: Please endeavor to complete the questionnaire by ticking the
correct answer (s) from the options or supply the information required where
necessary.
SECTION A: personal Information/Data
1. Gender
a. Male
b. Female
2. Age grade
a. Below 20yrs
b. 21-30yrs
c. 31-40yrs
d. 41-50yrs
e. 51-60yrs
f. Above 60yrs
3. Educational qualification
a. FSLC
b. WASCE/SSCE
c. OND/HND/BSC
d. MSC/PGD/PHD
e. Others
4. Marital status
a. Single
b. Married
c. Divorced
d. Widowed
5. Years of experience
a. 0-2yrs
b. 3-5yrs
c. 6-11yrs
d. Above 12yrs
6. Position/level
a. Senior staff
b. Junior staff
SECTION B:
Questions on the political elites and development crises in Nigeria.
7. Political Elites deliberately sponsor development crises for personal
gains/benefits.
a. Strongly agreed
b. Agreed
c. Undecided
d. Disagreed
e. Strongly disagreed
8. There is a significant relationship between political elites and developmental
crises in Nigeria.
a. Strongly agreed
b. Agreed
c. Undecided
d. Disagreed
e. Strongly disagreed
9. To achieve steady development in Nigeria, the political elites must be selfless
and put the nation first before personal gain and ambition.
a. Strongly agreed
b. Agreed
c. Undecided
d. Disagreed
e. Strongly disagreed
10. In your own view, identify the developmental challenges facing Nigeria.
_ _ ___ __ _ _ __ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ _
_ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
11.What are the roles of Nigerian political elites in Nigerian development
process?
_ _ ___ __ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _
BIO DATA OF RESPONDENTS
Table 1 gender of respondents
Frequency Percent Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Valid male 30 66.7 66.7 66.7
female 15 33.3 33.3 100.0
Total 45 100.0 100.0
Source: field survey, September, 2015.
Table 1 above shows the gender distribution of the respondents
used for this study.
30 respondents which represent 66.7percent of the population
are male.
15 respondents which represent 33.3 percent of the population
are female.
Table 2 age range of respondents
Frequency Percent Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Valid below 20 years 3 6.7 6.7 6.7
21-30years 10 22.2 22.2 28.9
31-40 years 12 26.7 26.7 55.6
41-50 years 10 22.2 22.2 77.8
51-60years 8 17.8 17.8 95.6
Above 60years 2 4.4 4.4 100.0
Total 45 100.0 100.0
Source: field survey, September, 2015.
Table 2 above shows the age distribution of the respondents used
for this study.
3 respondents which represent 6.7 percent of the population is
below 20years.
10 respondents which represent 22.2percent of the population
are between 21-30yrs.
12 respondents which represent 26.7percent of the population
are between 31-40yrs
10 respondents which represent 22.2 percent of the population
are between 41-50yrs.
8 respondents which represent 17.8 percent of the population are
between 50-60yrs.
2 respondents which represent 4.4 percent of the population are
above 60 years.
Table 3 educational qualification of respondents
Frequency Percent Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Valid FSLC 2 4.4 4.4 4.4
WASSCE/SSCE 10 22.2 22.2 26.7
OND/HND/BSC 18 40.0 40.0 66.7
PGD/MSC/PHD 10 22.2 22.2 88.9
OTHERS 5 11.1 11.1 100.0
Total 45 100.0 100.0
Source: field survey, September, 2015.
Table 3 above shows the educational background of the
respondents used for this study.
Out of the total number of 45 respondents, 2 respondents which
represent 4.4 percent of the population are FSLC holders.
10 respondents which represent 22.2percent of the population
are SSCE/WASSCE holders.
18 respondents which represent 40.0percent of the population
are OND/HND/BSC holders.
10 respondents which represent 22.2 percent of the population
are MSC/PGD/PHD holders
5 respondents which represent 11.1 percent of the population had
other types of certificate.
Table 4 marital status of respondents
Frequency Percent Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Valid single 15 33.3 33.3 33.3
married 25 55.6 55.6 88.9
divorced 3 6.7 6.7 95.6
widowed 2 4.4 4.4 100.0
Total 45 100.0 100.0
Source: field survey, September, 2015.
Table 4 above shows the marital status of the respondents used for this study.
‘Out of the total number of 45 respondents, 15 respondents which
represent 33.3 percent of the population are single.
25 respondents which represent 55.6 percent of the population
are married.
3 respondents which represent 6.7 percent of the population are
divorced.
2 respondents which represent 4.4 percent of the population are
widowed.
Table 5 years of service of respondents
Frequency Percent Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Valid 0-2years 8 17.8 17.8 17.8
3-5years 18 40.0 40.0 57.8
6-11years 15 33.3 33.3 91.1
above 12years 4 8.9 8.9 100.0
Total 45 100.0 100.0
Source: field survey, September, 2015.
Table 5 above shows the years of experience of the respondents
used for this study.
Out of the 45 respondents, 8 which represent 17.8percent of the
population have had 0-2yrs experience at work.
18 which represent 40.0percent of the population have had 3-5yrs
experience.
15 which represent 33.3percent of the population have had 6-
11yrs experience.
4 which represent 8.9 percent of the population have had more
than 12yrs experience.
Table 6 level of respondents
Frequency Percent Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Valid junior staff 35 77.8 77.8 77.8
senior staff 10 22.2 22.2 100.0
Total 45 100.0 100.0
Source: field survey, September, 2015.
Table 6 above shows the level or position of the respondents used
for this study.
Out of the 45 respondents, 35 which represent 77.8percent of the
population are junior staff.
10 respondents which represent 22.2 percent are senior staff.
TABLES BASED ON RESEARCH HYPOTHESIS
Table 7 political elites deliberately sponsor development crises for personal gains
Frequency Percent Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Valid strongly agree 15 33.3 33.3 33.3
agree 20 44.4 44.4 77.8
undecided 2 4.4 4.4 82.2
disagree 4 8.9 8.9 91.1
strongly disagree 4 8.9 8.9 100.0
Total 45 100.0 100.0
Source: field survey, September, 2015.
Table 7 above shows the responses of respondents that political
elites deliberately sponsor development crises for personal gains.
15 respondents which represent 33.3 percent of the population
strongly agreed that political elites deliberately sponsor
development crises for personal gains.
20 respondents which represent 44.4 percent of the population
agreed that political elites deliberately sponsor development
crises for personal gains.
2 respondents which represent 4.4 percent of the population were
undecided
4 respondents which represent 8.9 percent of the population
disagreed that political elites deliberately sponsor development
crises for personal gains.
4 respondents which represent 8.9 percent of the population
strongly disagreed that political elites deliberately sponsor
development crises for personal gains.
Table 8 there is a relationship between political elites and developmental crises in
Nigeria
Frequency Percent Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Valid strongly agree 30 66.7 66.7 66.7
agree 5 11.1 11.1 77.8
undecided 2 4.4 4.4 82.2
disagree 8 17.8 17.8 100.0
Total 45 100.0 100.0
Source: field survey, September, 2015.
Table 8 above shows the responses of respondents that there is a
relationship between political elites and developmental crises in
Nigeria.
30 respondents which represent 66.7 percent of the population
strongly agreed that political elites deliberately sponsor
development crises for personal gains.
5 respondents which represent 11.1 percent of the population
agreed that political elites deliberately sponsor development
crises for personal gains.
2 respondents which represent 4.4 percent of the population were
undecided
8 respondents which represent 17.8 percent of the population
disagreed that political elites deliberately sponsor development
crises for personal gains.
Table 9 in other achieve steady development in Nigeria , the political elites must be
selfless, putting the nation first before personal gains and ambition
Frequency Percent Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Valid strongly agree 18 40.0 40.0 40.0
agree 12 26.7 26.7 66.7
disagree 8 17.8 17.8 84.4
strongly disagree 7 15.6 15.6 100.0
Total 45 100.0 100.0
Source: field survey, September, 2015.
Table 9 above shows the responses of respondents that in other
to achieve steady development in Nigeria, the political elites must
be selfless by putting the nation before personal gains and
ambition.
18 respondents which represent 40.0 percent of the population
strongly agreed that in other to achieve steady development in
Nigeria, the political elites must be selfless by putting the nation
before personal gains and ambition.
12 respondents which represent 26.7 percent of the population
agreed that in other to achieve steady development in Nigeria,
the political elites must be selfless by putting the nation before
personal gains and ambition.
8 respondents which represent 17.8 percent of the population
disagreed that in other to achieve steady development in Nigeria,
the political elites must be selfless by putting the nation before
personal gains and ambition.
8 respondents which represent 17.8 percent of the population
strongly disagreed that in other to achieve steady development in
Nigeria, the political elites must be selfless by putting the nation
before personal gains and ambition.
HYPOTHESIS TO BE TESTED
H0: There is no significant relationship between the political elites
and development crises in Nigeria.
H1: There is significant relationship between the political elites
and development crises in Nigeria.
Level of significance: 0.05
Decision rule: reject the null hypothesis if the p-value is less
than the level of significance.
There is a relationship between political elites and developmental crises in Nigeria
Observed N Expected N Residual
strongly agree 30 11.2 18.8
agree 5 11.2 -6.2
undecided 2 11.2 -9.2
disagree 8 11.2 -3.2
Total 45
Table 10 Test Statistics
there is a relationship between political elites and
developmental crises in Nigeria
Chi-Square 43.267a
df 3
Asymp. Sig. .000
a. 0 cells (.0%) have expected frequencies less than 5. The minimum expected cell frequency is 11.3.
Conclusion based on the decision rule:
Since the p-value (0.000) is less than the level of significance
(0.05), we reject the null hypothesis and accept the alternative
thereby concluding that there is significant relationship between
the political elites and development crises in Nigeria. See table 10
above.
CHAPTER FIVE
FINDINGS, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION
The objectives of the study were to:
1. To examine the relationship between the political elites and
development crisis in Nigeria.
2. To identify the developmental challenges and crisis in
Nigeria.
3. To examine the role of Nigeria political elites in the national
development process
Findings from the survey revealed the following:
1. That there is a significant relationship between the political
elites and development crises in Nigeria.
2. Political elites deliberately sponsor developmental crises for
personal gains and benefits.
3. To achieve steady development in Nigeria, the political elites
must be selfless and put the nation before personal gains
and ambition.
CONCLUSION
Political elite are the most influential and prestigious stratum in a
society. The elite are those persons who are recognized as
outstanding leaders in a given field. Thus, there are political,
religious, scientific, business, and artistic elite. Ekeh (1983) has
defined elite as small minorities who play an exceptionally
influential part in the affairs of society in specific fields. He further
described political elite as decision-makers whose power is not
subject to control by any other body in the society.
Having gone through the research work, political elite and
development crises in Nigeria. We have come to the conclusion
that significant relationship between the political elites and
development crises in Nigeria.
The Nigeria elite class had little disposition to contemplate the
positive use of elite advantage as strategic instrument for
engineering national development. Nigeria has realized very little
of her potentials because of in effective mobilization of these
potentials by the elites.
Nigeria today wallow in the blind alley of development .This is one
fact that stirs no controversy .The possible area of controversy,
however, may relate to the explanation of this situation .However,
the discussion of the study has shown that the elites roles in
national development is numbed, trapped, and caged by
ethnicity. This is obviously correct because history has shown that
the success and failure of any nation or people is largely a
reflection of its elites approach to national development .Nation
that developed owe such status to dynamic and resourceful elites
who had vision of how their country not tribe, religion should be in
the comity of nation and then determine the path of strategy to
achieve the define goals. Developmental states are usually
characterized by a leadership which is strongly committed to
developmental goals and which places national development
ahead of personal enrichment and/or short-term political gains.
The success of Asian Tigers appears to rest on successful elite
cohesion. The elites group function actively in terms of national
development .In these countries, internalized elites cohesion
contributed greatly to national development. The elites
consciously risk political gain to achieve sound economic
development. A good development policy is linked with regime
survival and sound economic policy is considered good politics.
Therefore, to produce a positive economic transformation leading
to development, the dynamics of the policy process between
elites must be designed to overcome ethnic politics to a degree of
political stability to sustain national development efforts in
Nigeria.
RECOMMENDATIONS
As a result of the findings from the survey, the following
recommendations are made:
Since there is a relationship between political elites and
development crises in Nigeria, political elites should
endeavor to live up to expectation as their actions can
deliberately or not lead to developmental crises in Nigeria.
Political elites must learn to put the nation’s interest before
their personal gains or ambition in other to achieve
sustainable growth and development in Nigeria.
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