0RD 1HSCUtiSlON .PAPER

Report No. DRD284

. .F.Ed:tt\.LE LABOUR HOBiLITY,, SKILL ACQUlSLTION AND CHOICE OF LABOUR MARKETS: TH.EORY AND EVIDENCE

FROM Tl"IE PHiLIPPINES

by

Oded Stark and

Jennifer L. Lauby

Development Research Department Economics and Research Staff

WorLd Bank

'i'he World .Bank does not accept responsibility for the views expressed herein \vhich are those of the autllor(s) and should not be attributed to the World J.)ani< or to its affiliated organizations. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions are the results of research supported by the Bank; they do not ne'I.!BSSar ily represent official policy vf the Hank. The designations employed' tilt! pr~.::i>f.:!Utation of material~ and any maps u~ed in this document are solely for the eon.venience of the reader and do not imply the expression of any" =

\.Jh<J.tsoever on th.t;; part of the tvorld Bank or its affiliates concerning Slat:U$ of r.lUY country, territory, cityll area, or Of its authorities,

of· thl! delimitations of its boundaries, or national affiliation.

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FEMALE LABOUR MOBILITY, SKILL ACQUISITION AND CHOICE OF LABOUR MARKETS: THEORY AND EVIDENCE FROM THE PHILIPPINES

by

* Oded Stark and Jennifer L. Lauby

Paper submitted to the Development Research Department, The World Bank.

Mailing Address:

*

Oded Stark Harvard University 9 Bow Street Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138

Harvard University, Bar-Ilan University and The World Bank; Harvard University, respectively.

ABSTRACT

Migration behavior by individuals, migration decisions and migration outcomes .are not neutral to the needs and constraints facing the migrants• families who stay put. In this paper we present and analyze evidence from the Philippines suggesting that the choice of migrant members and migration destination are largely determined by familial characteristics. We obtain several ·interesting insights into the migration process. The standard human capital approach explains the inverse relationship between the age of migrants and the propensity to migrate through the longer payoff period facing the .young. However, we find that the young age of migrants is explained by their greater amenability to familial income needs and familial manipulation. This amenability also seems to explain the preference for daughters over sons as migrants. Likewise, the initial labor market performance of migrants is accounted for not, as in human capital theory, by migrants' low skill levels but rather by familial needs which mandate participation in labor market activities that secure certain if low short run returns.

1

r. Introduction

A major feature of economic change nowadays in Third World

countries is the rapid growth of their cities caused, to a large

extent, by the in-migration of men and women from rural

communities. In many countries migration streams to the cities

have been dominated by men. Yet in many Latin American

countries and in the Philippines women's migration to to the

cities is at least as prevalent as men's; in several other Asian

countries the number of female migrants is growing more rapidly

than the number of male migrants. However, the distinct

migration patterns of women have not been examined in detail

until quite recently. Most migration studies focus on the

movement of men, with the assumptions either that men are t~e

decision makers in the migration process and women are tied

movers, or, if women migrate alone, that they follow the same

routes, are motivated by similar considerations, and experience

the same consequences as do male migrants.

Recent work on women migrants has suggested that these

assumptions may not be valid. In many developing societies ~

women increasingly migrate alone. (See, for example, Fawcett et.

al. (1984); Trager (1984).) Since women perform different roles

than men in society, the economy and the family, the reasons for

their migration may also be different. In many cultures

daughters are under the control of their parents to a greater

degree than sons are, and, correspondingly, the migratory

2

behavior of women may be influenced more than that of men by

familial considerations.

Social scientists have tended to explain the migration of

an individual by personal traits such as age, education,

familial status, occupation, aspirations, attitude toward risk,

etc. The human capital approach views migration as an action

that an individual undertakes in order to increase the chances

of getting a higher future return on investments in human

capital assets such as education and training. Yet to a certain

extent, all migrants are influenced by the constraints,

opportunities and objectives of people around them and in

particular by the needs and resources of their families (Stark

(1984a), Stark and Lucas (1987)). Under fairly general

conditions, a desirable strategy of a rural family in coping

with unstable agricultural income is to send a family member to

work in the city. A large proportion of rural-to-urban migrants

in developing countries are unmarried and remit a significant

part of their earnings home to their parents, thereby reducing

the income variance associated with work in agriculture.

Because of their immediate need for more certain or additional

income, families may be more interested in present earnings than

in future prospects.

Reasons for migration may be thought of as forming a

continuum from purely individual to family-dominated. Certain

characteristics of migrants may allow us to estimate where an

3

the continuum the reasons for their migration tend to fall. In

this paper, our main hypothesis is that in the Philippines women

migrate for family reasons to a greater extent than do men.

Furthermore, young women migrants are closer to the family end

of the continuum than are older women migrants. The family

needs which lead to migration may also help us understand why

more migrants than nonrnigrants are in wage-earning occupations

and why women migrants accept jobs which, while affording a

steady short-term income, do not confer much long-term

stability.

It is qulte difficult to determine, let alone measure, the

reasons for migration. In some studies migrants are

interviewed and asked about factors impinging upon their

decision to migrate. The notorious problems with this approach

are that migrants may not remember all factors relevant at a

previous point in time, may have changed their perceptions of

the decision because of post migration experience, or may not be

able to articulate the decision process. In this paper, family f'

influence on the migration decision will be inferred from the

relationship between family characteristics and migration by a

daughter. For reasons to be specified below, we expect that

family variables such as parents' education and occupation and

the number of children in the family will be better predictors

of th~ migration of daughters than of sons, and of the migration

4

of young daughters (aged 15 to 24) than of qaughters 25 years

and older.

II. Women in the Philippines

In the Philippines ·a majority of rural-to-urban migrant~

are women, and a substantial p·roportion· of the labor force is

female. The labor force participation ~ate of women 25 to 64

years old in 1976 was 45% (NEDA (1981)), and is probably higher

today. Women make up over 50% of professionals, sales workers

and service workers. In urban areas there are more women than

men; the urban sex ratio (men per 100 women) is 95.5 and is 85.4

for the population 15 years old and over. There are indications

that this imbalance is caused by the migration of very young

women. In 1980, females made up only 47.9% of the urban

population 10 to 14 years old, but 52.6% of those aged 15 to 19

(United Nations (1984)).

Our contention is that a.significant part of the

explanation for the considerable rural-to-urban migration by

young women in the Philippines cannot merely be attributed to

structural, macro-economic factors such as the nature of the

light, labor-intensive industrialization and the rapid

development of urban services. To a large degree, women's

opportunities and roles in the economic sphere have been

intricately shaped by the interplay of cultural and historical

forces. Philippine culture has long recognized·the independent

5

economic role of women. In pre-Spanish times women not only

worked in the fields and raised livestock but they also handled

most of the trade (Infante (1975)). This tradition of women

traders continues in the present day with women in control of

retail sales in market stalls and small shops. A woman's

migration from home in search of work opportunities is thus

perfectly consistent with the acceptance in Philippine culture

of such economic roles.

The early colonization of the Philippines by Spain brought

Christianity and with it a patriarchal structure of authority.

The Spanish Code of Laws confined women to the home. They were

forbidden to transact business or to dispose of property (Rojas­

Aleta et. al. (1977)). The Christian teachings brought by the

Roman Catholic priests inpluded admonishments to women to be

obedient, passive and pious. As will be pointed out below, this

cultural shift has an important bearing on the extent to which

implicit contractual arrangements between parents and daughters

are likely to be honored. Social norms affect economic behavior

in general and, in particular, the distribution of gains

between a daughter and her parents back at home which accrue

from the daughter's labor market activity. They also bear upon

adherence to distributing the migration gains according to a

pre-migration agreed-upon rule.

The American occupation from 1898 to 1946 introduced public

education for both males and females. Over time, this has been

6

translated into educational attainment for the two sexes which

by now is approximately equal (Mangahas (1976)). On the whole

women are thus likely to possess the minimal human capital

traits necessary to fac~litate entry into the urban labor

market. Women have also gained political and other rights, but

they have not been translated into similar pay for the

performance of similar work {Szanton (1982)). It seems that the

heritage of the Spanish colonial rule - a period during which

women were excluded from most educational institutions and from

political and economic roles in the urban areas (Szanton

(1982)), has not been replaced completely by subsequent

educational and political changes. Women can and do have access

to urban labor markets, but the economic environment they face

and the political factors underlying this environment appear

insufficient to support or sustain severance of social and

economic ties with their rural families.

It thus seems that in comparison with men, women's urban

jobs are likely to pay reasonably well and be moderately secure.

It should be noted that if the urban job pays too well, the

mig=ant may be able to save some income in the capital market of

the urban economy in addition to, or instead of, remitting part

of the income and thus escape her or his dependence upon the

family earlier than otherwise. Similarly, the migrant may not

need to depend on the family if the urban job is too secure.

(Clearly, though, if the job pays very badly or is very insecure

7

the rural family may be required to continue supporting the

migrant - an outcome the family will surely regard as

unfavorable). Daughters may thus depend on their families more

than sons do because their jobs do not pay as well and are less

stable. Once we add to these considerations women's strong

devotion to their families and their considerable willingness to

abide by the decisions of their parents, we can see the

rationale of Filipino families who so often choose to send a

daughter rather than a son to work in the city as a strategy for

advancing familial well-being.

III. The Data Sources

Two national surveys constitute the data sources for this

paper.

The National Demographic Survey (NDS), conducted in 1973 by

the Population Institute of the University of the Philippines1

covered a nation-wide random sample of households selected with

a multi-stage procedure that insures proportional representation

of each region of the country. The subfile used by us contains

information about each married woman who resided in the .sample

households, a total of 9331 women. Using personal interviews,

this survey collected information ori place of residence at the

time of the survey, eight years earlier, and at birth, as well

as data on educational attainment, occupation, marriage and

8

childbearing experience, and other personal and family

characteristics.

The Status of women Survey (STW), conducted in 1976,

collected more detailed data from a smaller sample of women and

some of their husbands. The STW, in a two-hour interview,

collected information on job histories, marriage and

childbearing, and migration histories, along with education and

family background variables. The nationwide sample consisted of

1,997 adults, 1,598 women and 399 men. The women were between

the ages of 18 and 59 and the men were all husbands of married

female respondents. Although only about a third of the

population was living in urban areas at the time of the survey,

half the sample was selected from rural areas and half from

urban areas as defined by the National Census and Statistics

Office~ This was a deliberate attempt to adequately study women

living in urban areas of various sizes. The sampling for rural

areas was carried out in three stages. First, one province was

chosen to represent each of 10 regions~ (Western Mindanao was

excluded from the study because of security problems.) Then the

ru~al sample of 40 barrios was allocated among the sample

provinces according to the size of the rural population in the

region it represented. Specific barrios were chosen randomly.

From each barrio, a sample of 20 households was drawn, and one

woman aged 18 to 59 in each household was randomly chosen to be

interviewed. Five husbands in each barrio were also

9

interviewed. The urban sample was divided into two parts: large

urban areas, (Greater Manila, Cebu, Iloilo, Bacolod and Davao)

and smaller areas with populations of 10,000 to 50,000. The 50

sample barangays were distributed among the urban areas

according to their population size. A different sampling

fraction was used for the large and small areas so that an

adequate sample could be drawn from the small areas. The

barangays were chosen randomly, 16 households from each barangay

were sampled, and 16 women and four men were interviewed.

IV. Migration Patterns of Filipinas

Fi1ipinas are among the most geographically mobile of Asian

iA women. Their high rates of migration and their predominance

over men in rural-to-urban migration are confirmed by our data.

In addition, the life history information shows that women are

more likely than men to migrate as teenagers and that a good

proportion of womenrs migration occurs well before marriage.

In the NDS migration is measured by comparing place of

residence at three points in time. Settled migrants are those

who have moved between birth and 1965, but did not move between

1965 and 1973. Recent migrants are those who moved only in the

eight years prior to the survey while frequent migrants are

those who changed residence in both time periods. Respondents

were divided into four groups based on size of place of

residence at the time of the survey: Metropolitan Manila

10

residents; those in large regional centers (the cities of Cebu,

Bacolod, Iloilo and Davao, which have populations of over

200,000 each); people living in other urban areas, which will be

referred to as "towns"; and those in rural communities.

Over two-fifths of the women in the NDS were migrants

{42.6%). The majority of these were settled migrants (29.3% of

all women), while 13% had migrated in the eight years·before the

survey (Table 1). Thus migration appears to feature in the

lives of a substantial proportion of Filipinas.

Table 1: Recent and Settled Migrants by Current Place of Residence (1973 NDS)

CURRENT RESIDENCE

RURAL SMALL REGNL MANILA TOTAL TOWN CENTER

NON-MIGRANTS 64.66% 56.39% 33.49% 35.75% 57.44%

SETTLED MIGRANTS rural origin 19.39 23.97 33.72 41.06 24.11

urban origin 4 .. 43 4.61 9.24 7.87 5.22

RECENT MIGRANTS rural origin 4.62 5. 80. 12.93 10.01 6.02

urban origin 1.23 1.54 1.15 1.45 1.31

FREQUENT MIGRANTS rural origin 5 .. 00 4.69 8.08 2.35 4.68

urban origin 0.70 3.01 1.38 1.52 1.21

'.rOTAL lOOoOO% 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% (6001) (1431) (433) (1449) (9314)

11

There are significant differences in the proportion of

migrants living in each of the four size-of-residence groups

described above. While 64.7% of rural residents have never

migrated, only 35.8% of Metro Manila women and 33.5% of women in

regional centers have not migrated. The proportion of non­

migrants in small towns, 56.4%, falls between these two

extremes. Looking in more detbil at the 64.2% of Metro Manila

residents who are migrants, we see that 76.2% are settled

migrants, most (84% of settled migrants) from rural birthplaces.

Of all migrants, 17.8% have moved to Manila in the past eight

years; again a large majority (87%) come from a rural area.

Fifty-six of the Manila women in the survey (6.0% of all

migrants) changed residence both between birth and 1965 and

between 1965 and 1973.

The STW survey, with its migration history data, allows

the measurement of migration at various ages. Most migration at

very young ages is undertaken with parents. In order to examine

mainly migration undertaken by women alone, or, after marriage,

with their husbands and children, any change of residence before

the age of 15 will be disregarded in this section.

12

Table 2: Migration Before and After Age 25 by Current Place of Residence (1976 STW)

FEMALES CURRENT RESIDENCE

AGE AT MIGRATION RURAL SMALL REGNL MANILA TOTAL TOWN CENTER

15 to 24 26.6% 36.5% 35.6% 45.9% 32.4%

25 and over 12.7 14.0 13.8 12.0 13.1

Both age groups a.o 9.8 5.6 5.0 8.0

No migration 52.8 39.8 45.0 37.1 46.5 after age 14

TOTAL 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% (798) {480) (160) (159) (1597)

MALES

15 to 24 20.9% 25.0% 35.9% 42.5% 25.8%

25 and over 18.9 19.2 18.0 30.0 20.0

Both age groups 6.5 18.3 10.3 2.5 10.0

No migration 53.7 37.5 35.9 25.0 44.2 after age 14

TOTAL 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% 1,.00.00% 100.00% (201) {120) (39) (4 0) (400)

Fifty-four percent of the women in the STW survey had

migrated after age 14 (Table 2). Of these, over half, or 32% of

the total sample, migrated between the ages 15 to 24, 13%

migrated only after age 24 and 8% moved in both age brackets.

There is slightly more migration from ages 15 to 19 {25% of

13

women migrate) than from 20 to 24 (22%). The predominance of

migration at young ages is especially true of female residents

of Manila, half of whom migrated between the ages of 15 and 24.

The STW contains data on men which allows some comparisons

of migration patterns. The 400 men in this sample are all

husbands of women respondents and so are only representative of

men living with their wives. Men are less likely to migrate at

ages 15 to 24 and more likely to migrate after age 24 than are

women. Overall migration rates using this measure are slightly

higher for men, so this sample does not reflect the national

trend of higher migration rates for women.

There may be job-related reasons why women mov~ to the

cities at very young ages, while men who migrate to cities do so

when they are somewhat older. Jobs open to women, as maids or

launderers, can be performed by girls who are unskilled and not

yet full-grown, whereas jobs performed by male migrants, like

construction work or dock labor, often require physical strength

and job skills which teen-aged boys may not have atfained.

Support for this suggestion is found in census data which show

that urban women of ages 15 to 19 are more likely to be

employed than are young men of the same age. This is the only

age group in which more- females than males are employed.

The demand for marital partners may be another reason that

men in their twenties move to the city. If many of the young

women from rural communities migrate to urban areas in their

14

teens, rural men of marriageable age who stay in the rural areas

may face low probabilities of marital matches. Hence, female

selective migration motivated, at least initially, by labor

market considerations may entail male selective migration which

is motivated by marital market considerations.

v. Effects of Family Characteristics on Migration

Many Filipinas migrate at very young ages and the

destination for a large majority of them is Metro Manila. It is

our contention that the decision to migrate and migration

patterns are often not purely individual but rath~r are

determined by family resources and needs. There are many

aspects of family life and economic conditions that might affect

whether or not a daughter migrates. These include family

income, parents' occupations, and other measures of the family's

financial situation, which would indicate both the family's need

for additional independent income from a migrant daughter, and

the resources available to finance her move to the city.

Clearly, the benefits conferred by a daughter earning away from

home need to be compared with the opportunity costs associated

with her absence from home. The extent to which a daughter is

needed for ~ork in the family's home may be determined by the

occupations of her parents as well as by the number of children

in the family. In order to send a daughter to the city the

family also requires some information about employment

15

opportunities available there; often the dominant sources of

information and help are relatives and village-mates who have

already moved to the city.

While all these factors may influence migration, the

analysis in this paper is constrained by the variables included

in our data sets. The NDS contains information on father's

education and occupation, but none on mother's work or

education. The STW includes data on mother's occupation and

education as well as on the number of siblings in the family.

The woman's own education, available in both surveys, indicates

h~r own skills and training. It also reflects her family's

resources.

Father's occupation can be used both as a rough indicator

of the family income and as a measure of the type of family

enterprise which may determine whether or not a daughter's work.

is needed at home. In order to test the effect of type of

father's occupation on a daughter's migration, CATFIT, a type of 4'

path analysis which was developed for categorical variables (Nie

et. al. (1980), Davis (1976)), was used to estimate path

coefficients. Father's occupation was divided into three

categories: nonmanual, farm and manual occupations (Figure 1).

The coefficients in a CATFIT path diagram are easy to

interpret since they are expressed as proportions. The .099

next to Nt)nmanual indicates that 9. 9% of fathers are ~n this

categoryJ while 74~4% are in agriculture. The manual category

FATHER'S OCCUP

.099

-.282 ,,,,, ,,,

rt' ,,, ,,,

,,, ,,,

16

.498

,,,

', - 0 4 2 tlilfJIIIIIIIJIL-----,ro---'

f • '''" --1, . ••••••• ' , ......

If ••••••• ,, ''''''""' ,, ........... . --·~ l'''''lt . 7 44 FARMf•''''''''''

.356

.108

.089

HIGH SCH is educational· attainment of at least high school

MIGB65 is migration between birth and 1965 MIG6573 i~ migration between 1965 and 1973

All displayed coefficients are significant at a= .05

Figure 1: Effects of Type of Father's Occupation on Migration using CATFIT coefficients {1973 NOS)

17

does not appear in the diagram, but forms the base category,

against which the effects of the other categories are measured.

The next variable is High School, which indicates whether or not

the respondent has at least one year of high school education.

The .498 above High School indicates that 49.8% of the base

category, daughters of men with manual occupations, have some

high school education. The positive path from Nonmanual

father's occupation to High School indicates that these

daughters are more likely than the base category to have gone to

high school and the coefficient says that this difference is

22.7 percentage points. In other words, 49.8 + 22.7, or 72.5%

of daughters of nonmanual workers have been to high school. The

negative arrow from farming says that only 21.6% of farmers'

daughters have been to high school.

The migration variables in this diagram measure migration

between birth and 1965 and more recent mig~ation between 1965

and 1973. Earlier migration is positively related to attending

high school and to having a father with a white-collar job.

Farmer•s daughters are the least likely to migrate. Even when

we control for the low levels of education of farm children,

they still have the lowest rates of migration. Daughters of

carpenters, mechanics and other craftsmen are more likely to

migrate, perhaps because they are not expected to participate in

such occupations, whereas farmers' daughters may be of help on

18

the farm. More ~ecent migration is also related to education

and is positively related to previous migration.

There are other aspects of a family's situation, aside from

father 1 s occupation, which may affect the likelihood of a

daughter's migration. These include mother's education and

occupation and the number of siblings in the family. While

studies of socio-economic status often focus solely on the l

occupation and income of the men in the household, it is

increasingly recognized that the women are important

contributors to the income and prestige of the family.

Especially when we look at the experience of a daughter, her

mother's education and occupation are very important predictors

of the type of work she will perform (Stevens and Boyd (1980)).

The number of siblings may also play a role in the decision

whether or not a daughter will migrate both because more

children mean more mouths to feed and a need for more income,

and because a large number of children insures that someone will

be left to help out with work at home, even if one or two

siblings move to the city. For both of these reasons it is

expected that migrants would tend to come disproportionately

from large families.

The STW is the source of information on these variables.

This survey also contains information on the age of women at

migration, and thus allows us to check whether the effects of

family characteristics are different for younger migrants than

19

older ones. In general, we expect that women who migrate

between the ages of 15 and 24 will be affected most by family

traits, indicating that their migration is more a manifestation

of family needs than individual aspirations.

Mother's work outside the horne might be expected to affect

the migration pattern of her daughter in several different ways.

As she helps to earn the family's income, she and her husband

may expect a daughter to also work outside the home and so may

be more likely to send her to the city. The daughter may want

to follow the model set by her mother and so may be more willing

to accept a role as income earner for the family. However, when

a mother supplements the family income, there may be less need

for extra earnings from a migrant daughter.

In this analysis, father's occupation is measured with a

prestige scale developed for the Philippines (Lauby (1976)).

The prestige score for each occupation was estimated using the

average education, income, age and number of persons in the

occupation, assigning each occupation a score from 1 to 100.

A path diagram using data from the 1976 STW (Figure 2)

shows that the two family variables which help predict migration

between the ages of 15 to 24 are the prestige of father's

occupation which has a negative effect on migration and. number

of siblings which is positively related to migration. It is

interesting that education, which is usually positively related

to migration does not have an effect on migration at young ages,

.706

20

···············~~ .

SIBLINGS

.089

..... " -.080 ......... ,,,, 1111111111,,,__ ___ ....,

MIG1524

PAED Is fatherts educational attainment in years of schooling

MAED is mother's educational attainment in years of schooling

PAPRES is the prestige score of father's education

EDUC Is respondent's educational attainment in years of schooling

MAWORK is whether or not mother was employed outside the home

SIBLINGS is number of brothers and sisters

MIG1524 is migration between the ages of 15 and 24

MIG25+ is migration after the age of 24

All displayed coefficents are significant at a= .05

MIG25+

Figure 2; Effects of Family Characteristics and Education on the Migration of Women (1976 STW)

21

although in the next figure we shall see that education does

positively affect migration after age 24. That daughters of

fathers with lower prestige occupations, who probably also earn

low incomes, are the ones most likely to migrate helps support

the claim that families in need of extra income send young

daughters to the city. The number of siblings may also indicate

a need for more income, as well as the labor supply available

for substitution in farming or other tasks. When this path

analysis is conducted separately for rural-born and urban-born

women, an important difference is that the number of siblings

has a strong positive relationship with migration for women from

small towns, but an insignificant relationship for rural-born

women. A large family may be able to find work for all its

members on a farm, but in a to~>?n a large number of children may

be a liability resulting in daughters being sent to the city.

A mother working outside the home has no effect on her

daughter migrating. It may be that the positive effect of the

attitude toward women's work is offset by the negative effect of

increased family income. Perhaps mother's work does influence

her daughter's choice of occupation, but not her migration

pattern. Mother•s education does not have a direct effect on

migration, but does affect her daughter's education, and this

effect is stronger than that of father's education.

The relationships in the path diagram may be affected by

the age of the women. Not only would age be related to

22

increased migration after age 24, but it should also have a

negative correlation with education, as the schooling Qf younger

cohorts has been increasing. The next diagram .(Figure 3)

includes age as an independent variable and compares the path

coefficients for women and men.

In the previous diagra~, migration aft~r age 24 seemed to

be positively related to father's prestige. However, when age

is controlled this relationship disappears. As we might

suspect, migration after age 24 is positively related to age,

simply because older women have had more years in which to

migrate. The small. but positive effect of education ofi

migration after age 24 is also evident in this diagram.

The various path diagrams have shown that family

characteristics, especially father's occupation and the number

of siblings, are related to the migration of daughters. It is

our hypothesis that family characteristics are more important in

explaining the migration of daughters than that of sons. If the

hypothesis is verified, it would lend support to the contention

that in the Philippines family needs determine the migration of

daughters while migration by sons is determined more by their

own individual aspirations and needs. The path diagram for the

males in the STW sample supports the hypothesis, since none of

the family variables are related to the migration of a son,

either before or after age 25o While it would be preferable to

test this hypothesis using a larger and more representative male

23

FEMALES

MALES AGE

-.209\ .744

I MIGJ52~ ~IBLlNGS I

~

Figure 3: Effects of Age and Family Characteristics on the Migration of Women and Men {1976 STW)

24

sample, the results support the tentative notion that a

daughter's migration is controlled by her family to a larger

extent than a sot!s migration.

VI. Effects of Migration on Occupation and Income

Families may not only determine whether or not a daughter

migrates but also exert influence upon the type of work she

obtains when she gets to the city. This may contribute to the

explanation of why jobs held by migrants differ from those of

urban-born women, as has been found in a study of Asian women

(Shah and Smith (1984)).

Jobs can be divided into those that generate wages; unpaid

work in a family enterprise and self employment. While working

for wages often indicates a job in the modern sector, there are

also low-wage jobs in traditional service occupations, such as

maid, waitress or shop assistant. women who are self employed

often own their own small shop or are market vendors or

dressmakers. These women may not earn a steady monthly income,

but their jobs can relatively easily be combined with child care

and housework and so are preferred by many married women.

Unpaid family workers are women with the lowest personal income

and the poorest chance for mobility •

..

25

Table 3: Type of Occupation by Migrant Type (1973 NDS)

MIGRANT TYPE

TYPE OF NON- SETTLD RECENT FREQNT TOTAL OCCUPATION MIGRNT MIGRNT MIGRNT MIGRNT

WAGE EARNER 28.9% 41.2% 49.1% 43.7% 34.6%

SELF EHPLOYED 46.5 45.3 35 .. 8 43.7 45.3

FAMILY WORKER 24.6 13.5 15.0 12.6 20.0

TOTAL 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% (2131) (1106) (226) (190) (3654)

x2 = 111.775 df = 6 prob = 0.000

No matter what their destination, migrant women are more

likely than nonrnigrants to be wage earners (Table 3). This is

true of migrants to rural communities as well as of those who

move to large cities. we might expect that fewer migrant women

would be workers in a family enterprise since many women migrate

alone. Yet women migrants are also less likely to be self

employed. The differences are greatest in rural communities

where recent migrants are twice as likely as nonmigrants to earn

wages (41% for migrants versus 21% far nonmigrants). Half of

nonmigrants and 38% of recent migrants are self employed. In

Metro Manila, 70% of recent migrants and 74% of frequent

migrants are wage earners, versus 67% of nonmigrants and 64% of

settled migrants. Settled migrants are more likely than recent

26

migrants to be self employed and their jobs are more similar to

those of nonmigrants.

The effect of migration on the type of occupation is made

clearer in the diagram with CATFIT coefficients (Figure 4). As

expected, women who live in cities are more likely to be in

wage-earning jobs, while women living in rural communities tend

to be self-employed or to work in a family enterprise (the base

category in this model). However, when birthplace is

controlled, as it is in this diagram, or when place of current

residence is controlled (diagram not shown), migrants are more

likely to be wage earners than are non-migrants. When

birthplace and educational attainment are controlled, there are

10 percentage points more wage earners among recent migrants

than among nonmigrants. For women with less than a high school

education, 23% of nonmigrants born in small towns (the base

category for birthplace) and 15% of nonmigrants in rural areas

are wage earners. This increases to 25% for rural-born migrants

and to 60% for migrants with a high school education. There is

also a negative effect of recent migration on being s~lf

employed. Fifty-eight percent of less educated rural- and

town-born women are self employed. Of similar women who have

recently migrated, only 50% are self employed.

There are several possible explanations for why relatively

more migrants are found in wage occupations, even after

controlling for education and birthplac~. One is the young age

27

BIRTHPLACE .400 .130

.352

- ~188 . --~ - -- -- -

.333

All displayed coefficients are significant at a==.05

Figure 4: Effects of Migration on Type of Work using CATFIT coefficients

(1973 NOS)

.232

.117

.585

28

of recent migrantsa It may be that young women are more likely

to have modern-sector jobs that eatn wages while older women are

more likely to be self employed in more traditional sales and

craft jobs. Independent of education, age is a factor in the

type of job a woman performs because of the rapidly changing mix

of occupations in the labor market. Whe~ older women started to

work, there were fewer wage-eatning jobs avsilable and .so these

women tended to be self employed in craft or sales occupations.

With the rapidly growing urban centers and increasing

industrialization have come more wage-earning jobs and employers

who readily hire young women with no labor force ex~erience.

The data show that young women are more likely than older

women to be wage earners (Table 4). Forty-three percent of

working women aged 15 to 29 earn wages, as against 38% of women

30 to 44 and 26% of those 45 and over. However, within each age

group, migrants are still more likely than·nonmigrants to earn

wages. Thus age may explain the type of work only partially.

Another explanation, and one that is not so easy to test,

is that self employment may not be as accessible to migrants as

it is to urban-born women. ~o be successful in one•s own

business may depend not only on owning some capital, but also on

information and network capital, viz. having connections with

prospective customers, suppliers and persons in authority, etc.

This might explain why settled migrants are more likely to be

29

self. employed than are women who have recently moved to the

city.

Table 4: Type of Occupation by Migrant Type and Age (1973 NDS)

MIGRANT TYPE

NONMIGRANT

15 to 29 years 30 to 44 45 and over

SETTLED MIGRANT

15 to 29 years 30 to 44 45 and over

RECENT MIGRANT

15 to 29 years 30 to 44 45 and over

FREQUENT MIGRANT

N

15 to 29 years 30 to 44 45 and over

WAGE EARNER

28.9%

35.9 31.4 21.7

41.2

50.6 45.7 31.0

49.1

56.8 46.6 40.0

43.7

55.4 41.1 34.1

(1266)

TYPE OF OCCUPATION

SELF EMPLD

46.5%

35.5 45.1 54.6

45.3

34.9 41.7 54.8

35.8

28.4 37.5 46.0

43.7

28.6 48.9 52.3

( 165 6)

FAMILY WORKER

24.6%

28.5 23.4 23.7

13.5

14.5 12.6 14.2

151t0

14.8 15.9 14.0

12.6

16.1 10.0 13.6

(732)

Yet it may also be that migrants willingly choose to take

wage jobs and the reasons that they do so may be the same as

those that spurred their very migration: their family's

short-run need for a stable source of income. If it is true

that the family is instrumental in deciding that a daughter

TOTAL

100.0%

100.0 100.0 100.0

100.0

100.0 100.0 100.0

100.0

100.0 100.0 100.0

100.0

100.0 100.0 100.0

(3654)

• _., .• ·, ~ • f >• ~ '" I. · ol 0 c<. :). , • "< I.,

30

should migrate, it is probable that the family would also have a

say in the pattern of earnings and the kind of job the daughter

undertakes in the city. The family often has ties to relatives

and friends in the city through whom it finds work and a place

to stay for the daughter. If the family wants a quick and

steady source of income, it may choose a wage-earning job, and

since it may expect remittances from a daughter (as well as

willingness to remit) to decrease after a few years when she may

marry and have other obligations, the family may not be too

concerned with the long run stability of the job or in the long

term chances for upward mobility.

In the early stages of industrialization and modernization,

family ties tend to be strong, and parents maintain control over

unmarried children, particularly daughters. One way that rural

families can partake of some benefits of urbanization and

industrialization while, at the same time, avoiding some of the

costs associated with these processes, is to send a daughter to

be a wage earner in the city while they themselves stay put.

While both educated urban-born women and rural-to-urban

migrants are more likely to hold wage-earning jobs than to be

self-employed, the types of jobs held by each group are often

very different. The next table (Table 5) shows in more detail

that th~ types of occupations held by women are contingent upon

their migration status.

31

Data from other Asian nations suggest that the occupations

of migrant women differ from those of nonrnigrants (Shah and

Table 5: Occupations of Female Migrants and Nonmigrants

PROFESSIONALS

MANAGERS

CLERICAL WORKERS

SALES WORKERS

FARM WORKERS CRAFT WORKERS

SERVICE WORKERS DOMESTIC SERVICE

TOTAL

ALL WOMEN MIGRANT TYPE

NON- SETTLD MIGRNT MIGRNT

13~0%

0~6

4.9

27.0

30.7

18.5

2.2 3.0

100.00% (1427)

19.3%

2.5

6.8

29.7

19.6

12 .. 2

3.4 6.5

100.00% (797)

RECENT MIGRNT

11.7%

0.6

4.9

25.8

22.7

13.5

8.0

12.9

100.00% (163)

x2 = 140.899 df = 21 prob = 0.000

MANILA RESIDENTS

PROFESSIONALS MANAGERS

CLERICAL WORKERS

SALES WORKERS

FARM WORKERS CRAFT WORKERS

SERVICE WORKERS DOMESTIC SERVICE

TOTAL

22.2%

1.8 20.5

38.0

0.6

11.7

1.8

3.5

100.00% (171)

21.2% 5.7%

5.3 0.0

15.9 8.6

27.4 25.7

0.4

17.7

1.8

10.2

100.00% (226)

o.o 11.4

20.0

28.6

100.00% (35)

x2 = 87.560 df = 21 prob = 0.000

FREQNT MIGRNT

13.0%

0.0

7.0

33.0

17.4

18.3

5.2

6.1

100.00% (115)

21.4%

o.o 14.3

35.7

0.0

7.1

14.3

7.1 100.00%

(14)

TOTAL

14.9%

1.2

5.6

28.1

26.1

16.2

3.1

4.9

100.00% (2502)

20.4%

3.4 17.0

31.6

0.4 14.6

3.6

9.0

100.00% (446)

32

Smith (1984}). This finding is consistent with this table. The

occupation structure of women in the 1973 NDS is very similar to

that of women in the 1970 Census. About 15% of working women

are professionals. Over a quarter are farm workers and another

quarter are sales workers, most of whom are self-employed

vendors or shop proprietors. Craft work, done by 16% of working

women, includes factory work, but the majority in this category

work at home or in small shops as dressmakers, weavers or

potters. Only 8% of all women are in service occupations,

including domestic work as maids and launderers (lavanderas).

Focusing on Manila residents points out the large

differences in the occupations of recent migrants and

nonmigrants. Twenty-two percent of nonmigrants but only 6% of

recent migrants are professionals. Part of this difference is

due to the young age of recent migrants. However, nonmigrants

are also more likely to be clerical workers and sales workers~

Recent migrants are much more likely to be in service work, in

particular domestic work as maids or lavanderas. Settled

migrants, who have been in Manila for at least eight years, have

an occupational distribution more similar to that of

nonmigrants, although they are more likely than Manila-born

women to be in domestic service and less likely to be sales

workers. The proportion of settled migrants who are

professionals is high at 21%.

33

In general, recent migrants are found in the jobs requiring

the least skills, yielding low pay. These jobs do not offer the

prospects of upward mobility or advancement. Of 156 women who

worked in domestic service in 1965, only 47% were still employed

in any occupation eight years later. Of those who were employed

in 1973, the large majority, 60 women, were still in domestic

service. Only 14 of the 156 had moved to other jobs in sales or

crafts. Thus women who migrate to the city do not find many

opportunities to secure a stable or prestigious job. However,

if their migration is not motivated by individual aspirations,

but by the short-run needs of their family, the basic concern

would be to earn a quick and steady income. Thus, the next

question to consider is whether migration indeed increases a

woman•s income.

The women in the STW earned an average of 231 pesos a. month

(Table 6. At the time of the survey the official exchange rate

was around 8 pesoa to the dollar.) While this seems like a

small amount in dollars, it is an important contribution to the

family income in a poor country where the average family income

was under 600 pesos a month at the time of the survey. It

should be mentioned, though, that women earn less than men. The

mean monthly income for men in the survey was 418 pesos.

As expected, rural women earn less than urban women.

However, it is surprising that women in small towns earn more on

tne average than those in large cities. One explanation for

34

this rather substantial difference (~15 per month in towns

Table 6: Mean Monthly Income by Age at Migration and Currept Residence in pesos (1976 STW)

AGE AT l-1IGRATION

CURRENT NON- 15-24 25 + 15-24 TOT AI; RESIDENCE MIGRNT & 25. +

RURAL 152. 65 167.04 155.35 138.50 155.66

SMALL TOWN 293.06 290.78 320.42 431.61 315.44

LARGE CITY 187.96 191.57 266.60 246.75 208.05

TOTAL 205.34 230.71 247.29 311.50 231.06

N ( 270) (202) (105) ( 66) ( 643)

versus 208 in cities) might be the larger numbers of migrants in

large cities who depress unskilled wages. Yet when we compare

the incomes of nonmigrants only, the gap between small and large

cities remains. In the towns more women are self employed while

in the large cities more are wage earners. Self employed women,

working in shops and as dressmakers, may not earn a steady

income, but tend to average a higher income than do wage

earners.

If women seem to do better in small towns than in large

cities, earning higher incomes and holding self-employed

occupations that easily combine with childcare and household

tasks, why do not more women migrate to the towns instead of

flocking to the large city? The small town "bundle" of

opportunities would seem to better fit the personal needs of the

35

migrants themselves. Yet the needs of the sending family may be

better served by the opportunities for wage earning in the large

city. That women who with equal ease can migrate to small towns

end up in large cities in spite of the adverse effect this has

on their own long-run employment and income prospects could

constitute evidence in support of our family decision

hypothesis.

Families send young daughters to the city to add to the

family income. our data indicate that migrants to the large

city have a higher average income than rural nonmigrants. Yet

not only migration, but family characteristics, education and

age also have effects on income. A path diagram will help to

disentangle these effects.

Th~ largest direct effects on income for rural born women

are their occupation and education {Figure 5). There is also n

smaller positive e~fect of early migration on income. With

educational attainment and occupation controlled, women who

moved out of a rural community at a young age earn more than

those who stayed behind. It is interesting to note that there

is no direct effect from migration after age 25 on income, even

though these women earn much more than do young migrants. The

higher income of these women is explained by their higher

educational attainment and by their father's occupation which

have positive effects on their occupation and thereby increase

their income.

36

PRES is the prestige score of the daughter's occupation

INCOME is the daughter's monthly income in pesos

All displayed coefficients are significant at a= .05

Figure 5: Effects of Migration on Personal Income for Rural-born Women

(1976 STW)

37

A similar path diagram for males shows that migration does

not have an effect on income once education and occupation are

controlled. This suggests that women get some special advantage

from migrating to the city that men do not enjoy. Perhaps

women, more than men, are underemployed in rural communities.

Underemployment can be measured in many ways; in this case it

will be defined as not being able to work as many hours as

desired. If women who move to the city are able to work longer

hours than they would have if they remained in the rural

community, this may help explain why they are able to earn more.

Especially in the large cities, there are appreciable

differences in the hours worked by migrants and nonmigrants.

While urban-born women work 44 hours a week, all migrant groups

work more than this, with recent migrants working 51 hours and

settled migrants, an average of 47 hours a week. Rural

nonmigrants work an average of 37 hours a week. Thusu on

average, a recent migrant from a rural community to the large

city can expect to work 14 more hours a week than she did at

home. This longer work week may explain the increase~ income

that migrants enjoy.

The path diagram with hours added supports this explanation

(Figure 6). When hours are controlled, the direct effect of

migration on income disappears. In other words, migration both

before and after age 25 increases the hours a woman works and

this is what increases her income. Father's education also

38

HOURS is the number of hours worked per week

All displayed coefficients are significant at a= .05

Figure 6: Effects of Hours of Work on Income for Rural-born Women (1976 STW)

INCOME

39

increases hours worked, perhaps because educated fathers have

connections that help them find good jobs for their daughters.

While father's education increases his daughter's income through

increasing the hours she works, the daughter's own education

affects her income through the occupation she enters.

To summarize our findings, there are three paths to a

higher income. One is getting a good job, and for this a good

education is important. Another path to a higher income is

working longer hours, and this is the path taken by most

migrants. A third path would be the combination of a good job

with migration and longer hours, which is the pattern of some

older migrants. Young women migrants to the city do not get

prestigious jobs or jobs that have high hourly earnings. They

do get jobs that allow them to work more hours a week than they

would in rural areas, and so increase their income.

VII. Concluding Comments

Even when an individual migrates alone, he or she may be

acting as an agent on behalf of a principal back at home. In

many cultures, the family is an especially strong unit that

exerts influence over a daughter or son even after they are

adults and have left home. In such cultures, the family can be

thought of as an economic unit as well as a social grouping that

transcends well-defined labor markets and geographical loci.

40

The foregoing analysis raises and partly addresses three

questions: first, what are the factors which make it more

likely that a family will send a member to the city, and second,

why, in some societies, does the family usually choose to send a

daughter rather than a son. The third question is what are the

consequences of the family decision on the type of occupation

and work history of the woman migrant.

A family will decide to send a migrant if there is a need

for additional or more steady income, if the expectation that

migration will confer such benefits is reasonably high, and if

the opportunity cost associated with migration is low. In our

analysis, father's occupational prestige is a rough indicator of

the economic position of the family. Fathers with the poorest

jobs are the ones who are the most likely to send a young

daughter to the city. The number of siblings in the family also

reflects the income·needs of the family and how easy it would be

to substitute for the departure of a member. Larger families

are more likely to send a member to the city.

Another factor that a family must weigh in its decision is

the type of work performed by the family. Both sons and

daughters of farmers are expected to help in farm work and this

may help explain why children of farmers are the least likely to

migrate. On the other hand, daughters of nonmanual workers,

most of whom work for wages and do not own their own enterprise,

are the most likely to migrate. Daughters of manual workers

41

fall in between these two groups in their propensity to migrate.

Girls may be expected to help in pottery-making and basket­

weaving, but not in wood-working or carpentry.

Putting these pieces together, a family most likely to send

a member to the city would have a large number of children with

the father in a low-paying occupatibn that does not allow for

participation by daughters.

While both the prestige and type of father's occupation

affect a daughter's migration, her mother's work does not seem

to bear a significant effect. This may be because mother's work

has both income and substitution effects on the decision to have

a daughter move to the city. If the mother works outside the

home, she adds to the family income which makes it less

necessary for the daughter to migrate. Yet if the mother takes

part in a family enterprise, tbe daughter's work may not be

needed at home.

Our analysis has suggested some ways a family's position

may affect its decision about migration by one of its members.

But why is it that in many societies the family usually decides

to send a son, while in the Philippines (and, for that matter,

in Latin America, too) a daughter is the one most often sent?

Part of the explanation may have to do with the work performed

at home and the possible jobs available in the city. The work

of sons on the farm and in craft manufacturing in the rural

community may be more valued than that of daughters. In the

42

cities, many jobs are clearly sex segregated. Jobs dominated by

women include domestic service and sales jobs, as well as

clerical jobs and work in labor-intensive manufacturing such as

garment production~ Employers often prefer to hire women

because they are considered to be more docile and compliant and

can also be paid less than men (Snow (1978)). There are, of

course, jobs open to men, but many of these, such as

construction work and labor on the docks, are seasonal and may

depend on such factors as size of crop production and even the

weather. Although women may earn less per day than men, their

jobs are such that they may give more certain income throughout

the year than jobs held by men. This job stability may be

strongly preferred by risk-averse rural families seeking to

minimize the variance associated with their income.

The likelihood that once migrating, the migrant member will

share his/her urban-earned income with the family back at home

could be of equal importance. Families in the Philippines may

be willing to rely on daughters to supplement their income

because traditionally daughters maintain close ties with their

families of origin even after marriage. Daughters and sons

inherit equally from parents and family lineage is bilateral,

with equal ties to both parents' families. In addition,

daughters are taught to be responsible family members, taking

care of younger siblings, for instance, while sons are given

more freedom and are expected to be more independent. Thus a

43

daughter sent to the urban area can be relied upon to help

support her parents and to aid in the education of brothers and

sisters. Even though she might be expected to earn less, a

higher proportion of her income is likely to be shared

(remitted). If the daughter establishes a home in the city, it

can be used as a means for younger siblings to avail themselves

to urban education and employment opportunities, and a daughter

nlay be seen as being better able to perform this function as a

surrogate parent than a son. Girls are ta~9ht to be responsible

in their service of the family, and are dependent on the

decisions of their parents concerning their education, work and

even their social activities. It is no wonder then that the

close ties between the daughter and her parents give rise to a

causal relationship between her migration pattern and the

characteristics or her family, while by and large the migration

of sons is not related to family traits.

The choices that migrant women make concerning their work

may be at least partially explained by the familial nature of

the migration decision. Migrants to large cities are found in

different types of jobs than are urban-born women. They are in

wage-earning jobs such as domestic service in which they earn a

steady income to help support their families. They are less

likely to be self employed in occupations which might give them

more stable employment throughout their lives, yet yield less or

less certain income in the short run.

44

The urban occupations that migrants hold allow for little

upward occupational mobility, and they more often lead to

unemployment after a few years. What women achieve by migration

is the chance to earn more than they would had they remained in

the rural community. Migrants increase their income not by

earning a higher hourly wage but by work~ng more hours per week

in the city. Thus migration is a solution to underemployment in

the rural area and allows the woman and her family to make

better use of her time.

Faced with declining income from farming and rural crafts

families in rural communities often decide to send one of their

members to the city to earn additional or more certain income.

Whom they choose to send will depend on the type of work that

remains to be performed at home, what opportunities there are

for work in the city, and who can be counte~ on to send horne

part of the urban wage. In the Philippines it is daughters who

can be expected to better meet the family needs, hence, it is

they, rather than sons, whom the family entrust with the

migration task. And it is not that females are inherently more

mobile than males; the clue to deciphering the patterns of

individual migration by sex may lie not in individual attributes

per se but in the specific interactions of these attributes with

familial objectives and opportunities.

45

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Trager, Lilian, 1984. "Family Strategies and Migration of

Women," International Migration Review vol. 18, 1264-1277.

United Nations, 1984. Demographic Yearbook 1982 (New York:

Dept. of International Economic and Social Affairs).

Some Recent DRD Discussion Papers

267. Protectionism and the Debt Crisis, by S. van Wijnbergen.

268. Inventories as an Information-Gathering Device, by S. Alpern and D. J. Snower.

269. Welfare Dominance: An Application to Commodity Taxation, by S. Yitzhaki and J. Slemrod.

270. The Causal Role of Minimum Wages in Six Latin American Labor Markets, by M. Paldam and L. Riveros.

271. Tax Evasion, Corrumption and Administration: Monitoring the People's Agents Under Symmetric Dishonesty, by A. Virmani.

272. Characteristics and Operation of Labor Markets in Argentina, by C.E. Sanchez.

273. Growth and Structural Change in East Africa: Domestic Policies, Agricultural Performance and World Bank Assistance, 1963-1986, Part I, by U. Lele and R. Meyers.

274. Growth and Structural Change in East Africa: Domestic Policies, Agricultural Performance and World Bank Assistance, 1963-196, Part II, by U. Lele and R. Meyers.

275. Abstracts of Development Research Department Publications: April 1986 -April 1987.

276. Korea's Macroeconomic Prospects and Major Policy Issues for the Next Decade, by V. Corbo and s.w. Nam.

277. The Pricing of Manufactured Goods During Trade Liberalization: Evidence from Chile, Israel, and Korea, by V. Corbo and P.D. McNelis.

278. Fiscal Policy and Development Strategy in Southern Asia, by G.F. Papanek.

279. Evolution of the Tunisian Labor Market, by C. Morrisson.

280. Labour Allocation Across Labour Markets Under Different Informational Schemes and the Costs and Benefits of Signalling, by 0. Stark and E. Katz.

281. Mobility, Skill and Information, by 0. Stark and E. Katz.

282. Labour Mobility and Intrafamilial Income Transfers: Theory 'and Evidence from Botswana, by 0. Stark and R. Lucas.

283. Labour Migration, Income Inequality and Remittances: A Case Study of Mexico, by 0. Stark, J.E. Taylor and S. Yitzhaki.