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INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION INTRODUCTION
International labour migration is defined as the movement of people from
one country to another for the purpose of employment. Today, an estimated 105
million persons are working in a country other than their country of birth. Labour
mobility has become a key feature of globaliation and the global economy with
migrant workers earning !"# $$0 billion in %011, and the &orld 'ank estimating
that more than #(50 billion of that total was transferred to developing countries in
the form of remittances. )owever, despite the efforts made to ensure the protection
of migrant workers, many remain vulnerable and assume significant risks during themigration process.
International labour migration is defined as the movement of people from one
country to another for the purpose of employment. Today, an estimated 105 million
persons are working in a country other than their country of birth. Labour mobility
has become a key feature of globaliation and the global economy with migrant
workers earning !"# $$0 billion in %011, and the &orld 'ank estimating that more
than #(50 billion of that total was transferred to developing countries in the form of
remittances. )owever, despite the efforts made to ensure the protection of migrant
workers, many remain vulnerable and assume significant risks during the migration
process.
&hen properly managed, labour migration has far*reaching potential for the
migrants, their communities, the countries of origin and destination, and for
employers. &hile +ob creation in the home country is the preferred option,demographic, social and economic factors are increasingly the drivers of migration.
s a result, a growing number of both sending and receiving countries view
international labour migration as an integral part of their national development and
employment strategies. -n one hand, countries of origin benefit from labour
migration because it relieves unemployment pressures and contributes to
development through remittances, knowledge transfer, and the creation of business
and trade networks. -n the other hand, for destination countries facing labour
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shortages, orderly and well*managed labour migration can lighten labour scarcity
and facilitate mobility.
International migration occurs when peoples cross state boundaries and stay
in the host state for some minimum length of time. igration occurs for many
reasons. any people leave their home countries in order to look for economic
opportunities in another country. -thers migrate to be with family members who
have migrated or because of political conditions in their countries. /ducation is
another reason for international migration, as students pursue their studies abroad.
&hile there are several different potential systems for categoriing international
migrants, one system organies them into nine groups temporary labour migrants
irregular, illegal, or undocumented migrants highly skilled and business migrants
refugees asylum seekers forced migration family members return migrants and
long*term, low*skilled migrants. These migrants can also be divided into two large
groups, permanent and temporary. 2ermanent migrants intend to establish their
permanent residence in a new country and possibly obtain that country3s citienship.
Temporary migrants intend only to stay for a limited periods of time perhaps until
the end of a particular program of study or for the duration of a work contract or a
certain work season. 'oth types of migrants have a significant effect on theeconomies and societies of the chosen destination country and the country of origin.
"imilarly, the countries which receive these migrants are often grouped into
four categories traditional settlement countries, /uropean countries which
encouraged labour migration after &orld &ar II, /uropean countries which receive a
significant portion of their immigrant populations from their former colonies, and
countries which formerly were points of emigration but have recently emerged as
immigrant destinations.
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HISTORY
Looking at the history of migration from Indian subcontinent in the last two
centuries four waves of substantial emigration are 4uite distinguishable. The ftrst
wave, which started in the 1(0s and spanned a little over a century, dominated by
Indian labour imported to ftll the supply gaps in the plantations in 'ritish and other
colonies, vi., auritius, "outh frica, alaya, 6i+i, and other 7aribbean countries.
8uring the second wave that took place especially after &orld &ar II, ma+ority of
Indian migrants headed towards the industrial nations of /urope and 9orth merica.
/migration of Indians to the :ulf in the 1;
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• pressure of increasing internationaliation and competition for superiority in the
global market,
• security concerns to safeguard the interests of their local citiens from
undesirable immigrants and terrorist activities. The receiving countries are now
focussing on skilled migrants, favouring their temporary stay. 6or e=ample, 6rance is
aiming at recruiting more skilled workers whereas curtailing the family reunion
category @urphy, %00CA.
The immigration countries whose policies must be taken into account while
framing India>s migration policy could be classified into the following geographical
groups
• The !nited ?ingdom
• 9orth merica, vi., !" and 7anada
• ustralia and 9ew Dealand
• :ulf counties
• The /uropean !nion @/8A * old and new members of the /!
• 9ewly emerging labour*importing countries in /ast and "outh*/ast sia,
EID.,"ingapore, alaysia,Fapan, "outh ?orea, etc.
6ocusing on emigration, the 4uestions facing India>s policy stance are
parado=ical
&hether more outrnigration is good and should be encouraged, or is bad and
therefore should be discouragedG :ood for whom, bad for whom * for the country as
a whole, for the migrants, for the family accompanying them, for those left behindG
Is there an optimum rate of outrnigrationG &hose emigration should be supported
and whose to be restrictedG These are tough and serious 4uestions which have no
uni4ue answers for all times to come. The migration policy addressing them must
therefore have an implicit or e=plicit fle=ibility for incorporating amendments
according to the changing circumstances and paradigms.
In the domain of migration policy, there is a general lack of emigration policies in
the modem*day world because of one simple reason, that is, given that the right to leave a
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country is considered absolute, emigration policies are difficult to implement. In migration
policy, what most countries have, therefore, are immigration policies that control and
monitor the inflow of people from across the borders. India>s migration policy too cannot,
therefore, be shaped in isolation of
• The immigration policies of the destination countries,
• India>s own immigration policy. In other words, there is a strong rationale
for framing a holistic migration policy of India incorporating all aspects of
the phenomenon.
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The paper addresses issues related to the promotion and sustenance of international
labour migration from India on the one hand and protection of migrant workers on
the other. It reveals that labour migration flows from India since 1;;0s have not only
registered impressive growth in respect of the traditional destinations like the !nited
"tates of merica, the !nited ?ingdom, 7anada and the :ulf countries but also have
diversified and e=panded to newly emerging migrant destinations in continental
/urope, ustralasia, /ast sia and "outh*/ast sia. The paper observes that a pro*
active migration policy framework will further cement these trends.
The paper provides a detailed evaluation of the /migration ct, 1;(, the most
important policy instrument governing the migration of Indian workers for overseas
employment on a contractual basis.
It argues that that the ct needs to be reoriented so that it provides a legislative basis
for better protection and welfare of the migrants on the one hand and for the active
promotion of international labour migration from India on the other. It notes that the
ct needs to be modified to check the activities of the unscrupulous agents and to
make it harder for agents to cheat Indian workers who are keen on migrating
overseas for employment. The grievance redressal system must also be made more
effective.
It observes that apart from strengthening and reorienting the /migration ct, the
system to monitor its implementation should be strengthened. The paper further
highlights the need for international labour migration policy to provide increasing
emphasis to promotion and facilitation of e=ternal labour flows from India and not
be limited only to regulating and protecting functions of the "tate.
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The paper observes that the rapid e=pansion of IT and IT enabled industry in India
during the last decade is encouraging a large number of Indian migrants to return and
set up business ventures in India.
"uch a trend of to and fro movement of professionals and ideas re4uire that the
migration of highly skilled labour be possibly situated within the framework of
>brain gain>. The paper notes that the changing immigration policies in ma+or
destination countries must be reviewed from time to time so that it serves as the
basis for evolving more acceptable mutual agreements on labour migration between
India and the destination countries. 7onsidering that India is the world>s largest
recipient of migrant workers> remittances, the paper notes that there is a need evolve
an information*based and value*generative plan to make optimum use of the
available funds. The paper also highlights the need for strengthening multilateral
cooperation to transform migration into an efficient, orderly and humane process.
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LABOUR MIGRATION – THE BACKGROUND
igration from one area to another in search of improved livelihoods is a key
feature of human history. &hile some regions and sectors fall behind in their
capacity to support populations, others move ahead and people migrate to access
these emerging opportunities. Industrialisation widens the gap between rural and
urban areas, inducing a shift of the workforce towards industrialising areas. There is
e=tensive debate on the factors that cause populations to shift, from those that
emphasise individual rationality and household behaviour to those that cite the
structural logic of capitalist development.
oreover, numerous studies show that the process of migration is influenced
by social, cultural and economic factors and outcomes can be vastly different for
men and women, for different groups and different locations. In the past few decades
new patterns have emerged, challenging old paradigms. 6irst, there have been shifts
of the workforce towards the tertiary sector in both developed and developing
countries. "econdly, in developed countries, urban congestion and the growth of communication infrastructure has slowed down urbanisation. Thirdly, in developing
countries, the workforce shift towards the secondaryBtertiary sector has been slow
and has been dominated by an e=pansion of the Hinformal3 sector, which has grown
over time. In countries like India, permanent shifts of population and workforce co*
e=ist with the Hcirculatory3 movement of populations between lagging and developed
regions and between rural and urban areas, mostly being absorbed in the unorganised
sector of the economy. "uch movements show little sign of abating with
development. The sources of early migration flows were primarily agro*
ecological,related to population e=pansion to new settlements or to con4uests @e.g.
/aton, 1;$A. There is considerable information on patterns of migration during the
'ritish period.
Indian emigration abroad was one conse4uence of the abolition of slavery
and the demand for replacement labour. This was normally through indenture, a form
of contract labour whereby a person would bind himself for a specified period of
service, usually four to seven years in return for payment of their passage.
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They left for 'ritish, 8utch and 6rench colonies to work in sugar plantations
and subse4uently for the tea and rubber plantations of "outheast sia. "imilar
demands for labour rose internally with the growth of tea, coffee and rubber
plantations, coal mines and, later, modern industry. uch of this labour was
procured through some form of organised mediation and some portion of it remained
circulatory and retained strong links with the areas of origin. 'ut as it settled down,
it provided a bridgehead to other migrants, whose numbers grew to satisfy colonial
demand. !rban pockets like ?olkatta and umbai attracted rural labourers mainly
from labour catchment areas like 'ihar, !ttar 2radesh and -rissa in the east and
ndhra 2radesh, Tamil 9adu and parts of ?erala and ?arnataka in the south. The
historical pattern of the flow of labourers persisted even after independence.
In a country of India3s sie, the e=istence of significant regional disparities
should not come as a surprise. The scale and growth of these disparities is, however,
of concern. The ratio between the highest to lowest state per capita incomes,
represented by 2un+ab and 'ihar in the first period, and aharashtra and 'ihar in the
second period, has increased from %.C in 1;0( to (.5 in 1;;
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INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION PROGRAM
In this era of globaliation, almost all countries in the world are involved in
migration as countries of origin, destination, or transitKor all three. -f the several
millions of people living outside their countries of birth, the IL- estimates that
almost ;0 per cent are migrant workers and their families. &hile international
migration can be a positive e=perience for migrant workers, many suffer poor
working and living conditions, including low wages, unsafe work environments, a
virtual absence of the social safety net, denial of freedom of association and
workers3 rights, discrimination and =enophobia. Therefore, the IL- approaches
international labour migrationKinternational migration undertaken for workKfrom
a labour market and rights*based perspective with the intent to promote decent
working conditions for migrants as well as migrants3 labour and human rights.
s the !9 specialied agency on labour issues, the IL- has been dealing withlabour migration since its foundation in 1;1;. The very 7onstitution of the IL-
specifically mandates the organiation in its 2reamble to give attention to the
protection of the interests of workers when employed in countries other than their
own. The International igration 'ranch @I:M9TA is the main unit responsible
for labour migration issues in the IL-.
I:M9T promotes the ratification and implementation of international
standards facilitates the participation of IL->s tripartite constituents in formulating
and implementing migration policy provides advisory services and a forum for
consultations serves as a global knowledge base on international labour migration
and conducts or coordinates various pro+ects to strengthen the capacity of IL->s
tripartite constituents and other relevant partners such as non*governmental
organiations and migrants> associations, to deal with a wide range of labour
migration issues.
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INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION FROM INDEPENDENT INDIA
In India, the migration of its labour force within and across its national
boundaries is nothing new. India3s geographical position has ensured contact with
the 2ersian :ulf region and "outh /ast sian countries for trade in goods and
movement of people, a contact which goes back to several centuries. The migration
of workers on a significant scale was, however, to come much later. It began in the
colonial era and continues now to independent India.
igratory flow during the period of colonial domination was very much tied
to the investment interests of the colonial rulers and took place under their aegis.
6or instance a great part of the nineteenth century and the early twentieth century
witnessed a regular migration of Indian workers as indentured labour for plantations
or mines in the 'ritish colonies this migration was to faraway places such as
:uyana, Famaica and 6i+i, to not so*distant lands such as alaysia and "ingapore
and even to neighbouring countries such as "ri Lanka and 'urma.
"ince Independence, two distinct types of labour migration have been taking
place from India. The first is characteried by a movement of persons with technical
skills and professional e=pertise to the industrialied countries like the !nited "tates,
'ritain and 7anada which began to proliferate in the early 1;50s. The second type of
migration pertains to the flow of labour to the oil e=porting countries of the iddle
/ast which ac4uired substantial dimensions after the dramatic oil price increases of
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INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR
MIGRATION
IOM’S VISION
I- strives to protect migrant workers and to optimie the benefits of labour
migration for both the country of origin and destination as well as for the migrants
themselves.
IOM’S OBJECTIVES
In its labour migration programming, I- builds capacity in labour migration
management by
offering policy and technical advice to national governments
supporting the development of policies, legislation and administrative structures that
promote efficient, effective and transparent labour migration flows
assisting governments to promote safe labour migration practices for their nationals
facilitating the recruitment of workers, including pre*departure training and
embarkation preparedness
2romoting the integration of labour migrants in their new workplace and society.
PRINCIPAL BENEFICIARIES
I- implements various labour migration programs in
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regional organiations.
IOM’s Appro!"
Through its global network of more than $$0 offices, I- is able to bring together
governments, civil society and the private sector to establish labour migration
programs and mechanisms that balance their various interests, and address migrants3
needs. The I- approach to international labour migration is to foster the synergies
between labour migration and development, and to promote legal avenues of labour
migration as an alternative to irregular migration. oreover, I- aims to facilitate
the development of policies and programs that are in the interest of migrants and
society, providing effective protection and assistance to labour migrants and their
families.
INTERNATIONAL LABOR MIGRATION IN A GLOBALIZING ECONOMY
6rom 1;
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internal migrants as international migrants although they did not cross a border in the
interim. ttempts to barricade borders may not have been the dominant factor in
limiting e=pansion of international migration. Irregular migration is ubi4uitous and
pervasive. In the !nited "tates there are probably more than ten million irregular
migrants, and additional border enforcement seems to have done little
to stem the flow @)anson %00CA. Earious observers estimate some 510 million
irregular migrants in /urope and even such nations as Fapan and "audi rabia are
reported to have significant numbers of undocumented workers.( mong many of
the developing nations, where entry re4uirements are often ill defined and poorly
enforced, irregular migration is actually the norm. The dominant restraint on
international migration is surely a reluctance to relocate, despite widening income
gaps between the poorest and wealthiest nations.ost people would simply rather
stay home, though many are impelled to migrate by the failure of employment to
keep pace with the labor force or the lack of security in their home countries.
Leaving out the newly defined migrants created by the dissolution of the former
"oviet !nion, about 5C percent of the world3s international migrants were in the
ore 8eveloped Megions @according to !9 definitionsA in %000. This followed a
steady increase from $0 percent in 1;C0. )owever, a large portion of migrants in the
ore 8eveloped Megions are from other high*income countries.6or instance, almost
e=actly half of the stock of migrants in the -rganisation for /conomic 7o*operation
and 8evelopment @-/78A member states in %000 were from other -/78 states
more than a third of all migrants came from -/78 members other than e=ico and
Turkey. "ince 1;;0 and the release of the findings of the !.". 7ommission for the
"tudy of International igration and 7ooperative /conomic 8evelopment, the
notion of a migration NhumpO has passed into conventional wisdom. The notion is
that emigration rates initially rise then fall as states become more prosperous.
Pet there is little evidence to support this hypothesis.$ 9et migration from
theMobert /. '. Lucas Qleast*developed countries is no lower than from their slightly
more prosperous counterparts. It is true, however, that the poorest nations have lower
emigration rates to the -/78 states. uch of the migration from the least*developed countries appears to be into neighboring developing countries. :eography
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has much to do with this. 8istance deters migration, and the least*developed
countries are generally more remote from the industrialied world. Indeed, given the
ma+or region of origin, there is no clear tendency for emigration to the -/78 states
to increase with the level of development the lack of migration from the lowest*
income countries to the -/78 states thus reflects their geography far more than
reflecting any migration hump based on income.
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IMPACT ON RECEIVING COUNTRIES
The initial impact of migrants3 arrival upon the host country3s economy depends
upon a number of circumstances. In conte=ts where wages are relatively fle=ible,
such as the !nited "tates, there is some evidence that the added supply of labor
depresses wages of workers within the same broad education level @'or+as %00(A.
&here wages are less fle=ible, such as in much of /urope, the impact tends to be
revealed in higher unemployment @Rn et al. %00CA. Pet, in both cases, the
magnitudes of such impacts appear to be relatively small. ore generally, the
employability and productivity of migrants depends upon how well their skill
profiles match the demands of employers. few countries, including ustralia and
7anada, have adopted a point scheme to filter acceptable immigrants in an effort to
enhance the likelihood of +ob matching.
)owever, where prior +ob offers are re4uired for entry, as in some categories of
migrants to the !nited "tates, the demands of employers are probably more closely
matched. Indeed, it may be argued that a large portion of irregular migration is
driven fairly directly by employers3 demands. To this e=tent, penalties on employersfor hiring irregular migrants is probably one of the most effective ways of limiting
undocumented immigration, but few societies possess the political will to impose
and enforce such penalties @artin and iller %000 )anson %00CA. In contrast,
employers3 demands may reflect hardly at all on the sudden mass influ= of refugees
that many developing countries have witnessed.
:ranting asylum to large refugee populations may impose substantial costs on somevery low*income countries finding livelihoods to support those remaining in camps
and absorbing others into the domestic labor market become a high priority.The
initial impacts of migration upon The initial impacts of migration upon the host
country are thus 4uite mi=ed.Though in most situations, the net overall impact on
incomes of natives is probably small. -ver time, other factors come into play. 6irst,
the mi= of industrial activities in the host country may begin to adapt to the new
arrivals.
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6or instance, some of the more labor*intensive forms of agriculture would
probably not e=ist today in /! countries and in the !nited "tates were it not for
access to migrant workers. The fact that some of these lines of agricultural products
are also subsidied raises curious anomalies with respect to public policy.
"econd, migration can have an impact on the fiscal balance of the host state.
&hether migrants are net contributors to this balance depends upon, inter
alia,whether they are employed, whether ta=es are collected out of their incomes,and
whether they are eligible for and need state support. 7ertainly some of the high*
income nations with low or negative natural population growth rates are actively
considering the potential for migration to resolve the dynamic problem of supporting
an ageing population. ore highly*skilled migrants are probably large net
contributors to the fiscal coffer, as are migrants of working age, and those who stay
only temporarily rather than becoming dependent upon state support in their old age.
Thus, unless migration is managed e=plicitly for this purpose, it is unlikely to offer a
ma+or source of relief in the pending social security crises @Lee and iller %000A.
It should also be noted that any such contributions of immigrant researchers are not
confined to the country of immigration alone there is growing evidence of the
effects of research conducted in one country having substantial effects on technical
progress abroad as well @7oe and )elpman 1;;5 /aton and ?ortum 1;;CA. It has
even been hypothesied that the concentration of highly*skilled persons in one
location may enhance the productivity and pay of each worker. Thus, immigration of
highly*skilled professionals could raise the productivity of their native colleagues.
Pet there is little evidence to support such positive spillover effects @cemoglu and
ngrist %001 8avies %00(A.
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RELATIONSHIP BET#EEN TRADE AND MIGRATION
There are both direct and indirect links between trade and migration. The
interchange of professionals and other skilled workers among countries is a direct
and necessary concomitance to merchandise trade and foreign direct investment.
ode $ of the :eneral greement on Trade in "ervices @:T"A of the &orld Trade
-rganiation @&T-A provides a formal codification for the movement of persons to
deliver services in another country. To date, agreements under this provision have
been restricted almost entirely to the migration of highly*skilled and professional
service providers. The movement of professionals between the developing andindustrialied regions is predominantly one way from the developing countries. The
industrialied nations have been more reluctant to admit low*skilled workers through
trade agreements, notwithstanding the tendency of some of these nations to turn a
blind eye to irregular migrations.
ore indirectly, the globaliation of trade could serve to diminish income
gaps and hence diminish migration pressures. re trade and migration thus
substitutesG This remains an area of dispute. To the e=tent that southnorth trade is
shaped by an abundance of low*skilled workers in the south and by capital and skills
in the north, freer trade ought eventually to narrow the gaps in low*skilled workers3
earnings, reducing the need to migrate. -n the other hand, if the agglomeration of
highly*skilled persons in the industrialied countries serves to make each such
person more productive, then increased trade can e=acerbate the pressures for a brain
drain, even in the long run. 2erhaps far more importantly, the short*term impacts of
sudden trade liberaliation can go either way, for workers across a range of skills.
6or e=ample, a country whose agricultural e=ports increase may face rising prices of
food at home under liberaliation that serves to undermine real wages. 'y contrast,
increased imports of less e=pensive agricultural goods may lower incomes for small*
scale farmers.
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7ombined with macro*economic mismanagement and population growth,
trade liberaliation in e=ico may well have e=acerbated the e=odus to the !nited
"tates, at least in the short term @)anson %00CA. ore generally, liberaliation
associated with stabiliation and structural ad+ustment programs in the developing
countries following the debt crises of the 1;0s, financial crises of the 1;;0s, and
transition in formerly socialist countries have initially undermined incomes at home
Kagain adding to the pressures to move overseas.
eanwhile, some aspects of trade protection in the north have probably e=acerbated
migration pressures. It is an irony of the public policy in many of the industrialied
countries that subsidies and protection to low*skilled activities, notably agriculture,
stimulate precisely those sectors providing much of the employment to irregular
migrants. &hether the ubi4uitous protection of agriculture in the industrialied states
harms living standards in the developing world, thus contributing even further to
migration pressures, is more ambiguous. 9et food importers tend to gain from these
agricultural subsidies of the north as do food*e=porting developing countries with
privileged e=port access to /uropean markets. 2rotection of certain crops, such as
cotton in the !nited "tates, has most certainly harmed living standards among some
of the cotton e=porters of frica. There e=ists little or no coherence between the
trade and migration policies adopted by the hi gher*income countries. These two sets
of issues are the realms of separate ministries, which typically fail to coordinate,
despite the obvious links between their concerns.
Trade policies of both countries of origin and destination impact migration
outcomes. 'ut migration also shapes trade
flows. The role of information provided by migrants in stimulating trade has already
been noted.In addition,the growing circular migration of scientists and engineers,
both among the countries of the north and between the developing and industrialied
regions, is a contributing factor in diffusing and shifting technological superiority
and hence reshaping trade patterns @"a=enian 1;;;A.
CAUSES OF MIGRATION
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:iven the diversity in the nature of migration in India, the causes are also
bound to vary. igration is influenced both by the pattern of development, and the
social structure. The 9ational 7ommission on Mural Labour, focusing on seasonal
migration, concluded that uneven development was the main cause of seasonal
migration. long with inter regional disparity, disparity between different socio
economic classes and the development policy adopted since independence has
accelerated the process of seasonal migration. In tribal regions, intrusion of
outsiders, the pattern of settlement, displacement and deforestation, also have played
a significant role. ost migration literature makes a distinction between Hpull3 and
Hpush3 factors, which, however, do not operate in isolation of one another. obility
occurs when workers in source areas lack suitable options for
employmentBlivelihood, and there is some e=pectation of improvement in
circumstances through migration. The improvement sought may be better
employment or higher wagesBincomes, but also ma=imiation of family employment
or smoothing of employmentBincomeBconsumption over the year t one end of the
migration spectrum, workers could be locked into a debt*migration cycle, where
earnings from migration are used to repay debts incurred at home or in the
destination areas, thereby cementing the migration cycle. t the other end, migration
is largely voluntary, although shaped by their limited choices.
The 97ML has recognied the e=istence of this continuum for poor migrants by
distinguishing between rural labour migration for survival and for subsistence. The
landless poor, who mostly belong to lower caste, indigenous communities, from
economically backward regions, migrate for survival and constitute a significant
proportion of seasonal labour flow.The growth of intensive agriculture and
commercialiation of agriculture since the late 1;C0s has led to peak periods of
labour demand, often also coinciding with a decline in local labour deployment. In
the case of labour flows to the rice producing belt of &est 'engal, wage differentials
between the source and destination have been considered as the main reason for
migration. oreover, absence of non*farm employment, low agricultural production
has resulted in a growth of seasonal migration. igration decisions are influenced by both individual and household characteristics as well as the social matri=, which is
best captured in social*anthropological studies.20
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6actors such as age, education level, wealth, land owned, productivity and
+ob opportunities influence the participation of individuals and households in
migration, but so do social attitudes and supporting social networks. &here
migration is essentially involuntary, it makes little sense to use voluntaristic models
to e=plain the phenomenon. In 8hule region sugarcane cultivation leads to high
demand for labour, but landowners recruit labourers from other districts for
harvesting as they can have effective control over the labour. Local labourers are
thus forced to migrate with their households to "outh :u+arat.
Labour mobility is one of the key features of economic development and its
characteristics are closely tied with the nature of this development. )istorically,
development is associated with unevenness and structural change, giving an impetus
to the movement of workers from one region to another, and from one sector to
another. /ven within the macro*structural features which determine the supply of,
and demand for, certain types of migrant labour, the pattern of migration depends on
a host of factors determined by labour market characteristics, together with
individual, household and community level features, and the e=istence of social
networks, among other things. These factors cumulatively determine the Hcauses3 of
migration. -n the other hand, labour migration plays a key role in influencing the pattern of development, through its impact on a host of economic and non*economic
variables, both in the origin and destination areas.
Labour migration does not recognie bordersKbut borders, whether urban,
state, or international influence migration through a host of policies and regulatory
measures. key distinction between internal and international migration is the
e=istence of national regulatory frameworks such as immigration controls @which
leads to a distinction between regular and irregular migrationA. 'ut regulatory
frameworks and restrictive policies also operate within nation states.
/arly development literature conceptualied labour migration as occurring
from the rural to urban, agricultural to industrial, and informal to formal sectors.
)owever, the workforce pattern has changed across the world in favour of the
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services sector, and the informal sector is more prominent today, both in developing
and developed countries than it was twenty or thirty years ago. In developing
countries, the informal sector is no longer conceived as a temporary destination for
migrants but in most cases, as a final destination. The @changingA structural features
of world capitalism have an important bearing on both internal and international
migration.
The theme on labour migration will e=plore all types of labour migration
internal, inter*state, cross*border and international. It will encourage cross
disciplinary studies and papers based on both fieldwork and secondary data.
&e would welcome papers which e=plore not only economic issues but also
historical, political, sociological and psychological factors affecting labour migration
and the conse4uences of migration at more disaggregate levels, vi., for various
socio*economic strata and segments of the population and for women, men, the
elderly and children separately, wherever possible. The contributors should confine
themselves to the issue of worker migration, as conventionally defined in "9
accounts, and to leave out those types of Nforced labourO migration, which are not
conventionally included in work but are covered in international conventions on
forced labour and trafficking. The paper contributors should not be concerned with
other forms of non*labour migration @such as refugee or student migrationA or with
population mobility, which is important for an understanding urban growth.
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DATA AND METHODS
The paper uses data from 7ensus of India %001 as well as data from the
9ational "ample "urvey -rganiation @9""-A 55th Mound on igration. ccording
to Indian 7ensus, a 2erson is considered a migrant if birthplace or place of last
residence is different from 2lace of enumeration. The 9ational "ample "urvey
-rganiation of :overnment of India 7arried out an all*India survey on the situation
of employment and unemployment in India during the period Fuly 1;;;*Fune %000.
This 55th Mound 8ata was published in ugust %001. In this survey, data was
collected on migrants as well. It defines a migrant as Ha member of the sample
household who had stayed continuously for at least si= months or more in a place
other than the place of enumeration3. It collects the reasons for leaving the last usual
place of residence under the following heads
@aA in search of employment
@bA in search of better employment
@cA to take up employmentBbetter employment
@dA transfer of serviceBcontract
@eA pro=imity to place of work
@fA studies
@gA ac4uisition of own houseBflat
@hA housing problems
@iA socialBpolitical problem
@+A health
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@kA marriage
@lA migration of parentBearning member of the family and
@mA others.
simple analysis using vicariate tables has been carried out in the paper to
bring out the e=tent of employment oriented migration in India. oreover, the paper
also attempts to study the difference between the stated reasons for migration and the
labor force participation, taking into account duration and educational 4ualification
of the migrants. /mployment oriented migration
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IMPACT OF MIGRATION
ON MIGRANTS AND THEIR FAMILIES
2oorer migrant workers, crowded into the lower ends of the labour market,
have few entitlements vis a vis their employers or the public authorities in the
destination areas. They have meagre personal assets and suffer a range of
deprivations in the destination areas. In the source areas, migration has both negative
and positive conse4uences for migrants and their families.
LIVING CONDITIONS$
igrant labourers, whetheragricultural or non*agricultural, live in
deplorableconditions. There is no provision of safe drinking water or hygienic
sanitation. ost live in open spaces or makeshift shelters in spite of the 7ontract
Labour ct which stipulates that the contractor or employer should provide suitable
accommodation @97ML, 1;;1 :ET, %00% Mani and "hylendra, %001A. part from
seasonal workers, workers who migrate to the cities for +ob live in parks and
pavements. "lum dwellers, who are mostly migrants, stay in deplorable conditions,
with inade4uate water and bad drainage. 6ood costs more for migrant workers who
are not able to obtain temporary ration cards.
HEALTH AND EDUCATION$
Labourers working in harsh circumstances and living in unhygienic
conditions suffer from serious occupational health problems and are vulnerable to
disease. Those working in 4uarries, construction sites and mines suffer from various
health haards, mostly lung diseases. s the employer does not follow safety
measures, accidents are 4uite fre4uent. igrants cannot access various health and
family care programmes due to their temporary status. 6ree public health care
facilities and programmes are not accessible to them. 6or women workers, there is
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no provision of maternity leave, forcing them to resume work almost immediately
after childbirth. &orkers, particularly those working in tile factories and brick kilns
suffer from occupational health haards such as body ache, sunstroke and skin
irritation @97ML, 1;;1A.
7hanges in migrants3 attitudes /=posure to a different environment, cluding
the stresses that it carries, has a deep impact on the attitudes, habits and awareness
levels of migrant workers, depending upon the length of migration and the place to
which it occurs. 7hanges are more dramatic in the case of urban migrants. igrant
workers develop greater awareness regarding conditions of work @"rivastava, 1;;;A.
Life style and changes in awareness may lead to a mi=ed impact on family embers.
The increased awareness which migrants, especially in urban areas, gain often helps
them realise the importance of their children3s education.
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IMPACT ON SOURCE AREAS
The ma+or impacts of migration on source areas occur through changes in the labour
market, income and assets, changes in the pattern of e=penditure and investment.
lthough seasonal outmigration potentially has the effect of smoothing out
employment over the annual cycle, rural outmigration could cause a tightening of the
labour market in some circumstances. )owever, empirical evidence from out*
migrant areas does not often attest to this. This may be because outmigration often
takes place in labour surplus situations. There is also evidence of the replacement of out*migrant male labour by female and even child labour. "tudy of seven villages in
!ttar 2radesh showed some variation over regions. &hile the situation in the study
villages in /astern and central !ttar 2radesh conformed to a situation of labour
surplus, this was not the case in &estern !ttar 2radesh where seasonal migration
coincided with the agricultural peak season @MabiA and employers complained of
labour shortages. "ignificantly in all the regions studied, labourers on their part gave
uncertainty of employment along with employment conditions and poor relations
with their agricultural employers as the ma+or reasons for outmigration.
/ven if labour tightening is not an outcome, outmigration may still speed up
4ualitative changes in e=isting labour relationships in rural areas, and thereby affect
the pace of change. This may occur in several ways. 6irst, there is the well* umented
impact of migration on attitudes and awareness as migrant labourers and return
igrants are more reluctant to accept adverse employment conditions and low wages.
"econdly, outmigration leads to a more diversified livelihood strategy. 7ombined
with some increase in the income and employment portfolio of poor households, this
may tend to push up acceptable level of wages @reservation wagesA in rural areas and
may make certain forms of abour relationships @as for e=ample, those involving
personalised dependencyA less acceptable.
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EMPLOYMENT ORIENTED MIGRATION
/mployment oriented migration is obtained by combining the migrants that
have given workBemployment and business as their reason for migration. It is found
that employment oriented migration is 4uite small, particularly among female
migrants with +ust around % percent of total female migrants giving employment or
business as the reason for their migration.
TRENDS IN GLOBAL MIGRATION
ankind and migration have been linked to each other since the beginning of
time life without migration could not be thought of. igration has a history of its
own, both at the national and international levels. The mobility of capital and
technology has indeed changed the history of peoples. t the same time, migration
has created a greater impact on history.
In India, the cultural ethos of the country has actually dissuaded people from
going abroad. There are myths and superstitions surrounding migration in almost
every Indian tradition. The fear of kala*pani, literally translated as Hblack waters3,
which meant ostracism, was a strong deterrent. "uch myths were prevalent also in
other ancient cultures like 7hina and Fapan, preventing people from going abroad.
6or a variety of reasons, be it economic or cultural or personal, the concept of Hwe3
and Hthey3, and the notions of individual, intellectual and spiritual Hpollution3 and the
fear of conse4uent ostracism prevented people from leaving their home soil until the
advent of the /uropeansKwhich in turn stimulated an interest for Indians to migrate
overseas.
7haracteristically, most of these migrants were poor, illiterate and unskilled. It
was supposed to be a voluntary system, but there are horror stories about coercion,
and how these people were picked up literally from the streets of their hometowns,
collected at various embarkation points, and forced to go to a foreign land, of which
they knew nothing about. :ender did not come in the way, and women picked up as
indentured labour were made to stay with men. any were declared man and wife,
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and packed off to foreign destinations. ll said and done, this can be considered as a
precursor to the global migration of Indians.
)owever, there is the problem of Indian embassies in most of these countries
not being very cooperative towards the migrant community. The embassies are not
e=actly attuned to the needs of these people, nor are the officials always aware of
their problems, their issues and their needs be it in terms of their labour contracts,
or the laws of the land. There is greater room for the Indian embassies to play a more
effective and cooperative role in this conte=t. any a time, because of the
indifference and the ignorance of the Indian missions in these countries, the migrant
workers are almost always at the mercy of the employers and the laws that they
adhere to. It is only in recent years that the :overnment is waking up to the need for
appointing a separate Labour ttachS in the Indian embassies in these countries, to
cater to the demands of the workers, and to take care of their needs.
There is the possibility of migration from India growing in the coming years and
decades. The probability of a younger age population in India coupled with declining
birth*rates in the developed world leading to a labour shortage, be it unskilled,
skilled or professional, are among the causes. The interface between outsourcing,
migration and growing social networks are also contributory factors. There is also
the factor of newer destinations, Fapan, for instance, emerging on the horion. In
this, the Indians abroad have transitioned from being dependants to being Hdictators3
through their significant presence, positional clout and numerical strength coupled
with effective networking, and coordinated organisation. There is now the :lobal
-rganiation for the 2eople of Indian -rigin @:-2I-A, which has set its priorities in
pooling resources, both financial and professional, for the benefit of 2I-s, in the
countries they come from, and in India. In all this, India derives material support
from the 8iaspora, and they derive psychological satisfaction of being a part of the
Indian nationhood, and in the process of crafting a resurgent India.
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EFFECTS OF MIGRATION
igration of labour has its positive as well as negative effects both on native
and host countries. &e will e=amine these effects as under
POSITIVE EFFECTS$
%& #AGE RATE$
Labourers usually migrate from low wage counties to higher wage nations. !nless
prevented or guarded by law, wages will change in both countries. "uch an effect on
wages is brought out in )ome country and foreign. It is also possible that over a
period of time real wages may increase both in host countries and native countries.
case study by Feffery :. &illiams, of eight countries, host countries rgentina,
ustralia, 7anada and !nited "tates of merica and native @homeA countries
Ireland, Italy, 9orway and "weden between the period 1
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migrants at the disguised unemployment. In the early stages of large scale migration
from /urope to 9orth merica, it helped in mitigating population problem of
/uropean countries.
$. REMITTANCE$
/migrants remit a part of their income back to their families in their native country.
any of the /uropean countries, e=ico and sian countries have benefited from
the remittance of their emigrants. t present china and India receive a substantial
amount of remittance. It helps the home countries reduce their balance of payment
problem or increase investment at home import capital goods thus promote
development of their economies.
Memittance would reduce over a period of time as the emigrants settle in the
migrated country along with their families. The sie of the remittance depends on the
number of emigrants from a country and the nature and duration of employment.any countries including India, offer additional incentives to the emigrants to remit
and keep the money back in their home country.
NEGATIVE EFFECTS
%& BRAIN DRAIN$
/migrants comprise people educated and trained at different levels. a+ority of the
emigrants are of low education and unskilled. /migrants also include highly
educated professionals such as doctors, engineers, professors and other technically
and professionally trained people. good number of medical, engineering and
management students from India migrate to countries like !", 7anada, ustralia,
9ew Dealand, :ermany, 6rance and to some rich gulf countries. These students take
the advantage of subsidised education financed by ta= payer money and leave the
country when they become productive agents or labourers. Ts is also argued that
educated emigrants help the home countries when these countries rare not in a
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position to employ them. 'eside it also reduces the claim on goods and service of the
home country when labourers migrate.
%. PROBLEM OF SOCIAL INTEGRATION$
Immigrants in a country belong to different countries, race, religion and culture.
They form their own groups based on the above factors. In the initial stages these
groups live in ghettoes. "ocial assimilation with the people of the host country
becomes difficult. In !", 7anada and ustralia or in countries dominated by white
coloured people, social integration becomes difficult due to colour comple=.
Meligion is another factor which makes immigrants identify with the host country
where the ma+ority belong to another religion. 7ultural differences also deter the
process of integration specially when each group develops a comple= of cultural
superiority. t times ethnic and religious differences create a problem for the host
country as it happens in !? and India.
(. ILLEGAL IMMIGRANTS$
It is a serious problem for many countries. !" has a large number of illegal
immigrants from e=ico. "imilar problems are faced by 7anada, ustralia and some
of the /uropean countries. Illegal migration to a neighbouring country is a common
occurrence due to political, economic, social and religious factors. India is facing
such a problem with illegal immigrants from 'angladesh, 2akistan and "ri Lanka.
$. CHEAP LABOUR $
8eveloped countries, specially organise labour through their Trade !nion oppose the
liberal migration policy. They argue that the migrant labourers who are willing to
work at lower workers. )owever this argument does not merit serious consideration
wage rate in such economies is determined by market forces, /=ploitation can be
prevented through minimum wage law, which also safeguards the interest of migrant
labourers.
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5. FISCAL IMBALANCE$
Immigrants positively contribute to the growth of the host country. &hen
immigrants constitute in large numbers, the host country re4uires to spend huge
amount of capital to provide the re4uired economic and social infrastructure. s they
settledown permanently, the government re4uires to spend for providing social
security benefits. /=penditure on all these counts may create fiscal imbalance in the
form of increased budgetary deficit.
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CONCLUSION
igration has become a global phenomenon. s discussed earlier peoplemigrate to another country for a number of reasons of which economic and political
are the important ones. 6rom our earlier e=planation it is evident that migration has
positive as well as negative effects both on the host and native countries. In a
globalised world, the number of migrants is bound to increase. )owever in the larger
interest of nations and people @migrantsA involved it is necessary to introduce
measures so that the positive effects are ma=imised while the negative ones are
minimised if they cannot be totally eliminated.
The suggestions in this direction are to promote labour rights to immigrants.
llow the migrant workers to +oin Trade !nions. Treat immigrants on the same level
as those of workers of host country. "afety conditions should be made applicable
even if they are on temporary work. 2romote ethical recruitment. 2revent
e=ploitation and discrimination. Meform work permits schemes to reduce powers of
employers. Legislate to prevent employers from withholding migrant workers
passport. Initiate international action to regulate the activities of private recruitment
agencies. ll the countries should ratify 1;;0 !9 convention on the protection of
rights of all migrant workers and their families.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
International igration.
:hosh, 'imal. @%000A Towards a 9ew International Megime for -rderly ovements
of 2eople, in 'imal
:hosh @ed.A, Managing Migration. Time for a New International Regime?, -=ford
-=ford !niversity
2ress, pp. C*%C.
:oel, 2. and ishra, '. @%00