· Web viewThis study on political elites and development crises in Nigeria will cover the relationship between the political elites and process of development in Nigeria. It will

POLITICAL ELITES AND DEVELOPMENT CRISIS IN NIGERIA(A CASE STUDY OF SOUTHERN IJAW LGA OF BAYELSA STATE)

BY

AbstractPolitical elites are decision-makers whose powers are not subject to control by any other body in the society. The members of a political elite group have important influence in shaping the values and attitudes held by their segment of society.

This research project is thus a search for political elites and development crisis in Nigeria.

Chapter one of the study lays an introduction for subsequent chapters. Following the background of the study, the problem statement and the objective of the study which provided basis for the significance of the study and the hypothesis were stated. The limitation of this study were also highlighted.

In the literature review as contained in chapter two, works of various authors, international and local journals were reviewed to elicit views on the roles of political elite and development crisis in Nigeria.

Chapter three, research methodology, description of population and sampling procedure for data collection were discussed. Methods of questionnaire design, determination of sampling size and questionnaire distribution were also highlighted.

Chapter four was based on analysis of data collected. This chapter was sub-divided into data analysis, hypothesis testing and summary. Percentage table, figure and narration were carefully employed for proper understanding and testing of hypothesis.

Finally, chapter five was divided into summary of findings, recommendation and conclusion.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Title Page - - - - - - - - - i

Approval Page - - - - - - - - ii

Declaration - - - - - - - - iii

Dedication - - - - - - - - - iv

Acknowledgement - - - - - - - v

Abstract - - - - - - - - - vi

Table of Contents - - - - - - - vii

CHAPTER ONE – INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of the Study - - - - - 1

1.2 Statement of General Problem - - - - 5

1.3 Objective of the Study - - - - - - 6

1.4 Research Questions - - - - - - 6

1.5 Significance of the Study - - - - - 7

1.6 Scope of the Study - - - - - - 8

1.7 Definition of Terms - - - - - - 8

CHAPTER TWO – REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

2.1 Introduction - - - - - - - 10

2.2 Theoretical Framework - - - - - 11

2.3 The Concept of National Development - - - 14

2.4 Perspective of elite formation in Nigeria- - - 16

2.5 Summary of the Chapter - - - - - 16

CHAPTER THREE – RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 Introduction - - - - - - - 32

3.2 Research Design - - - - - - 32

3.3 Area of the Study - - - - - - 32

3.4 Population of Study - - - - - - 33

3.5 Sample size and Sampling Techniques - - - 33

3.6 Instrument for Data Collection - - - - 33

3.7 Validity of the Instrument- - - - - 33

3.8 Reliability of the Instrument - - - - 34

3.9 Method of Data Collection - - - - - 34

3.10 Method of Data Analysis - - - - - 34

CHAPTER FOUR – DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS

4.0 Introduction - - - - - - - 36

4.1 Data Presentation and Analysis - - - - 36

4.2 Characteristics of the Respondents - - - 36

4.3 Data Analysis - - - - - - - 394.4 Testing Hypothesis - - - - - - 46

4.5 Summary of Findings - - - - - - 514.6 Discussion of Findings - - - - - 52

CHAPTER FIVE – SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION

5.0 Introduction - - - - - - - 54

5.1 Summary - - - - - - - - 54

5.2 Conclusion - - - - - - - - 57

5.3 Recommendations - - - - - - 58References - - - - - - - - 61Appendix - - - - - - - - 62

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY

Presently, the crisis of development is the most serious

problem facing Nigeria and Africa as a whole. This is because the

country has remained largely underdeveloped despite the

presence of huge mineral and human resources. Several decades

after the end of colonialism, most parts of Africa with Nigeria

inclusive is still fighting with problems such as high poverty rate,

lack of basic infrastructural facilities in all sectors of the economy,

unemployment, high mortality rate, political instability and

insecurity of lives and property. For example, Nigeria the most

populous African country, according to the United Nations human

development report (2005), out of 177 countries, ranked 158 in

human development index,165 in life expectancy at birth,121 in

combined primary, secondary and tertiary gross enrolment and

155 in GDP per capital. Recently, Suberu (2007) also had said of

Nigeria that “it earned around US$500 billion in oil revenues since

the 1970s, yet remains mired in poverty, unemployment, a

bourgeoning domestic debt, infrastructural squalor, abysmal

health and educational services, and attendant social frustration

and unrest’’.

Against the background of Nigeria’s development crisis,

emanated the debate on how to solve the crisis of development in

Nigeria. The political elites constitute the majority of the

stakeholders that can facilitate state development leading to

resolution of any crisis of development. According to Wikipedia

(2015), the political elite is a small group of people who control a

disproportionate amount of wealth or political power. In general,

political elite means the more powerful group of people. It can be

otherwise described as a selected part of a group that is superior

to the rest in terms of ability or qualities or has more privilege

than the rest.

Political elite are the most influential and prestigious stratum

in a society. The elite are those persons who are recognized as

outstanding leaders in a given field. Thus, there are political,

religious, scientific, business, and artistic elite. Ekeh (1983) has

defined elite as small minorities who play an exceptionally

influential part in the affairs of society in specific fields. He further

described political elite as decision-makers whose power is not

subject to control by any other body in the society. Nnoli (1981)

maintains that political elite are those who have an influence over

the fate of the society because of their superiority. The members

of an political elite group have important influence in shaping the

values and attitudes held by their segment of society. Falola

(2005) has described them as those who make decisions having

major consequences, who are able to realize their will even if

others resist, and who have the most of what there is to have-

money, power and prestige. However, the term does not apply to

any one person but refers to a plurality, a collectivity of persons,

however small it may be. This identifiable collectivity has certain

attributes and skills which give it not only a certain superiority but

also power of decision-making and influencing others.

The term political elite may also be defined as a group of

high stratum decision-makers in political culture or concrete

political structure which monopolizes political power, influences

major political policies and occupies all important posts of political

command. The main duty of political elite to the public as a whole

is to reconstruct society by attempting to mobilise and tap

available resources and political energies. Their attack on

economic backwardness, in order to achieve material

advancement, is through change in institutions and attitudes. The

political party or governmental apparatus serves for them as the

central instrument for modernization. However, the elite class in

Nigeria seems to assumed dimension that is unusual of realistic

functions in development context. Analysis of contemporary

situations in Nigeria reveals that the country political elite class

has no consistent and significant linkage to its national exploit.

The formation and conduct of Nigerian’s political elite group have

not been translated into a source of national development,

despite the fact well observed by American political scientists

John Purcell(1974) that powerful initiatives from within the

political elite groups is critically important for national

development (Ojo, 2006). However, the researcher seeks to

identify the relationship between the political elites and the

development crises in Nigeria.

Southern Ijaw whose political elite are directly under study in this

research work is a Local Government Area of Bayelsa State,

Nigeria. Its headquarters are in the town of Oporoma (or

Osokoma) in the north of the area at4°48′17″N 6°04′44″E. The

area has a coastline of approximately 60 km on the Bight of

Benin. It is the second largest Local Government in Nigeria

(Landscape) after Toro Local Government of Bauchi State. The

people and their language are known as Izon. It has Institutions

like The Niger Delta University(NDU) and the states airport in

Amassoma and Federal Polytechnic Ekowe in Ekowe, it is the

home of Kolu United FC of Koluama II. the first democratic

governor chief Diepreye Alamieyeseigha (DSP) and the former

deputy surveyor general/director for urban development in

Bayelsa state capital Mr C.B Ingibina is also from the Southern

Ijaw LGA. It has an area of 2,682 km² and a population of 319,413

at the 2006 census (Wikipedia, 2015).

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Almond (1960) has used the term ‘power elite’ for the

political elite who monopolies power and rule the country. Blanda

(2001) has called them ‘governing elite’, Marx, referred to them

as ‘ruling class’, Riesman as ‘veto group’, and Floyd Hunter as

‘top leaders’. The Nigeria political elite class had little disposition

to contemplate the positive use of elite advantage as strategic

instrument for engineering national development. Nigeria has

realized very little of her potentials because of in effective

mobilization of these potentials by the political elites.

Today the people (masses) have limited access to education,

lack of good drinking water and adequate medical care. Millions of

Nigerians are said to be suffering from various deadly diseases.

There is a prevalence of poor income and unemployment, street

trading by children, hazardous reproductive behaviours. However,

the researcher will analyze the development related crises in

Nigeria considering the role of political elites (Ake, 1995).

1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

The general objective of this study is to examine the relationship

between the political elites and development crisis in Nigeria

while the following are the specific objectives:

1. To examine the relationship between the political elites and

development crisis in Nigeria.

2. To identify the developmental challenges and crisis in

Nigeria.

3. To examine the role of Nigeria political elites in the national

development process

1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

1. What is the relationship between the political elites and

development crisis in Nigeria?

2. What are the developmental challenges and crisis in Nigeria?

3. What are the roles of Nigeria political elites in the national

development process?

1.5 HYPOTHESES

HO: There is no significant relationship between the political elites

and development crisis in Nigeria

HA: There is significant relationship between the political elites

and development crisis in Nigeria

1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

The following are considered to be the significances of this study:

1. This research will be a useful guide for political elite in

Nigeria in identifying their roles and actively participating in

the process of national development using their political

power as the development facilitation tool.

2. This study will educate the general public on how political

influences of some small group of people in the society can

be used in resolving the developmental challenges faced in

the society.

3. This research will be a contribution to the body of literature

in the area of political elite and development crisis in

Nigeria, thereby constituting the empirical literature for

future research in the subject area.

1.7 SCOPE/LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

This study on political elites and development crises in

Nigeria will cover the relationship between the political elites and

process of development in Nigeria. It will also examine the role of

political bigwigs in facilitation of developmental projects in

Nigeria.

LIMITATION OF STUDY

Financial constraint- Insufficient fund tends to impede the

efficiency of the researcher in sourcing for the relevant materials,

literature or information and in the process of data collection

(internet, questionnaire and interview).

Time constraint- The researcher will simultaneously engage in

this study with other academic work. This consequently will cut

down on the time devoted for the research work.

1.8 DEFINITION OF TERMS

Political elite- political elite are a small group of people who

control a disproportionate amount of wealth or political power. In

general, political elite means the more powerful group of people

within the political structure.

Development- the act or process of growing or causing something

to grow or become larger or more advanced.

Infrastructure- the basic physical and organizational structures

and facilities (e.g. buildings, roads, power supplies) needed for

the operation of a society or enterprise.

REFERENCES

Ake C (1995) Democracy and Development in Africa, Spectrum Books Limited; Ibadan.Almond G, James C (1960). (eds.) The Politics Of Developing Area, Princeton University Press, PrincetonBlanda,W. (2001) The Struggle for development in Africa.Sanata Press. LagosEkeh P (1983). Colonialism and Social Structure. Inaugural Lecture, University of Ibadan.Falola T (2005). (ed), The Dark Webs: Perspectives on Colonialism in Africa. Carolina Academic Press.Nnoli O (1981). “Development/ Underdevelopment: Is Nigeria Developing?” in Okwudiba Nnoli (ed) Path to Nigerian Development. CODERSIA, Senegal.Ojo, E.O (2006) Challenges of Sustainable Democracy in Nigeria. Ibadan: John Archives African Experiences” Ibadan J. Soc. Sci. (2)1

Suberu R (2007). ‘’Nigeria’s Muddled Elections ‘’ J. Democracy 18(4).United Nations Development Programme (2005). International Cooperation at a Crossroads: Aid, trade and security in an equal world (Human Development Report) New York.

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 INTRODUCTION

This chapter gives an insight into various studies conducted by outstanding researchers, as well as explained terminologies with regards to political elites and development crises in Nigeria. The chapter also gives a resume of the history and present status of the problem delineated by a concise review of previous studies into closely related problems.

2.2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

This work adopts the ‘economy of affection’ and the ‘social

exchange’ theories as explicited by (Alchukwuma, 2007) in

explaining the findings of the research. The theory is considered

apt because it explains the formation, structure and modes of

sustenance of both formal and informal institutions and

associations in contemporary Africa. The theory elaborates on

how weaknesses of the state and formal institutions reinforce

people’s confidence in informal institutions one of which being

godfatherism.

Although the origin of godfatherism can be located in the history

of Ibadan, its reaffirmation is explainable through the seminal

work of Lemarchand (1972). The use of despotic measures by the

military regimes of Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha to ban

many old politicians without following up with a proper

restructuring of the polity created a political class without any

normative principle nor reliance on the electorate for political

ascendancy.

2.3 THE CONCEPT OF NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

National development is a process that never transpires outside

of definite social contexts. The particular strength and lapses of

certain development forces and structures inherent in state

formation which development actors pursue is one option but

elites overriding concern have a powerful influence, if not the

determining factor on the course of national development.

Development has in fact been theoretically linked with elite

theory since the heyday of modernization ideology when it was

assumed that suitably committed elites would hopefully be agents

of modernization in less developed or backward countries once

they had their reckoning with traditional elites.

The leaders and most of the active supporters of the Nigerian

nationalist movement came from the ranks of those who had

been most strongly affected by western education influences, and

in particular from the western educated, English speaking

minority (Coleman, 1958). The westernized elites were crucial

factors in the awakening of racial and political consciousness.

Therefore, the struggle for independence in Nigeria was driven by

the elites who were assumed would hopefully transform the

social, economic and political sectors to ensure sustainable

development.

The spread of western education presaged the appearance of the

elite that eventually influence the semi-literate masses. As

remarked by Macauley, “education was the progenitor of self-

government”. This is apt because, this class or group of people

formulates national and transnational policies that enhance

national development. The elites class through decision making

steer other sectors of the society, hence they play greater role in

national development. Thus, successful decision making,

interpretation and discourse among the elite class is fundamental

and crucial elements in national growth and development. In

other words, power relations among the various elites reflected in

the policy process in the context of the country development.

However, the elite class in Nigeria seems to assumed dimension

that is unusual of realistic functions in development context.

Analysis of contemporary situations in Nigeria reveals that the

country elite class has no consistent and significant linkage to its

national exploit. The formation and conduct of Nigerian’s elite

group have not been translated into a source of national

development, despite the fact well observed by American political

scientists John Purcell(1974) that powerful initiatives from within

the elite groups is critically important for national development

(Frank,1991).

The Nigeria elite class had little disposition to contemplate the

positive use of elite advantage as strategic instrument for

engineering national development. Nigeria has realized very little

of her potentials because of in effective mobilization of these

potentials by the elites.

Today the people (masses) have limited access to education, lack

of good drinking water and adequate medical care. Millions of

Nigerians are said to be suffering from various deadly diseases.

There is a prevalence of poor income and unemployment, street

trading by children, hazardous reproductive behaviours.

The depressing picture of Nigeria is worrisome. Based on this the

study consider the following questions:

I. In Nigeria, who are the elites?

II. On what level does elites interact in Nigeria

III. What forum exists for this interaction?

IV. To what extent are the elite’s major barriers in development

process in Nigeria?

In this paper, the terms ‘knowledge elite’, ‘technocrats’ and

‘bureaucratic elite’ will be used to refer to individuals whose

ability to participate legitimately in the policy process is grounded

mainly on their technical and professional credentials. However,

some distinctions are worth mentioning. Knowledge elites are

formed by those individuals whose intervention in the policy

process is based mainly on their technical credentials. They can

be either inside the public sector or state apparatus (e.g., policy

experts who are public servants) or outside it (e.g., consultants

and academics). Technocrats are those who hold top or national

political managerial positions in the public service and status

apparatus (e.g., a minister and vice-minister, a Central Bank

governor, the chair of a regulatory agency) as a result of their

technical abilities. In this regard, a technocrat is a person who has

risen to a top political position, in this case a ministerial or a

national policy-decision position, as a result of his professional

career path. Bureaucratic elites are those public servants who

exert their technical or administrative authority to inform policy

decisions through their managerial positions(e.g., permanent

secretary or national director).This distinction from the overall

bureaucracy is relevant in the case of Nigeria (Marcelo, 2009),

which lacks a bureaucracy in the Weberian sense . Political elites

are those who have decision making power in the state resulting

from their statutory or institutional position, or who have

influence on policy decisions as a result of their status in the

ruling coalition. Moreover, in contrast to knowledge-based elites,

Marc (2008) argues that, given the various attempts to define

elites in the literature, it is almost impossible to come out with a

general and all-encompassing definition. Rather, what would be

more appropriate is to consider the elements that constitute the

concept, such as inequality, predominance and organization. In

Marc’s words, ‘‘the first centers on a way of presenting the

dichotomy of those with influence and those without, the best and

the rest, or the rulers and the ruled. The latter on the other hand

has a different focus, with its axis of analysis centred on forms of

elite cohesion and the concentration of power’’. Although

ministers can be considered essentially politicians, depending on

their career path, they can also be technocrats. These terms are

used interchangeably because there is a potential overlap

between these definitions. For example, public servants with

expertise in some policy areas and who consequently inform

policy decisions can also be considered elite inside the

bureaucracy. Technocrats provide a ‘‘knowledge input’’ to the

policy process by participating at the policy design level (in their

sector) and also a ‘‘political input’’ by participating in the

decision-making level, for example, in the cabinet, influencing

other decision-makers and also taking positions on policy issues.

From the above elites as used here refer to political leaders at the

national, state and federal levels.

2.4 PERSPECTIVE OF ELITE FORMATION IN NIGERIA

In pre colonial Nigeria societies the elite’s class were traditional

rulers, prince and chiefs, wealthy long distance traders and

priests. These traditional elites include King Kosoko of Lagos, King

Jaja of Opobo,the Awujale of Ijebu, Oba Ovonramwen, Attahiru 11

of Sokoto Caliphate etc.

However, with the development of western education, a new

class,the westernised elite men and women emerged. They

include Herbert Macauley, Messrs Ernest Ikoli, Samuel

Akinsanya,H. O Davies, JC Vaughan, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Chief

ObafemiAwolowo, Ahmadu Bello etc. These elites united in their

struggle against colonialists. However, latter development shows

that they merely united because they had common enemy the

British. As soon as the European left, this unity collapsed. Each

leading nationalists wanted to achieve power using the people of

his tribe as the base. This shows that what was taken as unity of

purpose by Nigeria nationalist’s elites was only an illusion.

Fundamentally, all government have elites at the head.

Everywhere elites are viewed as essential elements of the

political and social life of the country and in every country ,the

stability of the nation and its regime seem to depend in a large

measure on way in which the elites is organized and fits with the

other sectors.

There are qualities which constitute the hallmark of competent

groups. These qualities are so essential for national development.

Essentially, elite’ formation is legitimated by their identification

with the most pervasive goals in society. That is, elites are an

embodiment of national consensus. Elite therefore is a nexus of

need fulfillment that binds situational demands and group

membership. Thus, the failure and success of national

development depends on elite’s effectiveness in knitting together

political influence so that it responds to functional demand on the

system. By personalizing the national values and giving a

relentless drive to development, the elite’ energies the productive

capacity of his society. Indeed, the quality of a nation’s elites and

the image which they projects upon the world constitutes an

important source of power. As Stoessinger said:

No amount of manpower or industrial or military potential

will make a nation powerful unless its elites use their

resources with maximum effect. China and America

development status is a function of their elites cohesion on

national development exploit.

It is sad that Nigeria has never been lucky enough because

Nigeria elites toe ethnic ties with absence of a coherent system of

choice in politics and economics. This prevented the emergence

of leaders who will take the country as a whole, as their

constituency. Nigeria is paraded with elites that regard

themselves as the canonical representative of their personal and

ethnic interests. Today elites organize their kinsmen to make

various demands on the State. Rather than coming together to

transform the nation economically, elites mobilise their tribal

forces under sub national organisations to threaten national

survival.

2.5 NIGERIAN’S ELITES AND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

EXPERIENCE.

According to Tamuno cited in Obaro 1980, prior to British

colonization, what is today known as Nigeria had various ethnic

cultural communities with varying forms of state formation

process. The various ethnic groups were joined together in 1914

through the Lord Lugard project and ruled as imperial state. The

imperial state was organized and consolidated through ethnic

based policy of regionalism, a political formation that post colonial

Nigeria elites found difficult to depart from it. Today politics of

ethnicity or region has become the ideology creating and

sustaining power structure among the elites in Nigeria. People are

now made to treat ethnicity or region as relevant to their personal

and collective choice of candidate during election .This ethnic or

regional dynamic is further reinforced by the relative economics

prosperity associated with real or imagine favour derived from

political advantage that accrue to group or region in control of

public affairs in Nigeria the elites overriding concern is to

preserve the postcolonial status quo with themselves in its

commanding positions. The masses that had been mobilized and

politicized on behalf of a universal goal now had to be

depoliticized rapidly in the service of elite domination. Because

ethnicity is close to core of individual identity, ethnic movements

is created and use by the elites in furtherance of their own special

interests which are time and again constitutive interests of the

emerging social classes. In this way, ethnicity becomes a mask for

class privileges (Sklar 1967). The dominant classes unable

intrinsically to increase production because of their dependent

nature on the capitalist relation of production, this class depend

on the state device to increase their benefits from the society.

Part of the ethnic scheme is seen to be part of ‘the mechanism

through which the political elite maintain power and exercises

influences. It is the attribute of elite behavior… the educated elite

become the chief proponents and purveyors of parochialism’

(Dudley 1973)

Mamdani (2002)noted that the transference of cultural identities

to the political domain by the political elites was to hijack power

by using identity as a basis for condemnation, discrimination and

marginalization. Such segregation along ethnic division is

employed to discriminate not because of the superiority of a

particular ethnic group over another but in competition to control

the economic spoil of the nation – state. In 1949, Azikiwe Shows

his ethnic bias when he remarked: It would appear that the God of

Africa has specially created the Ibo nation to lead children of

Africa from the bondage of the ages…the martial prowess of the

Ibo nation at all stages of human history has enabled them not

only to conquer others but also to adapt themselves to the role of

preserver. The Igbo nation cannot shirk from its responsibility

(Nnoli 1978).The NPC equally made such sentimental remark; It is

the southerner who have power in the North. They have control of

the railway stations, of the Post Offices, of Government Hospitals,

of the Canteens; the majority employed in the Kaduna secretariat

and in Public Works Department are all southerners; in all the

different Departments of Government it is the Southerner who

has power (Coleman 1958:)With intensive competition among

Nigerian elites for control of the spoils of office, politics become a

winner-takes-all affair. The political parties in control in each

region easily became weapons in the hands of major nationality

groups for the continued marginalization of the minorities.

Oppressed minorities began seeking solace in the opposition

parties with inevitable consequences of politicization of ethnicity.

The expulsion of EyoIta, a minority Efik, from the Igbo dominated

National Council of Nigerian Citizen (NCNC)led by Nnamdi Azikiwe

in 1952 resulted in Eastern Region minorities forming the rival

National independent Party, with EyoIta as president (Ojo and

Fawole2004).

The implementation of the Macpherson constitution of1951

accelerated the drift towards sub-group national ism and

tribalism. Educated Nigerians who aspire to fill new position of

power and status opened up to Nigerians by that constitution

realized that their most secure base of support would be the

people of their own groups. The indirect electoral system

strengthened this realization.

Manipulation and exploitation of ethnicity became a veritable tool

of political contest. Thus, a symbiotic relationship develops

between politicians who wish to achieve their own positions, and

their ‘people’, who fear political domination and economic

exploitation by a culturally distinct group allegedly organized for

themselves. A politician thus gains a tribal power by successfully

manipulating the appropriate cultural symbols and by articulating

and advancing his peoples collective and individual aspiration

(which he himself probably helped to arouse) (Graft 1983).

With a weak economic base, Nigerian elite was rendered

incapable of fulfilling the historical role played by its European

counterpart i.e. the development of the forces of production. The

dominant class at political independence was a pathetic parody of

what a dominant class is (Ihonvbere 2001). They were merely

recipient of a socio-economic system and state structure created

by and for the metropolitan power. The elite seize control of the

centre to redeploy it rather than transform it. They were unable to

subordinate the relatively high developed state apparatus.

According to Alavin (1972) the relatively autonomous role of the

state apparatus allows the neo-colonialist bourgeoisies pursue

their class interesting the post-colonial societies. Loss of political

legitimacy is a crucial indication of state failure and collapse

(Murunga2004). The incidents of vested interests and crisis of

legitimating have been attributed to the configuration of the

dynamics of social class. Ninalowo(1999) argues that for society

not to be propelled toward self-annihilation through intra-class

and inter class struggle over mutually contradictory vested

interests, it become historically incumbent on the state to bring

about orderliness via the abiding interests of legitimation.

Habermas (1986) points out “the acquisition of legitimacy

(through manipulation) is self-destructive as soon as the mode of

acquisition is exposed. Although coercion is the ultimate basis of

power, it is not a sufficient basis of governance. While force and

manipulation can sustain a government, voluntary acceptance is

more enduring, stable and reliable basis of governance

(Osaghae,Isumonah and Albert 1998. Legitimacy crisis occurs

when citizenship rights and benefits are largely denied, and the

states seems out of reach, sub-national identities then form basic

source of support and the individual may constitute a platform of

résistance against the state. In this context, transformation of

ethnic groups from group in them to group for themselves is more

likely (Adejumo 2001). In a situation of loss of legitimacy, the

state loses the willing allegiance and legitimizing support of its

population giving way to alternative centre of power within the

territorial space of the nation – state. A discrepancy in invested

interest of the elites and general interest and value deepens the

crisis of legitimacy. Ninalowo (1999) purports the ultimate test of

the legitimation resides in people’s fulfilment of their needs,

aspirations, value and interest. Widening disparities in access and

opportunities, socioeconomic insecurity, corruption, politics of

exclusion of the vast majority of the populace from the state and

increasing enrichment of the few, politicization of ethnicity has

led to loss of confidence among many Nigerians in the Nigerian

state. Babawale (2006) writes ‘the level of pillage that goes on

within the state apparatus is reflective of the elites’ loss of

confidence in the Nigerian project’. Similarly, Ihonvbere (2001)

adds without avenue of legitimacy, the government is de-linked

from the society and alienated from it. This makes mobilization of

the society for development impossible; the parasitic elite

preoccupation is primitive accumulation and not welfare and

satisfaction of the governed (Onuoha, 1999).Exploitative elite that

did not meet the aspirations or expectations of the people give

rise to legitimacy crisis. Such unproductive elites whip up ethnic

sentiments and emotions to enhance their strategic positions in

the Scheme of things. According to a Northern politician ‘we had

to teach the people to hate southerners; to look on them as

people depriving them of their rights, in order to Win them over”

(Theen and Wilson 2001). Politics in Nigeria is conceptualized by

various factions of the elites as a competition for crude

accumulation for personal Wealth but it portrayed as a mean of

enhancing ethnic interest. Thus political competition has fuelled

ethnic Conflicts, instability and violence (Ojo and

Fawole2004).Politics among the ethnic-based parties in the post-

Independence years was dominated by competition for hegemony

among the dominant ruling class. According to European

Scientific Journal November 2013 edition vol.9, No.31 ISSN: 1857

– 7881 (Print) e - ISSN 1857- 7431 169 Theen and Wilson (2001)

since the parties were closely tied to particular ethnic groups,

their electoral Strategies focused not so much on broadening their

base to include new social categories but rather on how to

mobilize the seemingly fixed group of supporters in order to

maximize turn out. The ethnic elements in elite’s formation in

Nigeria have implications for the balance of power that shapes

policy choices and implementation, as well as its results. Hence:

a) how elites emerge or consolidate their roles as part of the

policy process; b) what the elites’ strategic interests are; and c)

how the relationship between knowledge elites and political elites

shapes policy choices and implementation in the context of

pursuance of the development agenda. This make their roles in

the policy process more apparent than real. Building a

developmental state in a country where national issues are giving

ethnic interpretation is challenging.

The ethnic power relations involved in the policy process, the

absent of elites that contribute to a positive political

transformation make decision-making and the implementation of

policies in Nigeria complex, chaotic, uncertain, unpredictable, and

sometimes, solutions not always being aligned with national

realities as the main actors – bureaucrats and politicians are

concerned either with the ethnic interest or with their own

parochial interests (Lane, 2000]. In this concept, policy-making is

an incremental process in which adjustments are continuously

made to deal with development problems related to complexity,

uncertainty and ignorance about the major issues influencing the

trajectory of the development process.. It is essential to argue

that in Nigeria the possibility of the policy process being high-

jacked by particular groups and used to respond to their clienteles

through relations of patronage is clear. Therefore, development

problems in Nigeria centre around the elites abuse of

development policy process, which comprises a set of four

elements, namely 1) the constitution of power – the way power is

made up as a result of the underlying socio-economic structures

in Nigeria 2) the distribution of power – while power is formed in

response to social changes, it is not distributed in response to

challenges that require ‘freezing’ relations in order to obtain

greater certainty and predictability; 3) the exercise of power –

what means are used in exercising power; and 4) control of power

– the extent to which power is checked and the various ways in

which people constrain the use of power, which can range from

coercion to persuasion. The ethnic feat of elites in Nigeria affect

agenda setting – the general policy framework or strategy that a

country relies upon; 2) policy formulation – the formulation of

specific policies at the national level; 3) policy implementation –

activities associated with putting policies in place; and 4) policy

effects –the effectiveness (what has been achieved) and

legitimacy (how it has been achieved), which implies analysing

how the country’s citizens relate to the government and other

public institutions (Hyden, 2006). The policy process is a

combination of political and technical aspects .However; in

Nigeria the relationship between the actors involved takes

different forms as ethnic politics abuse public administration to

the extent that there is no clear separation between politics and

public administration. This has clear implications for the role and

behaviour of elites in the policy process. In this regard, Nigeria

lacks the Weberian perspective (Weber, 1982) bureaucracy elites

one that pursues its collective interests through the discharge of

its authority in a legal-rational and impersonal fashion, in stark

contrast to the patrimonial form of organization that mainly

characterized Nigeria structures. Nigeria bureaucratic elites are

mere agents of politicians that end up pursuing their own

interests. This has affected national development effort. The

concept development here mean process that raise a nation’s

standard of living, to free its population from a life of subsistence

agriculture to improve health and health care, and to effectively

join a world commercial community. It mean that people are the

real wealth of a nation and the expansion of people’s freedoms to

live long healthy and creative to advance other

goals .Thus ,national development is one that put people first and

enhance their empowerment ,creation of favourable social and

political environment for equal participation in decision making

process.

2.5 SUMMARY OF THE CHAPTER

Nigeria today wallow in the blind alley of development .This is one

fact that stirs no controversy .The possible area of controversy,

however, may relate to the explanation of this situation .However,

the discussion of the study has shown that the elites roles in

national development is numbed, trapped, and caged by

ethnicity. This is obviously correct because history has shown that

the success and failure of any nation or people is largely a

reflection of its elites approach to national development .Nation

that developed owe such status to dynamic and resourceful elites

who had vision of how their country not tribe, religion should be in

the comity of nation and then determine the path of strategy to

achieve the define goals. Developmental states are usually

characterized by a leadership which is strongly committed to

developmental goals and which places national development

ahead of personal enrichment and/or short-term political gains.

The success of Asian Tigers appears to rest on successful elite

cohesion. The elites group function actively in terms of national

development .In these countries, internalized elites cohesion

contributed greatly to national development. The elites

consciously risk political gain to achieve sound economic

development. A good development policy is linked with regime

survival and sound economic policy is considered good politics.

Therefore, to produce a positive economic transformation leading

to development, the dynamics of the policy process between

elites must be designed to overcome ethnic politics to a degree of

political stability to sustain national development efforts in

Nigeria.

(i) There should be a fundamental restructuring of the Nigerian

state through the “recurring decimal” of national conference.

(ii) Devolution of power to the component groups on the basis of

ethnic nationalities in the true spirit of federalism. This will help to

reduce the source of tension and terrorism, and also the struggle

for state power among the various ethnic groups.

(iii) The monopoly of power by few ruling class should be broken.

Political power holding should not be vested with just few ruling

elites, rather it should be re-distributed to accommodate all

groups or constituents of the Nigerian state.

(iv) Government should embark on development projects and

programmes that are of priority to the people in the Muslim

dominated region of the north as well as other parts of the

country with the aim of winning over the locals who are easily

recruited into terrorist (vanguard) groups. And the project should

be such that generate meaningful employment for the vulnerable

youths.

(v) The monstrous evil of corruption by political office holders

should be viewed as a crime that attracts stiffer punishment.

CHAPTER THREE

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.0 INTRODUCTION

This chapter describes the various methods and techniques used to collect and analyze the data gathered for the study to gain a deeper understanding of the topic under study.

The data collection stage is important since the result of the analysis is dependent on the quality of the data obtained. Therefore, the method selected for data collection must be the most appropriate to assist in achieving the objectives of the study:

3.1 RESEARCH DESIGN

The type of research design for this study is exploratory and it is conducted because a problem has not been clearly defined. It helps to determine the best research design, data collection method and selection of subjects.

This is the best approach if one aims at clarifying understanding of a problem by three Primary ways which are Literature Research, talking to experts in the area of study and Conducting focus group interviews as claimed by Saunders et al (2000).

3.3 POPULATION OF THE STUDY

The population of this study is the regular staff of Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Ijaw South Local

Government Area, Bayelsa. The population figure for the study was 45.

3.4 POPULATION SIZE AND TECHNIQUE

Since the population for the study was not large, and data could be collected from all the respondents, the researcher adopted the census sampling technique to successfully complete the study. All 45 respondents were used for this study.

3.5 DATA COLLECTION METHOD

Data for this study was collected from the respondents by means of structured questionnaires that were self administered and field surveys through responses to questions in the questionnaire served as the main source of primary data for this study. Structured questionnaires were used to reduce cost, save time and avoid prejudice. Secondary data were collected from text books, journals and the internet (World Wide Web).

The first five (5) questions detailed personal information of the respondent. The rest centered on issues related to employee involvement and its impact on the organization. The questions comprised closed and open-ended questions. The open-ended questions were used when it became necessary for respondents to provide additional information.

3.6 DATA ANALYSIS

Saunders et al (2000) defines data analysis as consisting of three concurrent flows of activity that is data reduction, data display and a conclusion drawing/verification part.

Various analytical tools and software such as tables and Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) will be used in analyzing data for this study.

Data collected will be analyzed using frequencies and percentages. These frequencies and percentages will enable the researcher to clearly represent true data characteristics and findings with a great deal of accuracy. Interpretation and analysis of data will also be used to describe items in tables used for this study.

3.7 LIMITATION

Exploratory research often relies on secondary research such as reviewing available literature and/or data, or qualitative approaches such as informal discussions with consumers, employees, management or competitors, and more formal approaches through in-depth interviews, focus groups, projective methods, case studies or pilot studies. The results of exploratory

research are not usually for decision-making by themselves but they can provide significant insight into a given situation. The objective is to gather preliminary information that will help define problems and suggest hypotheses. (Kotler et al, 2006)

CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION

This chapter is devoted to the presentation, analysis and

interpretation of the data gathered in the course of this study.

The data are based on the number of copies of the questionnaire

completed and returned by the respondents. The data are

presented in tables and the analysis is done using the chi-square

test.

4.1 Data Presentation and Analysis

The data presented below were gathered during field work:

QUESTIONNAIRE ADMINISTRATION

INSTRUCTION: Please endeavor to complete the questionnaire by ticking the

correct answer (s) from the options or supply the information required where

necessary.

SECTION A: personal Information/Data

1. Gender

a. Male

b. Female

2. Age grade

a. Below 20yrs

b. 21-30yrs

c. 31-40yrs

d. 41-50yrs

e. 51-60yrs

f. Above 60yrs

3. Educational qualification

a. FSLC

b. WASCE/SSCE

c. OND/HND/BSC

d. MSC/PGD/PHD

e. Others

4. Marital status

a. Single

b. Married

c. Divorced

d. Widowed

5. Years of experience

a. 0-2yrs

b. 3-5yrs

c. 6-11yrs

d. Above 12yrs

6. Position/level

a. Senior staff

b. Junior staff

SECTION B:

Questions on the political elites and development crises in Nigeria.

7. Political Elites deliberately sponsor development crises for personal

gains/benefits.

a. Strongly agreed

b. Agreed

c. Undecided

d. Disagreed

e. Strongly disagreed

8. There is a significant relationship between political elites and developmental

crises in Nigeria.

a. Strongly agreed

b. Agreed

c. Undecided

d. Disagreed


9. To achieve steady development in Nigeria, the political elites must be selfless

and put the nation first before personal gain and ambition.

a. Strongly agreed

b. Agreed

c. Undecided

d. Disagreed


10. In your own view, identify the developmental challenges facing Nigeria.

_ _ ___ __ _ _ __ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ _

_ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

11.What are the roles of Nigerian political elites in Nigerian development

process?

_ _ ___ __ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

_ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _

BIO DATA OF RESPONDENTS

Table 1 gender of respondents

Frequency Percent Valid Percent

Cumulative

Percent

Valid male 30 66.7 66.7 66.7

female 15 33.3 33.3 100.0

Total 45 100.0 100.0

Source: field survey, September, 2015.

Table 1 above shows the gender distribution of the respondents

used for this study.

30 respondents which represent 66.7percent of the population

are male.

15 respondents which represent 33.3 percent of the population

are female.

Table 2 age range of respondents


Cumulative

Percent

Valid below 20 years 3 6.7 6.7 6.7

21-30years 10 22.2 22.2 28.9

31-40 years 12 26.7 26.7 55.6

41-50 years 10 22.2 22.2 77.8

51-60years 8 17.8 17.8 95.6

Above 60years 2 4.4 4.4 100.0

Total 45 100.0 100.0


Table 2 above shows the age distribution of the respondents used

for this study.

3 respondents which represent 6.7 percent of the population is

below 20years.


are between 21-30yrs.


are between 31-40yrs


are between 41-50yrs.

8 respondents which represent 17.8 percent of the population are

between 50-60yrs.


above 60 years.

Table 3 educational qualification of respondents


Cumulative

Percent

Valid FSLC 2 4.4 4.4 4.4

WASSCE/SSCE 10 22.2 22.2 26.7

OND/HND/BSC 18 40.0 40.0 66.7

PGD/MSC/PHD 10 22.2 22.2 88.9

OTHERS 5 11.1 11.1 100.0

Total 45 100.0 100.0


Table 3 above shows the educational background of the

respondents used for this study.

Out of the total number of 45 respondents, 2 respondents which

represent 4.4 percent of the population are FSLC holders.


are SSCE/WASSCE holders.


are OND/HND/BSC holders.


are MSC/PGD/PHD holders

5 respondents which represent 11.1 percent of the population had

other types of certificate.

Table 4 marital status of respondents


Cumulative

Percent

Valid single 15 33.3 33.3 33.3

married 25 55.6 55.6 88.9

divorced 3 6.7 6.7 95.6

widowed 2 4.4 4.4 100.0

Total 45 100.0 100.0


Table 4 above shows the marital status of the respondents used for this study.

‘Out of the total number of 45 respondents, 15 respondents which

represent 33.3 percent of the population are single.


are married.


divorced.


widowed.

Table 5 years of service of respondents


Cumulative

Percent

Valid 0-2years 8 17.8 17.8 17.8

3-5years 18 40.0 40.0 57.8

6-11years 15 33.3 33.3 91.1

above 12years 4 8.9 8.9 100.0

Total 45 100.0 100.0


Table 5 above shows the years of experience of the respondents

used for this study.

Out of the 45 respondents, 8 which represent 17.8percent of the

population have had 0-2yrs experience at work.

18 which represent 40.0percent of the population have had 3-5yrs

experience.

15 which represent 33.3percent of the population have had 6-

11yrs experience.

4 which represent 8.9 percent of the population have had more

than 12yrs experience.

Table 6 level of respondents


Cumulative

Percent

Valid junior staff 35 77.8 77.8 77.8

senior staff 10 22.2 22.2 100.0

Total 45 100.0 100.0


Table 6 above shows the level or position of the respondents used

for this study.

Out of the 45 respondents, 35 which represent 77.8percent of the

population are junior staff.

10 respondents which represent 22.2 percent are senior staff.

TABLES BASED ON RESEARCH HYPOTHESIS

Table 7 political elites deliberately sponsor development crises for personal gains


Cumulative

Percent

Valid strongly agree 15 33.3 33.3 33.3

agree 20 44.4 44.4 77.8

undecided 2 4.4 4.4 82.2

disagree 4 8.9 8.9 91.1

strongly disagree 4 8.9 8.9 100.0

Total 45 100.0 100.0


Table 7 above shows the responses of respondents that political

elites deliberately sponsor development crises for personal gains.


strongly agreed that political elites deliberately sponsor

development crises for personal gains.


agreed that political elites deliberately sponsor development

crises for personal gains.

2 respondents which represent 4.4 percent of the population were

undecided


disagreed that political elites deliberately sponsor development



strongly disagreed that political elites deliberately sponsor


Table 8 there is a relationship between political elites and developmental crises in

Nigeria


Cumulative

Percent


agree 5 11.1 11.1 77.8

undecided 2 4.4 4.4 82.2

disagree 8 17.8 17.8 100.0

Total 45 100.0 100.0


Table 8 above shows the responses of respondents that there is a

relationship between political elites and developmental crises in

Nigeria.


strongly agreed that political elites deliberately sponsor



agreed that political elites deliberately sponsor development


2 respondents which represent 4.4 percent of the population were

undecided


disagreed that political elites deliberately sponsor development


Table 9 in other achieve steady development in Nigeria , the political elites must be

selfless, putting the nation first before personal gains and ambition


Cumulative

Percent


agree 12 26.7 26.7 66.7

disagree 8 17.8 17.8 84.4

strongly disagree 7 15.6 15.6 100.0

Total 45 100.0 100.0


Table 9 above shows the responses of respondents that in other

to achieve steady development in Nigeria, the political elites must

be selfless by putting the nation before personal gains and

ambition.


strongly agreed that in other to achieve steady development in

Nigeria, the political elites must be selfless by putting the nation

before personal gains and ambition.


agreed that in other to achieve steady development in Nigeria,

the political elites must be selfless by putting the nation before

personal gains and ambition.


disagreed that in other to achieve steady development in Nigeria,

the political elites must be selfless by putting the nation before

personal gains and ambition.


strongly disagreed that in other to achieve steady development in

Nigeria, the political elites must be selfless by putting the nation

before personal gains and ambition.

HYPOTHESIS TO BE TESTED

H0: There is no significant relationship between the political elites

and development crises in Nigeria.

H1: There is significant relationship between the political elites

and development crises in Nigeria.

Level of significance: 0.05

Decision rule: reject the null hypothesis if the p-value is less

than the level of significance.

There is a relationship between political elites and developmental crises in Nigeria

Observed N Expected N Residual

strongly agree 30 11.2 18.8

agree 5 11.2 -6.2

undecided 2 11.2 -9.2

disagree 8 11.2 -3.2

Total 45

Table 10 Test Statistics

there is a relationship between political elites and

developmental crises in Nigeria

Chi-Square 43.267a

df 3

Asymp. Sig. .000

a. 0 cells (.0%) have expected frequencies less than 5. The minimum expected cell frequency is 11.3.

Conclusion based on the decision rule:

Since the p-value (0.000) is less than the level of significance

(0.05), we reject the null hypothesis and accept the alternative

thereby concluding that there is significant relationship between

the political elites and development crises in Nigeria. See table 10

above.

CHAPTER FIVE

FINDINGS, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION

The objectives of the study were to:

1. To examine the relationship between the political elites and

development crisis in Nigeria.

2. To identify the developmental challenges and crisis in

Nigeria.

3. To examine the role of Nigeria political elites in the national

development process

Findings from the survey revealed the following:

1. That there is a significant relationship between the political

elites and development crises in Nigeria.

2. Political elites deliberately sponsor developmental crises for

personal gains and benefits.

3. To achieve steady development in Nigeria, the political elites

must be selfless and put the nation before personal gains

and ambition.

CONCLUSION

Political elite are the most influential and prestigious stratum in a

society. The elite are those persons who are recognized as

outstanding leaders in a given field. Thus, there are political,

religious, scientific, business, and artistic elite. Ekeh (1983) has

defined elite as small minorities who play an exceptionally

influential part in the affairs of society in specific fields. He further

described political elite as decision-makers whose power is not

subject to control by any other body in the society.

Having gone through the research work, political elite and

development crises in Nigeria. We have come to the conclusion

that significant relationship between the political elites and

development crises in Nigeria.

The Nigeria elite class had little disposition to contemplate the

positive use of elite advantage as strategic instrument for

engineering national development. Nigeria has realized very little

of her potentials because of in effective mobilization of these

potentials by the elites.

Nigeria today wallow in the blind alley of development .This is one

fact that stirs no controversy .The possible area of controversy,

however, may relate to the explanation of this situation .However,

the discussion of the study has shown that the elites roles in

national development is numbed, trapped, and caged by

ethnicity. This is obviously correct because history has shown that

the success and failure of any nation or people is largely a

reflection of its elites approach to national development .Nation

that developed owe such status to dynamic and resourceful elites

who had vision of how their country not tribe, religion should be in

the comity of nation and then determine the path of strategy to

achieve the define goals. Developmental states are usually

characterized by a leadership which is strongly committed to

developmental goals and which places national development

ahead of personal enrichment and/or short-term political gains.

The success of Asian Tigers appears to rest on successful elite

cohesion. The elites group function actively in terms of national

development .In these countries, internalized elites cohesion

contributed greatly to national development. The elites

consciously risk political gain to achieve sound economic

development. A good development policy is linked with regime

survival and sound economic policy is considered good politics.

Therefore, to produce a positive economic transformation leading

to development, the dynamics of the policy process between

elites must be designed to overcome ethnic politics to a degree of

political stability to sustain national development efforts in

Nigeria.

RECOMMENDATIONS

As a result of the findings from the survey, the following

recommendations are made:

Since there is a relationship between political elites and

development crises in Nigeria, political elites should

endeavor to live up to expectation as their actions can

deliberately or not lead to developmental crises in Nigeria.

Political elites must learn to put the nation’s interest before

their personal gains or ambition in other to achieve

sustainable growth and development in Nigeria.

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