0RD 1HSCUtiSlON .PAPER
Report No. DRD284
. .F.Ed:tt\.LE LABOUR HOBiLITY,, SKILL ACQUlSLTION AND CHOICE OF LABOUR MARKETS: TH.EORY AND EVIDENCE
FROM Tl"IE PHiLIPPINES
by
Oded Stark and
Jennifer L. Lauby
Development Research Department Economics and Research Staff
WorLd Bank
'i'he World .Bank does not accept responsibility for the views expressed herein \vhich are those of the autllor(s) and should not be attributed to the World J.)ani< or to its affiliated organizations. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions are the results of research supported by the Bank; they do not ne'I.!BSSar ily represent official policy vf the Hank. The designations employed' tilt! pr~.::i>f.:!Utation of material~ and any maps u~ed in this document are solely for the eon.venience of the reader and do not imply the expression of any" =
\.Jh<J.tsoever on th.t;; part of the tvorld Bank or its affiliates concerning Slat:U$ of r.lUY country, territory, cityll area, or Of its authorities,
of· thl! delimitations of its boundaries, or national affiliation.
Pub
lic D
iscl
osur
e A
utho
rized
Pub
lic D
iscl
osur
e A
utho
rized
Pub
lic D
iscl
osur
e A
utho
rized
Pub
lic D
iscl
osur
e A
utho
rized
Pub
lic D
iscl
osur
e A
utho
rized
Pub
lic D
iscl
osur
e A
utho
rized
Pub
lic D
iscl
osur
e A
utho
rized
Pub
lic D
iscl
osur
e A
utho
rized
FEMALE LABOUR MOBILITY, SKILL ACQUISITION AND CHOICE OF LABOUR MARKETS: THEORY AND EVIDENCE FROM THE PHILIPPINES
by
* Oded Stark and Jennifer L. Lauby
Paper submitted to the Development Research Department, The World Bank.
Mailing Address:
*
Oded Stark Harvard University 9 Bow Street Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138
Harvard University, Bar-Ilan University and The World Bank; Harvard University, respectively.
ABSTRACT
Migration behavior by individuals, migration decisions and migration outcomes .are not neutral to the needs and constraints facing the migrants• families who stay put. In this paper we present and analyze evidence from the Philippines suggesting that the choice of migrant members and migration destination are largely determined by familial characteristics. We obtain several ·interesting insights into the migration process. The standard human capital approach explains the inverse relationship between the age of migrants and the propensity to migrate through the longer payoff period facing the .young. However, we find that the young age of migrants is explained by their greater amenability to familial income needs and familial manipulation. This amenability also seems to explain the preference for daughters over sons as migrants. Likewise, the initial labor market performance of migrants is accounted for not, as in human capital theory, by migrants' low skill levels but rather by familial needs which mandate participation in labor market activities that secure certain if low short run returns.
1
r. Introduction
A major feature of economic change nowadays in Third World
countries is the rapid growth of their cities caused, to a large
extent, by the in-migration of men and women from rural
communities. In many countries migration streams to the cities
have been dominated by men. Yet in many Latin American
countries and in the Philippines women's migration to to the
cities is at least as prevalent as men's; in several other Asian
countries the number of female migrants is growing more rapidly
than the number of male migrants. However, the distinct
migration patterns of women have not been examined in detail
until quite recently. Most migration studies focus on the
movement of men, with the assumptions either that men are t~e
decision makers in the migration process and women are tied
movers, or, if women migrate alone, that they follow the same
routes, are motivated by similar considerations, and experience
the same consequences as do male migrants.
Recent work on women migrants has suggested that these
assumptions may not be valid. In many developing societies ~
women increasingly migrate alone. (See, for example, Fawcett et.
al. (1984); Trager (1984).) Since women perform different roles
than men in society, the economy and the family, the reasons for
their migration may also be different. In many cultures
daughters are under the control of their parents to a greater
degree than sons are, and, correspondingly, the migratory
2
behavior of women may be influenced more than that of men by
familial considerations.
Social scientists have tended to explain the migration of
an individual by personal traits such as age, education,
familial status, occupation, aspirations, attitude toward risk,
etc. The human capital approach views migration as an action
that an individual undertakes in order to increase the chances
of getting a higher future return on investments in human
capital assets such as education and training. Yet to a certain
extent, all migrants are influenced by the constraints,
opportunities and objectives of people around them and in
particular by the needs and resources of their families (Stark
(1984a), Stark and Lucas (1987)). Under fairly general
conditions, a desirable strategy of a rural family in coping
with unstable agricultural income is to send a family member to
work in the city. A large proportion of rural-to-urban migrants
in developing countries are unmarried and remit a significant
part of their earnings home to their parents, thereby reducing
the income variance associated with work in agriculture.
Because of their immediate need for more certain or additional
income, families may be more interested in present earnings than
in future prospects.
Reasons for migration may be thought of as forming a
continuum from purely individual to family-dominated. Certain
characteristics of migrants may allow us to estimate where an
3
the continuum the reasons for their migration tend to fall. In
this paper, our main hypothesis is that in the Philippines women
migrate for family reasons to a greater extent than do men.
Furthermore, young women migrants are closer to the family end
of the continuum than are older women migrants. The family
needs which lead to migration may also help us understand why
more migrants than nonrnigrants are in wage-earning occupations
and why women migrants accept jobs which, while affording a
steady short-term income, do not confer much long-term
stability.
It is qulte difficult to determine, let alone measure, the
reasons for migration. In some studies migrants are
interviewed and asked about factors impinging upon their
decision to migrate. The notorious problems with this approach
are that migrants may not remember all factors relevant at a
previous point in time, may have changed their perceptions of
the decision because of post migration experience, or may not be
able to articulate the decision process. In this paper, family f'
influence on the migration decision will be inferred from the
relationship between family characteristics and migration by a
daughter. For reasons to be specified below, we expect that
family variables such as parents' education and occupation and
the number of children in the family will be better predictors
of th~ migration of daughters than of sons, and of the migration
4
of young daughters (aged 15 to 24) than of qaughters 25 years
and older.
II. Women in the Philippines
In the Philippines ·a majority of rural-to-urban migrant~
are women, and a substantial p·roportion· of the labor force is
female. The labor force participation ~ate of women 25 to 64
years old in 1976 was 45% (NEDA (1981)), and is probably higher
today. Women make up over 50% of professionals, sales workers
and service workers. In urban areas there are more women than
men; the urban sex ratio (men per 100 women) is 95.5 and is 85.4
for the population 15 years old and over. There are indications
that this imbalance is caused by the migration of very young
women. In 1980, females made up only 47.9% of the urban
population 10 to 14 years old, but 52.6% of those aged 15 to 19
(United Nations (1984)).
Our contention is that a.significant part of the
explanation for the considerable rural-to-urban migration by
young women in the Philippines cannot merely be attributed to
structural, macro-economic factors such as the nature of the
light, labor-intensive industrialization and the rapid
development of urban services. To a large degree, women's
opportunities and roles in the economic sphere have been
intricately shaped by the interplay of cultural and historical
forces. Philippine culture has long recognized·the independent
5
economic role of women. In pre-Spanish times women not only
worked in the fields and raised livestock but they also handled
most of the trade (Infante (1975)). This tradition of women
traders continues in the present day with women in control of
retail sales in market stalls and small shops. A woman's
migration from home in search of work opportunities is thus
perfectly consistent with the acceptance in Philippine culture
of such economic roles.
The early colonization of the Philippines by Spain brought
Christianity and with it a patriarchal structure of authority.
The Spanish Code of Laws confined women to the home. They were
forbidden to transact business or to dispose of property (Rojas
Aleta et. al. (1977)). The Christian teachings brought by the
Roman Catholic priests inpluded admonishments to women to be
obedient, passive and pious. As will be pointed out below, this
cultural shift has an important bearing on the extent to which
implicit contractual arrangements between parents and daughters
are likely to be honored. Social norms affect economic behavior
in general and, in particular, the distribution of gains
between a daughter and her parents back at home which accrue
from the daughter's labor market activity. They also bear upon
adherence to distributing the migration gains according to a
pre-migration agreed-upon rule.
The American occupation from 1898 to 1946 introduced public
education for both males and females. Over time, this has been
6
translated into educational attainment for the two sexes which
by now is approximately equal (Mangahas (1976)). On the whole
women are thus likely to possess the minimal human capital
traits necessary to fac~litate entry into the urban labor
market. Women have also gained political and other rights, but
they have not been translated into similar pay for the
performance of similar work {Szanton (1982)). It seems that the
heritage of the Spanish colonial rule - a period during which
women were excluded from most educational institutions and from
political and economic roles in the urban areas (Szanton
(1982)), has not been replaced completely by subsequent
educational and political changes. Women can and do have access
to urban labor markets, but the economic environment they face
and the political factors underlying this environment appear
insufficient to support or sustain severance of social and
economic ties with their rural families.
It thus seems that in comparison with men, women's urban
jobs are likely to pay reasonably well and be moderately secure.
It should be noted that if the urban job pays too well, the
mig=ant may be able to save some income in the capital market of
the urban economy in addition to, or instead of, remitting part
of the income and thus escape her or his dependence upon the
family earlier than otherwise. Similarly, the migrant may not
need to depend on the family if the urban job is too secure.
(Clearly, though, if the job pays very badly or is very insecure
7
the rural family may be required to continue supporting the
migrant - an outcome the family will surely regard as
unfavorable). Daughters may thus depend on their families more
than sons do because their jobs do not pay as well and are less
stable. Once we add to these considerations women's strong
devotion to their families and their considerable willingness to
abide by the decisions of their parents, we can see the
rationale of Filipino families who so often choose to send a
daughter rather than a son to work in the city as a strategy for
advancing familial well-being.
III. The Data Sources
Two national surveys constitute the data sources for this
paper.
The National Demographic Survey (NDS), conducted in 1973 by
the Population Institute of the University of the Philippines1
covered a nation-wide random sample of households selected with
a multi-stage procedure that insures proportional representation
of each region of the country. The subfile used by us contains
information about each married woman who resided in the .sample
households, a total of 9331 women. Using personal interviews,
this survey collected information ori place of residence at the
time of the survey, eight years earlier, and at birth, as well
as data on educational attainment, occupation, marriage and
8
childbearing experience, and other personal and family
characteristics.
The Status of women Survey (STW), conducted in 1976,
collected more detailed data from a smaller sample of women and
some of their husbands. The STW, in a two-hour interview,
collected information on job histories, marriage and
childbearing, and migration histories, along with education and
family background variables. The nationwide sample consisted of
1,997 adults, 1,598 women and 399 men. The women were between
the ages of 18 and 59 and the men were all husbands of married
female respondents. Although only about a third of the
population was living in urban areas at the time of the survey,
half the sample was selected from rural areas and half from
urban areas as defined by the National Census and Statistics
Office~ This was a deliberate attempt to adequately study women
living in urban areas of various sizes. The sampling for rural
areas was carried out in three stages. First, one province was
chosen to represent each of 10 regions~ (Western Mindanao was
excluded from the study because of security problems.) Then the
ru~al sample of 40 barrios was allocated among the sample
provinces according to the size of the rural population in the
region it represented. Specific barrios were chosen randomly.
From each barrio, a sample of 20 households was drawn, and one
woman aged 18 to 59 in each household was randomly chosen to be
interviewed. Five husbands in each barrio were also
9
interviewed. The urban sample was divided into two parts: large
urban areas, (Greater Manila, Cebu, Iloilo, Bacolod and Davao)
and smaller areas with populations of 10,000 to 50,000. The 50
sample barangays were distributed among the urban areas
according to their population size. A different sampling
fraction was used for the large and small areas so that an
adequate sample could be drawn from the small areas. The
barangays were chosen randomly, 16 households from each barangay
were sampled, and 16 women and four men were interviewed.
IV. Migration Patterns of Filipinas
Fi1ipinas are among the most geographically mobile of Asian
iA women. Their high rates of migration and their predominance
over men in rural-to-urban migration are confirmed by our data.
In addition, the life history information shows that women are
more likely than men to migrate as teenagers and that a good
proportion of womenrs migration occurs well before marriage.
In the NDS migration is measured by comparing place of
residence at three points in time. Settled migrants are those
who have moved between birth and 1965, but did not move between
1965 and 1973. Recent migrants are those who moved only in the
eight years prior to the survey while frequent migrants are
those who changed residence in both time periods. Respondents
were divided into four groups based on size of place of
residence at the time of the survey: Metropolitan Manila
10
residents; those in large regional centers (the cities of Cebu,
Bacolod, Iloilo and Davao, which have populations of over
200,000 each); people living in other urban areas, which will be
referred to as "towns"; and those in rural communities.
Over two-fifths of the women in the NDS were migrants
{42.6%). The majority of these were settled migrants (29.3% of
all women), while 13% had migrated in the eight years·before the
survey (Table 1). Thus migration appears to feature in the
lives of a substantial proportion of Filipinas.
Table 1: Recent and Settled Migrants by Current Place of Residence (1973 NDS)
CURRENT RESIDENCE
RURAL SMALL REGNL MANILA TOTAL TOWN CENTER
NON-MIGRANTS 64.66% 56.39% 33.49% 35.75% 57.44%
SETTLED MIGRANTS rural origin 19.39 23.97 33.72 41.06 24.11
urban origin 4 .. 43 4.61 9.24 7.87 5.22
RECENT MIGRANTS rural origin 4.62 5. 80. 12.93 10.01 6.02
urban origin 1.23 1.54 1.15 1.45 1.31
FREQUENT MIGRANTS rural origin 5 .. 00 4.69 8.08 2.35 4.68
urban origin 0.70 3.01 1.38 1.52 1.21
'.rOTAL lOOoOO% 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% (6001) (1431) (433) (1449) (9314)
11
There are significant differences in the proportion of
migrants living in each of the four size-of-residence groups
described above. While 64.7% of rural residents have never
migrated, only 35.8% of Metro Manila women and 33.5% of women in
regional centers have not migrated. The proportion of non
migrants in small towns, 56.4%, falls between these two
extremes. Looking in more detbil at the 64.2% of Metro Manila
residents who are migrants, we see that 76.2% are settled
migrants, most (84% of settled migrants) from rural birthplaces.
Of all migrants, 17.8% have moved to Manila in the past eight
years; again a large majority (87%) come from a rural area.
Fifty-six of the Manila women in the survey (6.0% of all
migrants) changed residence both between birth and 1965 and
between 1965 and 1973.
The STW survey, with its migration history data, allows
the measurement of migration at various ages. Most migration at
very young ages is undertaken with parents. In order to examine
mainly migration undertaken by women alone, or, after marriage,
with their husbands and children, any change of residence before
the age of 15 will be disregarded in this section.
12
Table 2: Migration Before and After Age 25 by Current Place of Residence (1976 STW)
FEMALES CURRENT RESIDENCE
AGE AT MIGRATION RURAL SMALL REGNL MANILA TOTAL TOWN CENTER
15 to 24 26.6% 36.5% 35.6% 45.9% 32.4%
25 and over 12.7 14.0 13.8 12.0 13.1
Both age groups a.o 9.8 5.6 5.0 8.0
No migration 52.8 39.8 45.0 37.1 46.5 after age 14
TOTAL 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% (798) {480) (160) (159) (1597)
MALES
15 to 24 20.9% 25.0% 35.9% 42.5% 25.8%
25 and over 18.9 19.2 18.0 30.0 20.0
Both age groups 6.5 18.3 10.3 2.5 10.0
No migration 53.7 37.5 35.9 25.0 44.2 after age 14
TOTAL 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% 1,.00.00% 100.00% (201) {120) (39) (4 0) (400)
Fifty-four percent of the women in the STW survey had
migrated after age 14 (Table 2). Of these, over half, or 32% of
the total sample, migrated between the ages 15 to 24, 13%
migrated only after age 24 and 8% moved in both age brackets.
There is slightly more migration from ages 15 to 19 {25% of
13
women migrate) than from 20 to 24 (22%). The predominance of
migration at young ages is especially true of female residents
of Manila, half of whom migrated between the ages of 15 and 24.
The STW contains data on men which allows some comparisons
of migration patterns. The 400 men in this sample are all
husbands of women respondents and so are only representative of
men living with their wives. Men are less likely to migrate at
ages 15 to 24 and more likely to migrate after age 24 than are
women. Overall migration rates using this measure are slightly
higher for men, so this sample does not reflect the national
trend of higher migration rates for women.
There may be job-related reasons why women mov~ to the
cities at very young ages, while men who migrate to cities do so
when they are somewhat older. Jobs open to women, as maids or
launderers, can be performed by girls who are unskilled and not
yet full-grown, whereas jobs performed by male migrants, like
construction work or dock labor, often require physical strength
and job skills which teen-aged boys may not have atfained.
Support for this suggestion is found in census data which show
that urban women of ages 15 to 19 are more likely to be
employed than are young men of the same age. This is the only
age group in which more- females than males are employed.
The demand for marital partners may be another reason that
men in their twenties move to the city. If many of the young
women from rural communities migrate to urban areas in their
14
teens, rural men of marriageable age who stay in the rural areas
may face low probabilities of marital matches. Hence, female
selective migration motivated, at least initially, by labor
market considerations may entail male selective migration which
is motivated by marital market considerations.
v. Effects of Family Characteristics on Migration
Many Filipinas migrate at very young ages and the
destination for a large majority of them is Metro Manila. It is
our contention that the decision to migrate and migration
patterns are often not purely individual but rath~r are
determined by family resources and needs. There are many
aspects of family life and economic conditions that might affect
whether or not a daughter migrates. These include family
income, parents' occupations, and other measures of the family's
financial situation, which would indicate both the family's need
for additional independent income from a migrant daughter, and
the resources available to finance her move to the city.
Clearly, the benefits conferred by a daughter earning away from
home need to be compared with the opportunity costs associated
with her absence from home. The extent to which a daughter is
needed for ~ork in the family's home may be determined by the
occupations of her parents as well as by the number of children
in the family. In order to send a daughter to the city the
family also requires some information about employment
15
opportunities available there; often the dominant sources of
information and help are relatives and village-mates who have
already moved to the city.
While all these factors may influence migration, the
analysis in this paper is constrained by the variables included
in our data sets. The NDS contains information on father's
education and occupation, but none on mother's work or
education. The STW includes data on mother's occupation and
education as well as on the number of siblings in the family.
The woman's own education, available in both surveys, indicates
h~r own skills and training. It also reflects her family's
resources.
Father's occupation can be used both as a rough indicator
of the family income and as a measure of the type of family
enterprise which may determine whether or not a daughter's work.
is needed at home. In order to test the effect of type of
father's occupation on a daughter's migration, CATFIT, a type of 4'
path analysis which was developed for categorical variables (Nie
et. al. (1980), Davis (1976)), was used to estimate path
coefficients. Father's occupation was divided into three
categories: nonmanual, farm and manual occupations (Figure 1).
The coefficients in a CATFIT path diagram are easy to
interpret since they are expressed as proportions. The .099
next to Nt)nmanual indicates that 9. 9% of fathers are ~n this
categoryJ while 74~4% are in agriculture. The manual category
FATHER'S OCCUP
.099
-.282 ,,,,, ,,,
rt' ,,, ,,,
,,, ,,,
16
.498
,,,
', - 0 4 2 tlilfJIIIIIIIJIL-----,ro---'
f • '''" --1, . ••••••• ' , ......
If ••••••• ,, ''''''""' ,, ........... . --·~ l'''''lt . 7 44 FARMf•''''''''''
.356
.108
.089
HIGH SCH is educational· attainment of at least high school
MIGB65 is migration between birth and 1965 MIG6573 i~ migration between 1965 and 1973
All displayed coefficients are significant at a= .05
Figure 1: Effects of Type of Father's Occupation on Migration using CATFIT coefficients {1973 NOS)
17
does not appear in the diagram, but forms the base category,
against which the effects of the other categories are measured.
The next variable is High School, which indicates whether or not
the respondent has at least one year of high school education.
The .498 above High School indicates that 49.8% of the base
category, daughters of men with manual occupations, have some
high school education. The positive path from Nonmanual
father's occupation to High School indicates that these
daughters are more likely than the base category to have gone to
high school and the coefficient says that this difference is
22.7 percentage points. In other words, 49.8 + 22.7, or 72.5%
of daughters of nonmanual workers have been to high school. The
negative arrow from farming says that only 21.6% of farmers'
daughters have been to high school.
The migration variables in this diagram measure migration
between birth and 1965 and more recent mig~ation between 1965
and 1973. Earlier migration is positively related to attending
high school and to having a father with a white-collar job.
Farmer•s daughters are the least likely to migrate. Even when
we control for the low levels of education of farm children,
they still have the lowest rates of migration. Daughters of
carpenters, mechanics and other craftsmen are more likely to
migrate, perhaps because they are not expected to participate in
such occupations, whereas farmers' daughters may be of help on
18
the farm. More ~ecent migration is also related to education
and is positively related to previous migration.
There are other aspects of a family's situation, aside from
father 1 s occupation, which may affect the likelihood of a
daughter's migration. These include mother's education and
occupation and the number of siblings in the family. While
studies of socio-economic status often focus solely on the l
occupation and income of the men in the household, it is
increasingly recognized that the women are important
contributors to the income and prestige of the family.
Especially when we look at the experience of a daughter, her
mother's education and occupation are very important predictors
of the type of work she will perform (Stevens and Boyd (1980)).
The number of siblings may also play a role in the decision
whether or not a daughter will migrate both because more
children mean more mouths to feed and a need for more income,
and because a large number of children insures that someone will
be left to help out with work at home, even if one or two
siblings move to the city. For both of these reasons it is
expected that migrants would tend to come disproportionately
from large families.
The STW is the source of information on these variables.
This survey also contains information on the age of women at
migration, and thus allows us to check whether the effects of
family characteristics are different for younger migrants than
19
older ones. In general, we expect that women who migrate
between the ages of 15 and 24 will be affected most by family
traits, indicating that their migration is more a manifestation
of family needs than individual aspirations.
Mother's work outside the horne might be expected to affect
the migration pattern of her daughter in several different ways.
As she helps to earn the family's income, she and her husband
may expect a daughter to also work outside the home and so may
be more likely to send her to the city. The daughter may want
to follow the model set by her mother and so may be more willing
to accept a role as income earner for the family. However, when
a mother supplements the family income, there may be less need
for extra earnings from a migrant daughter.
In this analysis, father's occupation is measured with a
prestige scale developed for the Philippines (Lauby (1976)).
The prestige score for each occupation was estimated using the
average education, income, age and number of persons in the
occupation, assigning each occupation a score from 1 to 100.
A path diagram using data from the 1976 STW (Figure 2)
shows that the two family variables which help predict migration
between the ages of 15 to 24 are the prestige of father's
occupation which has a negative effect on migration and. number
of siblings which is positively related to migration. It is
interesting that education, which is usually positively related
to migration does not have an effect on migration at young ages,
.706
20
···············~~ .
SIBLINGS
.089
..... " -.080 ......... ,,,, 1111111111,,,__ ___ ....,
MIG1524
PAED Is fatherts educational attainment in years of schooling
MAED is mother's educational attainment in years of schooling
PAPRES is the prestige score of father's education
EDUC Is respondent's educational attainment in years of schooling
MAWORK is whether or not mother was employed outside the home
SIBLINGS is number of brothers and sisters
MIG1524 is migration between the ages of 15 and 24
MIG25+ is migration after the age of 24
All displayed coefficents are significant at a= .05
MIG25+
Figure 2; Effects of Family Characteristics and Education on the Migration of Women (1976 STW)
21
although in the next figure we shall see that education does
positively affect migration after age 24. That daughters of
fathers with lower prestige occupations, who probably also earn
low incomes, are the ones most likely to migrate helps support
the claim that families in need of extra income send young
daughters to the city. The number of siblings may also indicate
a need for more income, as well as the labor supply available
for substitution in farming or other tasks. When this path
analysis is conducted separately for rural-born and urban-born
women, an important difference is that the number of siblings
has a strong positive relationship with migration for women from
small towns, but an insignificant relationship for rural-born
women. A large family may be able to find work for all its
members on a farm, but in a to~>?n a large number of children may
be a liability resulting in daughters being sent to the city.
A mother working outside the home has no effect on her
daughter migrating. It may be that the positive effect of the
attitude toward women's work is offset by the negative effect of
increased family income. Perhaps mother's work does influence
her daughter's choice of occupation, but not her migration
pattern. Mother•s education does not have a direct effect on
migration, but does affect her daughter's education, and this
effect is stronger than that of father's education.
The relationships in the path diagram may be affected by
the age of the women. Not only would age be related to
22
increased migration after age 24, but it should also have a
negative correlation with education, as the schooling Qf younger
cohorts has been increasing. The next diagram .(Figure 3)
includes age as an independent variable and compares the path
coefficients for women and men.
In the previous diagra~, migration aft~r age 24 seemed to
be positively related to father's prestige. However, when age
is controlled this relationship disappears. As we might
suspect, migration after age 24 is positively related to age,
simply because older women have had more years in which to
migrate. The small. but positive effect of education ofi
migration after age 24 is also evident in this diagram.
The various path diagrams have shown that family
characteristics, especially father's occupation and the number
of siblings, are related to the migration of daughters. It is
our hypothesis that family characteristics are more important in
explaining the migration of daughters than that of sons. If the
hypothesis is verified, it would lend support to the contention
that in the Philippines family needs determine the migration of
daughters while migration by sons is determined more by their
own individual aspirations and needs. The path diagram for the
males in the STW sample supports the hypothesis, since none of
the family variables are related to the migration of a son,
either before or after age 25o While it would be preferable to
test this hypothesis using a larger and more representative male
23
FEMALES
MALES AGE
-.209\ .744
I MIGJ52~ ~IBLlNGS I
~
Figure 3: Effects of Age and Family Characteristics on the Migration of Women and Men {1976 STW)
24
sample, the results support the tentative notion that a
daughter's migration is controlled by her family to a larger
extent than a sot!s migration.
VI. Effects of Migration on Occupation and Income
Families may not only determine whether or not a daughter
migrates but also exert influence upon the type of work she
obtains when she gets to the city. This may contribute to the
explanation of why jobs held by migrants differ from those of
urban-born women, as has been found in a study of Asian women
(Shah and Smith (1984)).
Jobs can be divided into those that generate wages; unpaid
work in a family enterprise and self employment. While working
for wages often indicates a job in the modern sector, there are
also low-wage jobs in traditional service occupations, such as
maid, waitress or shop assistant. women who are self employed
often own their own small shop or are market vendors or
dressmakers. These women may not earn a steady monthly income,
but their jobs can relatively easily be combined with child care
and housework and so are preferred by many married women.
Unpaid family workers are women with the lowest personal income
and the poorest chance for mobility •
..
25
Table 3: Type of Occupation by Migrant Type (1973 NDS)
MIGRANT TYPE
TYPE OF NON- SETTLD RECENT FREQNT TOTAL OCCUPATION MIGRNT MIGRNT MIGRNT MIGRNT
WAGE EARNER 28.9% 41.2% 49.1% 43.7% 34.6%
SELF EHPLOYED 46.5 45.3 35 .. 8 43.7 45.3
FAMILY WORKER 24.6 13.5 15.0 12.6 20.0
TOTAL 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% (2131) (1106) (226) (190) (3654)
x2 = 111.775 df = 6 prob = 0.000
No matter what their destination, migrant women are more
likely than nonrnigrants to be wage earners (Table 3). This is
true of migrants to rural communities as well as of those who
move to large cities. we might expect that fewer migrant women
would be workers in a family enterprise since many women migrate
alone. Yet women migrants are also less likely to be self
employed. The differences are greatest in rural communities
where recent migrants are twice as likely as nonmigrants to earn
wages (41% for migrants versus 21% far nonmigrants). Half of
nonmigrants and 38% of recent migrants are self employed. In
Metro Manila, 70% of recent migrants and 74% of frequent
migrants are wage earners, versus 67% of nonmigrants and 64% of
settled migrants. Settled migrants are more likely than recent
26
migrants to be self employed and their jobs are more similar to
those of nonmigrants.
The effect of migration on the type of occupation is made
clearer in the diagram with CATFIT coefficients (Figure 4). As
expected, women who live in cities are more likely to be in
wage-earning jobs, while women living in rural communities tend
to be self-employed or to work in a family enterprise (the base
category in this model). However, when birthplace is
controlled, as it is in this diagram, or when place of current
residence is controlled (diagram not shown), migrants are more
likely to be wage earners than are non-migrants. When
birthplace and educational attainment are controlled, there are
10 percentage points more wage earners among recent migrants
than among nonmigrants. For women with less than a high school
education, 23% of nonmigrants born in small towns (the base
category for birthplace) and 15% of nonmigrants in rural areas
are wage earners. This increases to 25% for rural-born migrants
and to 60% for migrants with a high school education. There is
also a negative effect of recent migration on being s~lf
employed. Fifty-eight percent of less educated rural- and
town-born women are self employed. Of similar women who have
recently migrated, only 50% are self employed.
There are several possible explanations for why relatively
more migrants are found in wage occupations, even after
controlling for education and birthplac~. One is the young age
27
BIRTHPLACE .400 .130
.352
- ~188 . --~ - -- -- -
.333
All displayed coefficients are significant at a==.05
Figure 4: Effects of Migration on Type of Work using CATFIT coefficients
(1973 NOS)
.232
.117
.585
28
of recent migrantsa It may be that young women are more likely
to have modern-sector jobs that eatn wages while older women are
more likely to be self employed in more traditional sales and
craft jobs. Independent of education, age is a factor in the
type of job a woman performs because of the rapidly changing mix
of occupations in the labor market. Whe~ older women started to
work, there were fewer wage-eatning jobs avsilable and .so these
women tended to be self employed in craft or sales occupations.
With the rapidly growing urban centers and increasing
industrialization have come more wage-earning jobs and employers
who readily hire young women with no labor force ex~erience.
The data show that young women are more likely than older
women to be wage earners (Table 4). Forty-three percent of
working women aged 15 to 29 earn wages, as against 38% of women
30 to 44 and 26% of those 45 and over. However, within each age
group, migrants are still more likely than·nonmigrants to earn
wages. Thus age may explain the type of work only partially.
Another explanation, and one that is not so easy to test,
is that self employment may not be as accessible to migrants as
it is to urban-born women. ~o be successful in one•s own
business may depend not only on owning some capital, but also on
information and network capital, viz. having connections with
prospective customers, suppliers and persons in authority, etc.
This might explain why settled migrants are more likely to be
29
self. employed than are women who have recently moved to the
city.
Table 4: Type of Occupation by Migrant Type and Age (1973 NDS)
MIGRANT TYPE
NONMIGRANT
15 to 29 years 30 to 44 45 and over
SETTLED MIGRANT
15 to 29 years 30 to 44 45 and over
RECENT MIGRANT
15 to 29 years 30 to 44 45 and over
FREQUENT MIGRANT
N
15 to 29 years 30 to 44 45 and over
WAGE EARNER
28.9%
35.9 31.4 21.7
41.2
50.6 45.7 31.0
49.1
56.8 46.6 40.0
43.7
55.4 41.1 34.1
(1266)
TYPE OF OCCUPATION
SELF EMPLD
46.5%
35.5 45.1 54.6
45.3
34.9 41.7 54.8
35.8
28.4 37.5 46.0
43.7
28.6 48.9 52.3
( 165 6)
FAMILY WORKER
24.6%
28.5 23.4 23.7
13.5
14.5 12.6 14.2
151t0
14.8 15.9 14.0
12.6
16.1 10.0 13.6
(732)
Yet it may also be that migrants willingly choose to take
wage jobs and the reasons that they do so may be the same as
those that spurred their very migration: their family's
short-run need for a stable source of income. If it is true
that the family is instrumental in deciding that a daughter
TOTAL
100.0%
100.0 100.0 100.0
100.0
100.0 100.0 100.0
100.0
100.0 100.0 100.0
100.0
100.0 100.0 100.0
(3654)
• _., .• ·, ~ • f >• ~ '" I. · ol 0 c<. :). , • "< I.,
30
should migrate, it is probable that the family would also have a
say in the pattern of earnings and the kind of job the daughter
undertakes in the city. The family often has ties to relatives
and friends in the city through whom it finds work and a place
to stay for the daughter. If the family wants a quick and
steady source of income, it may choose a wage-earning job, and
since it may expect remittances from a daughter (as well as
willingness to remit) to decrease after a few years when she may
marry and have other obligations, the family may not be too
concerned with the long run stability of the job or in the long
term chances for upward mobility.
In the early stages of industrialization and modernization,
family ties tend to be strong, and parents maintain control over
unmarried children, particularly daughters. One way that rural
families can partake of some benefits of urbanization and
industrialization while, at the same time, avoiding some of the
costs associated with these processes, is to send a daughter to
be a wage earner in the city while they themselves stay put.
While both educated urban-born women and rural-to-urban
migrants are more likely to hold wage-earning jobs than to be
self-employed, the types of jobs held by each group are often
very different. The next table (Table 5) shows in more detail
that th~ types of occupations held by women are contingent upon
their migration status.
31
Data from other Asian nations suggest that the occupations
of migrant women differ from those of nonrnigrants (Shah and
Table 5: Occupations of Female Migrants and Nonmigrants
PROFESSIONALS
MANAGERS
CLERICAL WORKERS
SALES WORKERS
FARM WORKERS CRAFT WORKERS
SERVICE WORKERS DOMESTIC SERVICE
TOTAL
ALL WOMEN MIGRANT TYPE
NON- SETTLD MIGRNT MIGRNT
13~0%
0~6
4.9
27.0
30.7
18.5
2.2 3.0
100.00% (1427)
19.3%
2.5
6.8
29.7
19.6
12 .. 2
3.4 6.5
100.00% (797)
RECENT MIGRNT
11.7%
0.6
4.9
25.8
22.7
13.5
8.0
12.9
100.00% (163)
x2 = 140.899 df = 21 prob = 0.000
MANILA RESIDENTS
PROFESSIONALS MANAGERS
CLERICAL WORKERS
SALES WORKERS
FARM WORKERS CRAFT WORKERS
SERVICE WORKERS DOMESTIC SERVICE
TOTAL
22.2%
1.8 20.5
38.0
0.6
11.7
1.8
3.5
100.00% (171)
21.2% 5.7%
5.3 0.0
15.9 8.6
27.4 25.7
0.4
17.7
1.8
10.2
100.00% (226)
o.o 11.4
20.0
28.6
100.00% (35)
x2 = 87.560 df = 21 prob = 0.000
FREQNT MIGRNT
13.0%
0.0
7.0
33.0
17.4
18.3
5.2
6.1
100.00% (115)
21.4%
o.o 14.3
35.7
0.0
7.1
14.3
7.1 100.00%
(14)
TOTAL
14.9%
1.2
5.6
28.1
26.1
16.2
3.1
4.9
100.00% (2502)
20.4%
3.4 17.0
31.6
0.4 14.6
3.6
9.0
100.00% (446)
32
Smith (1984}). This finding is consistent with this table. The
occupation structure of women in the 1973 NDS is very similar to
that of women in the 1970 Census. About 15% of working women
are professionals. Over a quarter are farm workers and another
quarter are sales workers, most of whom are self-employed
vendors or shop proprietors. Craft work, done by 16% of working
women, includes factory work, but the majority in this category
work at home or in small shops as dressmakers, weavers or
potters. Only 8% of all women are in service occupations,
including domestic work as maids and launderers (lavanderas).
Focusing on Manila residents points out the large
differences in the occupations of recent migrants and
nonmigrants. Twenty-two percent of nonmigrants but only 6% of
recent migrants are professionals. Part of this difference is
due to the young age of recent migrants. However, nonmigrants
are also more likely to be clerical workers and sales workers~
Recent migrants are much more likely to be in service work, in
particular domestic work as maids or lavanderas. Settled
migrants, who have been in Manila for at least eight years, have
an occupational distribution more similar to that of
nonmigrants, although they are more likely than Manila-born
women to be in domestic service and less likely to be sales
workers. The proportion of settled migrants who are
professionals is high at 21%.
33
In general, recent migrants are found in the jobs requiring
the least skills, yielding low pay. These jobs do not offer the
prospects of upward mobility or advancement. Of 156 women who
worked in domestic service in 1965, only 47% were still employed
in any occupation eight years later. Of those who were employed
in 1973, the large majority, 60 women, were still in domestic
service. Only 14 of the 156 had moved to other jobs in sales or
crafts. Thus women who migrate to the city do not find many
opportunities to secure a stable or prestigious job. However,
if their migration is not motivated by individual aspirations,
but by the short-run needs of their family, the basic concern
would be to earn a quick and steady income. Thus, the next
question to consider is whether migration indeed increases a
woman•s income.
The women in the STW earned an average of 231 pesos a. month
(Table 6. At the time of the survey the official exchange rate
was around 8 pesoa to the dollar.) While this seems like a
small amount in dollars, it is an important contribution to the
family income in a poor country where the average family income
was under 600 pesos a month at the time of the survey. It
should be mentioned, though, that women earn less than men. The
mean monthly income for men in the survey was 418 pesos.
As expected, rural women earn less than urban women.
However, it is surprising that women in small towns earn more on
tne average than those in large cities. One explanation for
34
this rather substantial difference (~15 per month in towns
Table 6: Mean Monthly Income by Age at Migration and Currept Residence in pesos (1976 STW)
AGE AT l-1IGRATION
CURRENT NON- 15-24 25 + 15-24 TOT AI; RESIDENCE MIGRNT & 25. +
RURAL 152. 65 167.04 155.35 138.50 155.66
SMALL TOWN 293.06 290.78 320.42 431.61 315.44
LARGE CITY 187.96 191.57 266.60 246.75 208.05
TOTAL 205.34 230.71 247.29 311.50 231.06
N ( 270) (202) (105) ( 66) ( 643)
versus 208 in cities) might be the larger numbers of migrants in
large cities who depress unskilled wages. Yet when we compare
the incomes of nonmigrants only, the gap between small and large
cities remains. In the towns more women are self employed while
in the large cities more are wage earners. Self employed women,
working in shops and as dressmakers, may not earn a steady
income, but tend to average a higher income than do wage
earners.
If women seem to do better in small towns than in large
cities, earning higher incomes and holding self-employed
occupations that easily combine with childcare and household
tasks, why do not more women migrate to the towns instead of
flocking to the large city? The small town "bundle" of
opportunities would seem to better fit the personal needs of the
35
migrants themselves. Yet the needs of the sending family may be
better served by the opportunities for wage earning in the large
city. That women who with equal ease can migrate to small towns
end up in large cities in spite of the adverse effect this has
on their own long-run employment and income prospects could
constitute evidence in support of our family decision
hypothesis.
Families send young daughters to the city to add to the
family income. our data indicate that migrants to the large
city have a higher average income than rural nonmigrants. Yet
not only migration, but family characteristics, education and
age also have effects on income. A path diagram will help to
disentangle these effects.
Th~ largest direct effects on income for rural born women
are their occupation and education {Figure 5). There is also n
smaller positive e~fect of early migration on income. With
educational attainment and occupation controlled, women who
moved out of a rural community at a young age earn more than
those who stayed behind. It is interesting to note that there
is no direct effect from migration after age 25 on income, even
though these women earn much more than do young migrants. The
higher income of these women is explained by their higher
educational attainment and by their father's occupation which
have positive effects on their occupation and thereby increase
their income.
36
PRES is the prestige score of the daughter's occupation
INCOME is the daughter's monthly income in pesos
All displayed coefficients are significant at a= .05
Figure 5: Effects of Migration on Personal Income for Rural-born Women
(1976 STW)
37
A similar path diagram for males shows that migration does
not have an effect on income once education and occupation are
controlled. This suggests that women get some special advantage
from migrating to the city that men do not enjoy. Perhaps
women, more than men, are underemployed in rural communities.
Underemployment can be measured in many ways; in this case it
will be defined as not being able to work as many hours as
desired. If women who move to the city are able to work longer
hours than they would have if they remained in the rural
community, this may help explain why they are able to earn more.
Especially in the large cities, there are appreciable
differences in the hours worked by migrants and nonmigrants.
While urban-born women work 44 hours a week, all migrant groups
work more than this, with recent migrants working 51 hours and
settled migrants, an average of 47 hours a week. Rural
nonmigrants work an average of 37 hours a week. Thusu on
average, a recent migrant from a rural community to the large
city can expect to work 14 more hours a week than she did at
home. This longer work week may explain the increase~ income
that migrants enjoy.
The path diagram with hours added supports this explanation
(Figure 6). When hours are controlled, the direct effect of
migration on income disappears. In other words, migration both
before and after age 25 increases the hours a woman works and
this is what increases her income. Father's education also
38
HOURS is the number of hours worked per week
All displayed coefficients are significant at a= .05
Figure 6: Effects of Hours of Work on Income for Rural-born Women (1976 STW)
INCOME
39
increases hours worked, perhaps because educated fathers have
connections that help them find good jobs for their daughters.
While father's education increases his daughter's income through
increasing the hours she works, the daughter's own education
affects her income through the occupation she enters.
To summarize our findings, there are three paths to a
higher income. One is getting a good job, and for this a good
education is important. Another path to a higher income is
working longer hours, and this is the path taken by most
migrants. A third path would be the combination of a good job
with migration and longer hours, which is the pattern of some
older migrants. Young women migrants to the city do not get
prestigious jobs or jobs that have high hourly earnings. They
do get jobs that allow them to work more hours a week than they
would in rural areas, and so increase their income.
VII. Concluding Comments
Even when an individual migrates alone, he or she may be
acting as an agent on behalf of a principal back at home. In
many cultures, the family is an especially strong unit that
exerts influence over a daughter or son even after they are
adults and have left home. In such cultures, the family can be
thought of as an economic unit as well as a social grouping that
transcends well-defined labor markets and geographical loci.
40
The foregoing analysis raises and partly addresses three
questions: first, what are the factors which make it more
likely that a family will send a member to the city, and second,
why, in some societies, does the family usually choose to send a
daughter rather than a son. The third question is what are the
consequences of the family decision on the type of occupation
and work history of the woman migrant.
A family will decide to send a migrant if there is a need
for additional or more steady income, if the expectation that
migration will confer such benefits is reasonably high, and if
the opportunity cost associated with migration is low. In our
analysis, father's occupational prestige is a rough indicator of
the economic position of the family. Fathers with the poorest
jobs are the ones who are the most likely to send a young
daughter to the city. The number of siblings in the family also
reflects the income·needs of the family and how easy it would be
to substitute for the departure of a member. Larger families
are more likely to send a member to the city.
Another factor that a family must weigh in its decision is
the type of work performed by the family. Both sons and
daughters of farmers are expected to help in farm work and this
may help explain why children of farmers are the least likely to
migrate. On the other hand, daughters of nonmanual workers,
most of whom work for wages and do not own their own enterprise,
are the most likely to migrate. Daughters of manual workers
41
fall in between these two groups in their propensity to migrate.
Girls may be expected to help in pottery-making and basket
weaving, but not in wood-working or carpentry.
Putting these pieces together, a family most likely to send
a member to the city would have a large number of children with
the father in a low-paying occupatibn that does not allow for
participation by daughters.
While both the prestige and type of father's occupation
affect a daughter's migration, her mother's work does not seem
to bear a significant effect. This may be because mother's work
has both income and substitution effects on the decision to have
a daughter move to the city. If the mother works outside the
home, she adds to the family income which makes it less
necessary for the daughter to migrate. Yet if the mother takes
part in a family enterprise, tbe daughter's work may not be
needed at home.
Our analysis has suggested some ways a family's position
may affect its decision about migration by one of its members.
But why is it that in many societies the family usually decides
to send a son, while in the Philippines (and, for that matter,
in Latin America, too) a daughter is the one most often sent?
Part of the explanation may have to do with the work performed
at home and the possible jobs available in the city. The work
of sons on the farm and in craft manufacturing in the rural
community may be more valued than that of daughters. In the
42
cities, many jobs are clearly sex segregated. Jobs dominated by
women include domestic service and sales jobs, as well as
clerical jobs and work in labor-intensive manufacturing such as
garment production~ Employers often prefer to hire women
because they are considered to be more docile and compliant and
can also be paid less than men (Snow (1978)). There are, of
course, jobs open to men, but many of these, such as
construction work and labor on the docks, are seasonal and may
depend on such factors as size of crop production and even the
weather. Although women may earn less per day than men, their
jobs are such that they may give more certain income throughout
the year than jobs held by men. This job stability may be
strongly preferred by risk-averse rural families seeking to
minimize the variance associated with their income.
The likelihood that once migrating, the migrant member will
share his/her urban-earned income with the family back at home
could be of equal importance. Families in the Philippines may
be willing to rely on daughters to supplement their income
because traditionally daughters maintain close ties with their
families of origin even after marriage. Daughters and sons
inherit equally from parents and family lineage is bilateral,
with equal ties to both parents' families. In addition,
daughters are taught to be responsible family members, taking
care of younger siblings, for instance, while sons are given
more freedom and are expected to be more independent. Thus a
43
daughter sent to the urban area can be relied upon to help
support her parents and to aid in the education of brothers and
sisters. Even though she might be expected to earn less, a
higher proportion of her income is likely to be shared
(remitted). If the daughter establishes a home in the city, it
can be used as a means for younger siblings to avail themselves
to urban education and employment opportunities, and a daughter
nlay be seen as being better able to perform this function as a
surrogate parent than a son. Girls are ta~9ht to be responsible
in their service of the family, and are dependent on the
decisions of their parents concerning their education, work and
even their social activities. It is no wonder then that the
close ties between the daughter and her parents give rise to a
causal relationship between her migration pattern and the
characteristics or her family, while by and large the migration
of sons is not related to family traits.
The choices that migrant women make concerning their work
may be at least partially explained by the familial nature of
the migration decision. Migrants to large cities are found in
different types of jobs than are urban-born women. They are in
wage-earning jobs such as domestic service in which they earn a
steady income to help support their families. They are less
likely to be self employed in occupations which might give them
more stable employment throughout their lives, yet yield less or
less certain income in the short run.
44
The urban occupations that migrants hold allow for little
upward occupational mobility, and they more often lead to
unemployment after a few years. What women achieve by migration
is the chance to earn more than they would had they remained in
the rural community. Migrants increase their income not by
earning a higher hourly wage but by work~ng more hours per week
in the city. Thus migration is a solution to underemployment in
the rural area and allows the woman and her family to make
better use of her time.
Faced with declining income from farming and rural crafts
families in rural communities often decide to send one of their
members to the city to earn additional or more certain income.
Whom they choose to send will depend on the type of work that
remains to be performed at home, what opportunities there are
for work in the city, and who can be counte~ on to send horne
part of the urban wage. In the Philippines it is daughters who
can be expected to better meet the family needs, hence, it is
they, rather than sons, whom the family entrust with the
migration task. And it is not that females are inherently more
mobile than males; the clue to deciphering the patterns of
individual migration by sex may lie not in individual attributes
per se but in the specific interactions of these attributes with
familial objectives and opportunities.
45
REFERENCES
Boserup, Ester, 1970. Women's Role in Economic Development
(London: George Allen & Unwin).
Davis, James A., 1976. "Analyzing Contingency Tables with
Linear Flow ~raphs," in D. R. Heise, ed. Sociological
Methodology (San Francisco: Jessey-Bass).
Eviota, Elizabeth and Peter C. Smith, 1984. "The Migration of
Women in the Philippines," Women in the Cities of Asia
James T. Fawcett, et. al.,(eds.), (Boulder, Colorado:
Westview Press).
Fcwcett, James T., s. E. Khoo, Peter C. Smith, (eds.), 1984.
Women in the Cities of Asia (Boulder, Colorado: Westview
Press).
Hendershot, Gerry E., 1975. "Fertility, Social Class and
Outmigration from Two Rural Communities," Population
Development in Southeast Asia John Kantner and Lee
McCaffrey, (eds.), {Lexington, MA.: D.C. Heath).
Infante, Teresita R., 1975. The Woman in Early Philippines and
among the Cultural Minorities (Manila: Unitas
Publications).
Jelin, Elizabeth, 1977. "Migration and Labor Force
Participation of Latin American Women," Signs vol. 3,
129-141.
46
Koo, Hagen and Peter c. Smith, 1983. "Migration, the Ur:ban
Informal Sectora and Earnings in the Philippines,"
Sociological Quarterly vol. 24, 219-232.
Lauby, J~nnifer L, 1977. The Job Hierarchy: A Study of
Occupational ·Prestige in the Philippines (M.A. Thesis,
University of the Philippines).
Lucas, Robert E. B. and Oded stark, 19~5. "Motivations to
Remit," Journal of Political Economy val. 93, 901-918.
Mangahas, Mahar, (ed.), 1976. Measuring Philippine Development
{Manila: Development Academy of the Philippines).
National Economic and Development Authority, 1981. Philippine
Yearbook 1981 (Manila: NEDA).
Nie, Norman H., et. a!., 1980. user's Guide to the scss
Conversational System (New York: McGraw Hill).
Rojas~Aleta, Isabel, Teresita Silva and Christine Eleazar, 1977.
A Profile of Filipino Women: Their Status and Roles
(Manila: Philippine Business for Social Progress}.
Shah, Nasra M. and Peter c. Smith, 1984. "Women at Work in
Asia," women in the Cities of Asia James T. Fawcett, et.
al.,(eds.} (Boulder, Colorado: westview Press).
Snow, Robert T, 1978. "Export-Oriented Industrialization and
its Impact on Women Workers," Philippine Sociological
Review vol. 26, 189-199.
47
Stark, Oded, 1984a. " Migration Decision Making: A Review
Article," Journal of Development Economics vol. 14,
251-259.
Stark, Oded, 1984b. "Rural-to-Urban Migration in LDCs: A
Relative Deprivation Approach,~ Economic Development and
Cultural Change vol. 32, 475-486.
Stark, Oded and David Levhari, 1982. "On Migration and Risk in
LDCs," Economic Development and Cultural Change vol. 31,
191-196.
Stark, Oded and Robert E. B. Lucas, 1987u "Migration,
Remittances and the Family," Harvard University Migration
and Development Program,Discussion Paper Series, Paper No.
28. (Forthcoming in Economic Development and Cultural
Change).
Stevens, Gillian and Monica Boyd, 1980. "The Importance of
Mother: Labor Force Participation and Mobility," Social
Forces vol. 59, 189-199.
Szanton, M. Christina Blanc, 1982. "Women and Men in Iloilo,
Philippines: 1903-1970," Women of Southeast Asia, Penny
Van Esterik, (ed.) (Northern Illinois University).
Trager, Lilian, 1984. "Family Strategies and Migration of
Women," International Migration Review vol. 18, 1264-1277.
United Nations, 1984. Demographic Yearbook 1982 (New York:
Dept. of International Economic and Social Affairs).
Some Recent DRD Discussion Papers
267. Protectionism and the Debt Crisis, by S. van Wijnbergen.
268. Inventories as an Information-Gathering Device, by S. Alpern and D. J. Snower.
269. Welfare Dominance: An Application to Commodity Taxation, by S. Yitzhaki and J. Slemrod.
270. The Causal Role of Minimum Wages in Six Latin American Labor Markets, by M. Paldam and L. Riveros.
271. Tax Evasion, Corrumption and Administration: Monitoring the People's Agents Under Symmetric Dishonesty, by A. Virmani.
272. Characteristics and Operation of Labor Markets in Argentina, by C.E. Sanchez.
273. Growth and Structural Change in East Africa: Domestic Policies, Agricultural Performance and World Bank Assistance, 1963-1986, Part I, by U. Lele and R. Meyers.
274. Growth and Structural Change in East Africa: Domestic Policies, Agricultural Performance and World Bank Assistance, 1963-196, Part II, by U. Lele and R. Meyers.
275. Abstracts of Development Research Department Publications: April 1986 -April 1987.
276. Korea's Macroeconomic Prospects and Major Policy Issues for the Next Decade, by V. Corbo and s.w. Nam.
277. The Pricing of Manufactured Goods During Trade Liberalization: Evidence from Chile, Israel, and Korea, by V. Corbo and P.D. McNelis.
278. Fiscal Policy and Development Strategy in Southern Asia, by G.F. Papanek.
279. Evolution of the Tunisian Labor Market, by C. Morrisson.
280. Labour Allocation Across Labour Markets Under Different Informational Schemes and the Costs and Benefits of Signalling, by 0. Stark and E. Katz.
281. Mobility, Skill and Information, by 0. Stark and E. Katz.
282. Labour Mobility and Intrafamilial Income Transfers: Theory 'and Evidence from Botswana, by 0. Stark and R. Lucas.
283. Labour Migration, Income Inequality and Remittances: A Case Study of Mexico, by 0. Stark, J.E. Taylor and S. Yitzhaki.