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1
“Youdon’townmoney.You’rejusttheonewho’sholdingit”:borrowing,
lendingandthefairpersoninNorthManchester
KatherineSmith
Abstract
BasedonethnographicresearchinHarpurhey,Manchester,inthenorthwestofEngland,thischapteraddressestheemergenceofamoraleconomyofpersonhoodamongstsomeofthepoorestpeopleinBritaintoday.Specifically,thispaperopensupawayinwhichnewconceptionsoftheviableandworthypersonemergeinthepracticeofborrowingandlendingmoneybetweenneighbours,asasortof“safetynet”intimesoffinancialprecarityandsocialstigma.Thehumiliationexperiencedregularlybypeoplewhoneedstatesupporttomakeendsmeetisrespondedtointhelocalprioritizationofwhatitmeansto“befair”andexpressandrecognizetheworthyselfinnegotiatingthetermsofaloan.Itisintheprocessofnegotiationthatwecanseeinanewlightwhatisbeingrespondedtoandfoughtforinthefaceofstigmaandprecarity.Despiteexperiencinganever-increasingthreatofpovertyanddestitution,weseeworthyselves,fairpersons,andthecreationofanalternativespaceofhopeinwhichsocialandpersonalworthcanbeexpressedandrecognized.
Keywords
Welfarereform,fairness,money,poverty,Britain,moraleconomy,personhood
Introduction
InBritain,greaterpublicwelfarespendingcutsarebeingimplementedat
agreaterratethanhasbeenseeninBritainsincebeforetheSecondWorldWar.
Thefar-reachingproductionofstructuraladjustmentpoliciesandwelfare
reformareperceivedandexpressedinpopulardiscourseasthelackof
sovereigntyandresponsibilityofgovernmenttowardsthewellbeingoftheir
citizens.Theprecariousnessofsituationsofincreasingpovertybeyondthe
controlofcitizensthemselvesaffectstheeverydaylivesandsubjectivitiesof
thoseinneedofstateassistancetomakeendsmeetinthemostintimateofways.
Itisnotsurprising,then,that,asBoltonandLaaser(2013)andothershave
noted,inthecontextofthis“disconnectedcapitalism”anddistrustofpoliticians,
claimstocitizenshipandrightstoagoodlifeandhumanflourishingareframed
aseminentlymoralones.
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Inthecontextofincreasinglyrapidausteritycuts,materialexpressionsof
deprivationanddispossessionareacknowledgedfromsociologicaland
anthropologicalperspectivesasshared,ethnographicallyemergentconcerns.
Thisarticlebuildsonthesharedsociologicalandanthropologicalrecognition
thatwemustremaincontinuallyattentivetopeople’sexperiencesofthe
demoralizationofbeinginpovertyandarecipientofstatewelfareprovision.
Basedontwoandahalfyearsofresearch(August2013–March2016)ona
socialhousingestateinHarpurhey,Manchester,inthenorthwestofEngland,it
exploreshowproximitytoneighbourlynetworksofsupportallowsfor
expressionsoftheworthyselfinthefaceofpovertyanddemoralization.Thisis
becauseitiswithinthesecontextsthatparticularmoraleconomiesemergeand
aremaintained,whereincollectiveandindividualwell-beingcanbeachieved
anddiscrimination,sufferinganddisadvantageresisted(Bolton&Laaser,2013,
p.508-509;Macdonald,Shildrick&Furlong,2014;Narotzky,2016).
Theethnographicandanalyticalcontributionsofthisarticlearesituated
withinthebroaderprojectofunderstandingthechangingdynamicsofhousehold
economicsinthecontextofausterityandwhatisbeingfoughtforwhencallsfor
socialandpersonalwortharefelttobeignoredinBritishpublicandpolitical
discourse.Itexplorestheeverydaylivesandexperiencesofpeopleandfamilies
inpoverty,andthewaysinwhichwelfarereformsaredealtwithinneighbourly
relations.Specifically,thisarticlelooksatthewaysinwhichnewconceptionsof
theviableandworthypersonemergeininterpersonalrelationshipsbyopening
upthelocalpracticeofborrowingandlendingmoneybetweenfamiliar,long-
termandnewlyarrivedneighboursinandaroundasmallcul-de-sacattheedge
ofthemainhousingestate.Asthecontextwithinwhich“thebalancingactof
sociallifeiscarriedout”(Rapport,2012,p.75),Iexplorespecificallythemoment
ofnegotiationwhenborrowingandlendingofmoneybetweenneighbourstakes
place.Itisintheprocessofnegotiatingthetermsoftheloanthattheviableself
oftheborrowerandlenderisnecessarilymadeexplicitandintersubjectively
recognizedasapublicformofpersonhood(Lambek,2013).Negotiatingthe
termsoftheloanbetweenneighboursinvolvestheexpressionandrecognitionof
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thecapacitytotakecontroloverone’sownself-management,assetsand
aspirationsforthefuture,eveninthemidstoffinancialprecarity.Thisprocessof
recognitionisexpressedlocallyas“beingfair”,whichisplacedinoppositionto
thewaysinwhichthestateconstructsanimageof“thepoor”,andthenecessary
performanceof“beingpoor”inthelocalJobCentreiinordertosecurestate
welfareprovisions.
Here,Iexploreatheoreticalframeworkwherebyweseethepowerofthe
relationshipenmeshedwiththecirculationofamaterialresourcethatis
collectivelyatashortage:money.Thisarticlequalifiesthepointthatmoneyand
itsscarcityisnotareliableindexforanatrophyofthemoraleconomyin
Harpurhey(cf.Bloch&Parry,1989,p.8).Rather,theattentionofthisarticleis
whattheborrowingandlendingofmoneyrevealsethnographically;thatis,a
particularmoraleconomyofpersonhood,themakingexplicitofwhatitmeans,
sociallyandpersonally,tobea“fairperson”inandthroughtherecognitionof
theworthy,viableself.Beingidentifiedasa“poorperson”andperforming
povertyintheeyesofthestateinordertosecurefurtherstatebenefits,is
negatedwhenpeoplereturnhometothecul-de-sac,throughtheexpressionand
recognitionofbeinga“fairperson”intheeyesofone’sneighboursandfamily.
Whatweseeinthisarticlearesomeofthewaysinwhichpeoplethemselves,
whosooftendealwithasenseoflackofcontrolovertheirownlivesandlife
chances,takecontroloveratransformationalprocesswhichIanHacking
referredtoas“makinguppersons”(Hacking,1986,p.234).“Beingpoor”and
“beingfair”are,thus,twodistinctperformancesintendedfordifferentoutcomes,
andfordifferentunderstandingsofthepersonandexpressionsoftheself.
Harpurhey:apost-welfarelandscape
HarpurheyisasmallsuburbanareainManchester,justthreeandahalf
milesnortheastofthecitycentre.Itishometoalargeopen-airmarket,afew
locallyrunshopsandlargegrocerystore,severalempty,derelictbuildings,a
policestation,awell-establishedandwell-attendedfoodbankbasedat
HarpurheyCommunityChurch,andasmallcollectionofpubsandsocialclubs
scatteredaroundthearea,allwithinwalkingdistance.Harpurheyalsoincludesa
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largesocialhousingestatewithvisiblepovertyinlocalizedareas.Itisthecase
thatHarpurheyisanareathatsuffersfromongoingwelfarereformsandthe
eviscerationofpublicsectorservices.Theresultinglandscapeandlocalsignsof
physicaldecayreflectthisstructuraldisinvestment.
Ihavebeenconductingethnographicfieldworkwithneighbouring
familieswholiveinasmallcul-de-sacattheedgeofthemainsocialhousing
estateinHarpurhey.EverypersonIhavemet,whoisover16yearsold,is
currentlyonsomeformofstatewelfare.TheformsofwelfareincludeJob
Seeker’sAllowance(JSA),EmploymentSupportAllowance(ESA)andChild
BenefitandTaxCreditorDisabilityLivingAllowance(DLA),orarenowon
UniversalCredit.Theyhavealsoexperiencedthetemporarysanctioningoftheir
welfareincomeforvariousreasons.Theirlivelihoods,lifestylesandlifechances
havebeensignificantlyaffectedbyboththerollingoutofwelfarereformsbythe
previouscoalitionandcurrentConservativegovernments,aswellasthefearof
moresanctionsandcutstowelfareprovisions.
Unsurprisingly,peopleinHarpurheyfeelthattheirneedsarebeing
cruellyoverlookedingovernmentalandbureaucraticdecision-making,andthat
thisindifferenceisduetounfair,negativecategorizationsoflazy,immoral,
benefitsthievesandscroungers,thestigmatizationoftheirlocation,lifestyles
andchoices,andtheimageofthe“type”ofpersontoexpectfromplaceslike
Harpurhey.Suchcategorizationof“type”thatisenshrinedinpolicy,framesthe
welfarerecipientinwidersocialdiscoursesasexistinginanon-reciprocal
relationshipwiththestate,dependentuponitslargess,givingnothingbackto
societyinreturn.
Whilethesefamiliarstereotypicalassumptionsaboutthetypeofperson
onwelfareareunderstoodlocallyasnon-representativeofthe“good”peopleof
Harpurhey,theyare,nevertheless,assumptionsthatmanypeoplearequite
familiarwith.WithHarpurheyandsomeofitsresidentsappearingontheBBC3
televisionprogramme“PeopleLikeUs”iiin2013,itisalsounsurprisingthat
everypersonIhavemetfeelstheyareregularly“producedandpositionedas
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textsthatfacilitatethemandatesofadidactic,profoundlybrutalandmean-
spiritedpoliticalregime”andpopularimageofpovertyanddepravity(Adair,
2002,p.451;Smith,forthcoming).Stereotypicalimagessuchasthese
representedinpopularnationaltelevisionprogrammesservetocompletethe
imageofa“brokenBritain”.
OngoingattemptstotransformthestateineffortstofixabrokenBritain
(Slater,2012)haveinvolvedthearchitectsofwelfarereformsechoinglocally
familiarstereotypicalimagesinpoliciestodealwith“troubledfamilies”,the
“chronicallyunemployed”,theAnti-SocialBehaviourOrder(ASBO)lifestyleof
thewelfarerecipient,tojustifytheimplementationandenforcementofharsh
welfarecutsandsanctions.Asaresult,thebehaviourandmovementsofwelfare
recipientsarestrictlymonitored.Theyarerequiredtomaintainregular,often
weeklycontactwiththelocalJobCentre,housingofficeand,ifclaimingDisability
Allowance,doctor’sofficetodemonstrateongoingqualificationsforaparticular
welfarebenefit.Asgovernmentimplementsfurthercuts,itbecomesmore
difficulttofittherequiredcriteriatoqualifyforstateanddisabilitybenefits.The
lossorsanctioningofbenefitsthatallofmyinformantsinHarpurheyhave
experiencedhasresultedinhomeshavingnoheatingorelectricity,theuseand
expansionofthelocalfoodbankincreasingexponentially,increased
homelessnessandinonecasesuicide.
Itiswelldocumentedinsociologicalandanthropologicalresearchthat
thestateofthepost-welfarelandscapeinBritaintodaycarriesthelegacyof
(Conservative)policiessincetheearly1980s,aperiodoftimerecognizedforits
markedshiftfromolderformsofgovernanceofthestatetowardtheclass-based
ideologicalprojectofneoliberalism,or“advancedliberalism”(Ferguson,2009,p.
166;Hyatt,2011;Rose,1993;Tyler,2007).Aspartofaconstellationofshiftsin
governanceandpoliticaltechnologies,whichNikolasRosenotablyoutlinedback
in1993ascarriedoutthroughadvancedliberaltechnologies,“advanced
liberalism”,placesanemphasisonparticularconstructionsofvaluessuchas
independence,freedomandindividualchoice,andtodayiscouchedinthe
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conservativerhetoricofa“fairer”and“smarterBritain”(see,Cameron,2009;
DuncanSmith,2013;Osborne,2010).
Advancedliberalismsimultaneouslyproducesnewunderstandingsand
discoursesoftheproblemofpoverty,andplacesprivilegeonlocal
understandingsandknowledgeofthatproblem.AsSusanBrinHyatt(1997,
2011)andothershavenoted,thistransformscategoriesofpeoplefromthe
objectsofpolicyintothepractitionersofpolicywhoareresponsibleforrenewing
theirowncommunitiesfromthegroundup(Hyatt,1997,2011;Rose,1993,
2000;Shore&Wright,1997).Thepoor,then,empoweredtotakecontrolover
theirownadvancementandgiventhefreedomtotakecontrolovertheirown
aspirationsforagoodlifethroughentrepreneurialism,self-managementand
improvement,maythenconstitutethemselvesasparticularmoralcitizenswho
liveuptothesocialobligationof“givingback”tosociety(Hyatt,2011).Thisform
of“organizinglogic”(Sassen&VanRoekel-Hughes2008,p.7)replicatesitself
throughitsownmechanismsaswellasthroughtheeverydaypracticesofpeople
themselveswhoareconfrontedwiththisimageoftheresponsibilzedcitizen.
Itiswelldocumentedanddiscussedthatthedemocratizationof
knowledgeandthenotionofself-managementasactivecitizenship
characteristicofadvancedliberalruleresonateswithneitherlocalperceptionsof
need,norlocalperceptionsoftheresponsibilityofthestatetoitscitizens
(Ferguson,2009;Hyatt,1997;Narotzky,2016;Rose,1993;Skeggs,2012).Street-
levelapproachesinsociologicalresearchexposeandproblematizehow
advancedliberalpoliciesandprogrammesalignsocialrelationsinparticular
ways(Mcdonald&Marston,2005;Sales,2002;Wilkinson,2010),andare,here,
inconversationwithanthropologicalapproachestothestudyofwelfarereform
whichidentifytheproductionofpovertyandinequalitiesatthecenterofthe
globalsystemofadvancedcapitalism.Asteadilygrowingbodyofsociological
workhasspecificallyidentifiedtherelationbetweenthesocialandthepersonal
inthepost-welfarelandscape,andproblematizedtherestructuring,retrenching
andthedismantlingofthewelfarestateasgeneratingnewsformsofpoverty,
inequalityandstereotypes(Bolton&Laaser,2013;Chase&Walker,2012;
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Lawler,2005).Anthropologistswhohaveaskedhownewcategoriesof
individualstobegovernedarecreated,dealtwithandresistedonlocaland
interpersonallevels(Morgen&Maskovsky,2003;Narotzky,2016;Tyler,2013;
Shore&Wright,1997;Smith,forthcoming;Wedeletal.,2005)havealsoraised
newquestionsabouttheparticularsocialrelationshipsthatmightbemobilized
(deL’Estoile,2014)aspeople,intheireverydaylives,areforcedinandoutof
particularkindsofframesandvaluationsoftheresponsiblized,moralcitizenby
therestructuringandpartialwithdrawalofafacelesssystem.Bothsociological
andanthropologicalapproachestotheproductionofpoverty,inequalityand
advancedliberalpolicyreformallowustotrackanddocumenttheintimaciesof
socialpolicy(Hyatt,2011),andtheinterpersonalnetworksofsupportin
everydaylife.Wecanfurtherunderstandmomentsofconflict,tension,
agreement,disagreement,betweenpeople,andbetweenpeopleandthestate,as
momentswithinwhichcapacitiestoliveuptoobligationsofcitizenshipand
belongingplayout.
InHarpurhey,contrarytotheadvancedliberaleconomicrationality
underpinningongoingwelfarereform,therealitiesofpovertyandthelossof
statesupportareperceivedasstemmingfromoverwhelmingsystemsof
bureaucraticmanagementreachingintoprivatelives,ratherthanemancipation
fromdependencyonstateassistance.Wecanseethisillustratedbyoneresident,
Olivia,atwenty-three-year-oldsinglemotherofathree-year-olddaughter.She
explainedtomeonedayaswesatinherlivingroom,
IfIworkmorethan16hoursaweekandearnmorethan
£100.00aweekwhileonChildBenefitthegovernment
wantsmetodeclareitsotheycancutmybenefits
accordingly.TheywanttomakesureI’monthebreadline.
It’sthesameifsomeoneislivingwithyou.AndIdon’t
meanlikeproperlivingwithyou;ifthey’restayingonyour
setteeformorethanthreedays,youhavetotellthe
council.Bylawyouhavetodeclareit.It’slikethe
governmentissofarintoyourlifetotellyouwhattodo,
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there’snoprivacy.They’reinyourfuckinglivingroomat
2amwhenyourtoddlerwakesuptomakesurethere’sno
onetheretohelp.They’reinyourkitcheninthemorning
whenyouwanttomakesomebaconandeggsbutyou’ve
onlygotsomecerealbutnotenoughmilk.They’reonyour
phone,ifyouevenhaveaphone,makingsureyouonly
makeeveningorweekendcalls.They’relookingoveryour
shoulderatyourbankstatementswhenthepostarrivesto
makesureyouhaven’tgotanysavings.It’shorrible.
Nothing’syours.Andsowhenpeoplefallonhardtimes,
andIhonestlybelieveeveryonewillatsomepoint,people
needhelp;youneedasafetynet.Soit’saboutknowing
whoyoucangoto,howmuchyoucanhelpthemandhow
muchotherpeoplecanhelpyou.
Untilthreeyearsagowhenherdaughterwasborn,Olivialivedathomein
atwo-bedroomedcouncilflatwithhermotherandstepfather.WhenOlivia
becamepregnantattheageof19,sheappliedforacouncilhouseandwasputon
atwelve-to-eighteenmonthwaitinglistforone,whichnevertranspiredafterher
daughterwasborn.SowiththefinancialhelpofherparentsandUniversal
Credit,shenowrentsaprivatelyownedtwo-bedroomedex-councilpropertyin
Harpurhey.Oliviaishomemostdaysafter3pm,duringwhichwewoulddrink
teainfrontofasilencedtelevisioninherlivingroom.Duringourconversations,
shetoldmethatsheworkssixteenhoursaweekansweringphonesforalocal
business.Makingendsmeetisextremelydifficultforherasthe“jugglingact”of
payingbillswhilstrestrictedonbenefitsfromearningmoremoneymeansshe
cannotgetaheadfinancially.ForOlivia,workingdoesnotequatetobeingbetter
offfinancially,andworkingmorehoursbecomesacriminalpursuitifnot
declared.Sheexplainedthatforher,itwouldbeeasiertogiveupwork,receive
benefitsandstayathomewithherdaughter.Butbecauseshefeelsshecanwork
andsherecognizesthefinancialstrainsheisputtingonherparents,stayingout
ofworkwouldbeasfraudulentandimmoralasworkingafewextrahoursa
weekbutnotdeclaringittothebenefitsoffice.Tobecomea“benefitsfraudster”,
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shefeels,isnotsimplyamatterofchoiceforher.Rather,shefeelsshehasto
workveryhardtoremainvigilanttotherisksthatexistforherwhileonstate
welfare.
Olivia’s“safetynet”includeshermotherandstepfather,andherfriends
andimmediateneighbours,tovaryingdegrees.Thewaysinwhichsheis
reflectingonwhatshefeelsistheencroachmentofthestateonhereverydaylife
andwakinghoursisnotanuncommonperceptionamongstwelfarebenefits
claimantsinHarpurhey.Theever-present,far-reachingarmsofthestatereachin
onthelivesandpocketsofpeoplewhoareatthefrontlineofwelfarereformand
technologiesofemancipation,oftenexpressedinHarpurheyas“thegovernment
givingwithonehandandtakingwiththeother”.
Oliviapointsoutherexperiencesofbeingonbenefitsandherperception
ofthestateinvadingandstiflinghereveryday,financially,sociallyandintothe
future.Yet,inthequoteaboveOliviaalsodiscussesissuesthatgobeyondboth
individualnecessityandtheencroachmentorwithdrawalofthestatefrom
society.Sheisnotsimplyreferringtothefailureor“unfairness”ofthestate’s
interferencesorthesignificanceofhavingaccesstofinancialsupport.Andsheis
notsimplymakingtheargumentthatkinandneighbourrelationsofsupport
cometofillinagapleftbythewithdrawalofstatesupport.Sheisalsopointingto
theimportanceofknowingtowhomyoucangoforhelp.Shegoesbeyond
explainingrelationshipsofreciprocityordependence,butratheraddressesthe
significanceofknowinghowmuchonecanhelpandbehelped.Sheisdiscussing
theknowledgeandmobilizationofthemultiple-interdependenciesofeveryday
socialandfamiliallife,whicharetakingonanewrelevanceinthiscontextof
precarityandstigma.Sheisalsoraisingquestionsaboutherownandothers’
feelingsofpoliticalpowerlessnessassheconstructstheconceptofthestate
“throughthemediumof[her]ownexperience,andinwayswhichareheavily
influencedby[her]owncircumstances”(Cohen,1996,p.146).Shediscusses
thesepointswiththeawarenessthat,paradoxically,thesenseoflackof
ownershipofassetsandofdecision-making,andthedevaluationoftheperson
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whoneedstobe“managed”tosuchadegreeintoaresponsiblepersoniscoupled
withthesystematicremovalofstatesupport.AsOliviawentontoexplain,
[w]eusedtohavesocialandemergencyloanswecouldget
fromthegovernment.Butthey’vestoppedthosenow.We
lendoffeachotheraroundhere.Ifwe’restuck,ifwe’re
shortandweneedsomehelp,it’showwegetby.Andyou
knowthekindofpersontheyarethen.Youknowthat
they’llbefairandthey’llunderstandyou’restuck.People
needeachothermorenowadays.It’saboutmakingsure
youandthepeopleyou’reclosetoareOK.
ThereisabalancingactoffinancialsurvivalinHarpurhey.However,itis
notsimplytheacquisitionofmoneythatremainsinthebalance.Thereisa
historyofsocialsecuritythatpeopleasyoungastwenty-three-yearsoldrecall
andcanfeelbeingstrippedawaywithoutrecoursetoadditionalsupport.Asa
producerofknowledge,Oliviaarticulatelyexplainsthesignificanceofknowing
whotogotoandtheextent(and,indeedlimits)ofhelpthatcanbeprovidedand
received.Ifthegovernmentisstrippingawaycertainfinancialsupport,the
importanceofknowingwhoonecangotoforhelptakesonasignificancethat
pointstoboththesocialrelationshipsthatmightbemobilizedintimesofcrisis,
aswellasthewaysinwhichone’srelationshipwiththestateischanging.Below,
Itakethelatterasapointofdeparturetodiscussfirstlywhatitisliketo“be
poor”inHarpurhey,beforeIgoontoaddresstheparticularsocialrelationsthat
aremobilizedinresponse.
“Beingpoor”
InHarpurhey,thewaysinwhichpeopledealwithrecentandongoing
benefitssanctionsandtheincreasinglyremoteandcommercializedpolicy-
makingprocessisoftenexplainedtomethroughstoriesabouthavingto
regularlyreturntothelocalJobCentretofillinmoreforms,makeanothercase
fortheirpovertyandlackofemployment,andproveonceagainthattheyare
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indeedstillinneedofincomesupport.StoriesoftheirinteractionswiththeJob
Centre’sintermediaries(whetherapersonoracomputerscreen)featuretheJob
Centre’sstaffdisplayingtheobjectivityoftheirworkandtheindifferenceoftheir
institution,justifyingasortofsocialauthority,asmanyinthecul-de-sacperceive
it.Equally,theyunderstandhowtheyaretopresentthemselvesinthecontextof
theJobCentre–theparticularkindofpersontheyneedto“be”inordertosecure
furtherbenefitswithoutsanctions;itisafamiliar,routineperformance.
Bernice,a43-year-oldmotheroftwo,explainsthisperformanceof“being
poor”intheJobCentreandhowimportantitistomakeendsmeet.Shestaysat
homewithherhusbandwhohasbeenoutofworkforthreeyearsduetoa
fracturedanklewhenservingtimeinthemilitary.Hehasbeenwaitingfortwelve
monthsforsurgerytorepairboneandligamentdamageandinthemeantimehas
beenlivingonwhatwasDisabilityBenefits,nowconsolidatedintoUniversal
Credit.BerniceandherhusbandmustremainincontinualcontactwiththeJob
Centretomaintainthesteadybutmeagerincometheyreceive.Thethreatof
sanctionsisoverwhelmingtothem,asafamily.Berniceexplainedtomeovera
cupofcoffeeinherkitchenonemorningwhatitislikereturningtotheJob
Centreandmedicalassessmentclinics,
It’saboutbeingpoor.Wehavetofillinthesameforms
overandoveragain,andtheylosethem.Soyouknow
you’regoingtohavetomarchbackoverthereandfill
theminagain,stateyourcaseagain.Getassessedagain.
Youhavetoeverycoupleofmonthsanyway.It’s
humiliating,butit’swhatyou’vegottodo.You’vegotto
payyourbills.ButI’mnotthatperson!They’llneverknow
meforme,youknow?They’renotinterestedinwhoIam
orwhatwe’regoingthrough.It’sjustaconstantreminder
thattothem,you’rescum,really.
Thefeelingofbeingframedas“scum”andastheproblemofpovertyisa
familiarexperienceforBerniceandherfamily.Equallyfamiliaristhelocal
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understandingthattheextentofpovertyanditsindividualexperienceisnot
givenspaceforconsiderationwhenengagingwithbureaucracyandthestate.In
ordertobecometheself-managing,entrepreneurial,moralpersonintheeyesof
thestate,onemustfirstperformpovertyand“bepoor”sufficientlyintheeyesof
thestate.Thisisacomplicatedperformance,whichrequiresknowledgeand
navigationofformsandapplications,aswellassimplicityintheirresponseson
thoseformsandintheJobCentre,aboutthemselvesandtheirpersonal
circumstances.Introducingthecomplexitiesofeverydaylifecanleadto
misunderstanding,whichcanleadtothesanctioningorendofbenefits.Bernice
wentontoexplainthatintheJobCentre,oneissimply“poorandunabletowork.
Suggestanythingotherwise,perhapstheabilitytostandforacoupleofhoursa
daywithoutpain[asisthecasewithherhusband],andyourbenefitswillbeat
risk”.
Berniceandothersinthecul-de-sacexplainthatontheonehand,the
necessitytoperformbeingpoorinthecontextoftheJobCentre(andin
assessmentswithotherintermediaries)istheresultofthebundlingofimagined
qualitiesofpoverty,butisseparatefromtheunrepentantpersonswhoBernice
andothersfeelthemselvestobe.Sherecognizesthatsheiscategorizedas“poor”
and“dependent”and“unemployed”,so“givingnothingbacktosociety”.Being
confrontedwiththisimageisafamiliarpricetopayformakingendsmeetwith
stateassistance.However,thissystematichumiliationhasproducedastruggle,
inBerniceandothers,tochangethemoralframeworksinwhichmakingalife
andbeingaparticularkindofmoralpersonacquiresvalueandmeaning(Collins
&Wright,2007;Narotzky&Besnier,2014).“ButI’mnotthatperson!They’ll
neverknowwhoIaminmyself”.Berniceisnotthepersonsheperformsinthe
JobCentre.
Therefore,Itreattheconceptof“theperson”asananalyticalcategory
thataddressesthe“artofbecoming”(Carrithers,Collins&Lukes,1985)inand
throughinteractionandmutualacknowledgment.Thisisanartofbecomingfor
whichBernicedemonstratesherownlevelofexpertise.Forinstance,navigating
theformsandknowingwhattoscreenoutofinformationsharedwiththeJob
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Centrestaffcreatestheimageofapoorperson,apublicsideofpersonhoodthat
servesaparticularpurposeinparticularroutinemoments.
Thispublicsideofpersonhoodisanachievementinsocialrole-playing:a
performativelyinstitutedidiom,amatterofpractice(Butler,1997).Following
Lambek(2013),myemphasisonthe“social”insocialrole-playingistwo-fold:
firstly,thatone’spersonhooddrawsonsocialcriteria,conceptsandmodelsas
vehiclesfortherecognitionofone’spersonhood(2013,p.838);inthecontextof
theJobCentre,apersonthusrecognizesandperformsawayofbeingwhich
includesthelimitedexposureofone’sownlifesituationsandcapacities.My
informantsoftenexplainthistomeas“beingpoor”intheJobCentre.They
recognizethattheyneedtoberecognizedassuch.Secondly,“thesocialisalso
theinterpersonal;personsareonlypersonsinthecontextofandinrelationto
otherpersons”(2013,p.838).Inrespecttothelatter,mutualrecognitionand
acknowledgementarecentraltopersonhood.
Berniceandothersidentifyadistinctionbetween“beingpoor”intheeyes
ofthestateandwhatislocallyreferredtoas“beingfair”intheeyesofyour
neighboursandfamilyastwodistinctperformancesintendedfordifferent
understandingsofthepersonandexpressionsoftheself.Morethanaresponse
totheimageofthe“poorperson”,thereisacollectiveeffortinmakingpeople
valuableandworthyagainuponreturninghometothecul-de-sacinHarpurhey.
Intheinterpersonalrelationsbetweenneighbours,outsideoftheJobCentre,the
recognitionofpersonhooddrawsuponthoseverycapacitiesforaworthy,viable
selfthatarescreenedoutintheJobCentre.InHarpurhey,whenresidentsreturn
tothecul-de-sac,theycan“bethemselvesagain”.Theworthyandviableselfthat
isscreenedoutinpolicyandinengagementswiththeJobCentrearegivena
space,locally,forexpressionandrecognition.Asamatterofperspective,the
socialexpressionandrecognitionoftheworthyselfconstitutesamoralized
spaceofhopeinthiscul-de-sac,andisarticulatedthroughthelocaldiscourseof
fairnessandwhatitmeanstobea“fairperson”.Aswewillseebelow,capacities
fortheexpressionandrecognitionofselfhoodoninterpersonallevelsbetween
neighboursemergewhentheyborrowandlendmoneywithoneanother.The
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creationoftheconditionsofpossibilityforobtainingbasicresourceswhile
regainingasenseofdignityandself-worthinHarpurheyareexploredbelowasa
formofregainedautonomythroughthelocalidiomof“beingfair”.
BuildingaSafetyNet
Anetworkofsupport,or“safetynet”,asOliviaputitearlier,isbuiltand
persistsamongstneighboursandfamilywholiveinthissmallcul-de-sacthrough
theborrowingandlendingofmoney,goodsandservices.Thereissomething
particularlyinclusiveinthelocalprocessofborrowingandlending.Whenanew
personorfamilyismovedintoavacanthouseinthecul-de-sac,neighbourswill
greetthenewlyarrivedtenants,andaskthemiftheyneedanything.
Transcendingperceivedracial,ethnicandreligiousboundaries,andwithoutan
awarenessoftheincomeorparticularbenefits,ifany,apersonorfamily
receives,theonlycriteriatobefulfilledintheactofinitiallyincludingnew
arrivalsintothissafetynetisthatofproximity.Thispracticeofinclusionis
mobilizedintheformulationandcompositionsoflocalidentitiesandasenseof
belonginginthecul-de-sac.
Similartothemaintenanceofthesocialandintimaterelationships
amongstfriendsandkinthatCaroleStack(1974)hasdescribedamongstthe
familieslivinginTheFlatsinJacksonHarbour,Illinois,thesteadysourceof
cooperativesupportgiventooneanotherinHarpurheyoftenstemsfromthe
perceivedurgencyoftheirneeds(cf.1974,p.33).InStack’sstudy,multi-
householdkinshiprelationsaresustainedthroughthecooperative“swapping”of
goods,servicesandmoneythatareoftenattributedtonuclearfamilyunits.The
notionthat“whatgoesroundcomesround”producesasenseofdomestic
organizationthatfamiliesrelyuponforsurvival(1974,p.70),andisaneffective
copingmechanisminthefaceofextremepoverty.Similarly,inHarpurheythere
isasenseofreciprocalobligationintheexchangeofgoodsandservices.
Residentsexchangevariousobjectsgenerously:neworusedthings,theyborrow
andlendtheuseofcars,petrolmoney,foodandservicessuchaschildcare,
sharedmealsandevenawarmplacetosleepifsomeonehaslostorbeenevicted
fromtheirproperty.However,onecanrefusetoparticipateinborrowingand
15
lendingjustasoneisentitledtochoosenottobelong.Obligationandthe
sustenanceofhouseholdeconomiesinHarpurheyinthisrespectare
underpinnedfirstlybyaparticularhistoryofstatewelfareprovisioningthatis
beingreformedradicallyand/orstrippedawayinBritaintoday.Secondly,in
Harpurheywecanidentifytheemergenceofaparticularmoraleconomyof
personhoodinthefaceofrapidausterity,andtheactivereproductionof
conditionsofpossibilitytotakecontroloverone’sownassets,actionsandfuture.
Unemploymentmaybeasharedexperienceaffectingsocialandinterpersonal
relationsamongstkinandneighboursinHarpurhey(cf.1974,pp.110-114);
however,aswewillseebelow,itisintheexpressionandrecognitionofthe
other’scapacitytolookaftertheirownaffairs,managetheirownassetsand
prepare,intheirownway,fortheprecariousfuturethatunderpinsthe
reciprocalobligationintheborrowingandlendingofmoneyparticularly.
Theborrowingandlendingofmoneyamongstneighbours,friendsand
familyinandaroundthiscul-de-sacisaregular,dailyoccurrence.Whetheritis
moneyneededtopayabill,buyfoodortobuyapacketofcigarettestolastyou
untilyou“getpaid”,thelevelof“crisis”apersonfindsthemselvesindoesnot
necessarilydictatetowhomapersongoesforhelp.Hereweexplorethe
mechanicsthroughwhichasenseofselfworthisrecognizedinasocialway,as
muchasitprovidesasafetynetintimesoffinancialcrisis.
“BeingFair”
Money,howlittlepeoplehaveofit,whytheycoulddowithmoreofit,and
whattheyneedbutcannotaffordispartofdailyconversationsinHarpurhey.On
theonehand,onemightexpecttofindthatpeoplearemorefrequently
discussingwhattheyarelacking,andthatwhatpeoplelackformsaparticular
kindofnarrativethatservesasawayofrelatingthroughsharedexperiencesof
anxietyandsuffering.Ontheotherhand,andasIwilldemonstratebelow,as
peopleborrowandlendmoneywitheachothermoreoften,theyexpress
themselves,theirsituationsandtheiranxietiesforthefutureasthey“negotiate”
andagreeonthetermsoftheloan.
16
Aprilisa39-year-oldmotherofan18-year-oldsonwholivesathome
withhersonandhisfather,Bob.Aprilhaslivedinthecul-de-sacforjustover
twentyyears.Sheisperceivedasafigureofmoralityandbalancedjudgmentin
thiscul-de-sacandisoftenthepersonpeoplegotoforadvice–onparenting,
debtconsolidation,fillinginforms,otherformsof“knowhow”intheJobCentre,
andgossip.Sheexplainedtomewhathappenswhenneighboursborrowand
lendmoneyandhowtheynegotiatethetermsoftheloan.Oneafternoonsitting
inherbackyard,Aprilexplainedwhypeopletalkaboutmoneyandthe
importanceofwhatshecalled“thenegotiation”whenborrowingandlending
money.
Youhavetotalkaboutmoney.Itneverusedtobethisway.
Butwhenyouasksomeonetolendyousomemoney,you
havetonegotiatetheterms.We’dhavetotalkaboutit.I’d
havetoexplainwhereI’mcomingfrom.Usually,I’dexplain
whatthemoney’sfor–whetherit’sforfoodorabillor
whatever.Butbecausethatpersonknowsand
understandingsthatyou’reapproachingthemforhelpfor
goodreason,youthennegotiatetheterms…We’dreachan
agreementonwhenIcanpayitback,andwhentheyneed
itback.OrwhetherIcanpayitback,like,weekly,orallat
once.Thentheball’sintheir[thelender’s]court.And
whateverwenegotiate,whateverweagree,Istickto.AndI
sticktoitbecauseIdon’twanttoletthemdown,butIalso
don’twanttoletmyselfdown,youknow?
Aprilexplainedthatthispracticeofborrowingandlendingmoney,and
negotiatingtheterms,occursbetweenneighboursinthiscul-de-sac,aswellas
betweenfamilymemberswholiveapart.Theimportanceoftalkingaboutmoney
andmakingexplicitthereasonfortheloanisapracticeinbothsetsofrelations.
Lookingatthenegotiationbetweenneighbours,shegoesontoexplainthatshe
doesnotwanttoletthelenderdown,butshealsodoesnotintendtoletherself
downbynotlivinguptothetermsofagreement.Itisinthisspaceofborrowing
17
andlendingthatthecrucialprocessofnegotiationemerges.April’soccasional
useoffinanciallanguageasshediscusseswhatshecalls“thenegotiation”stayed
withme.Itseemstocomesoeasilytoheruntilshegoesontoexplainthatitisin
“thenegotiation”whereonereallyshowsthattheyknowandunderstand
someoneintheircurrentsituationandcircumstances,andsoare“beingfair”.
Youhavetonegotiatethetermsoftheloan.It’snotlike
goingtoabankeither.Italldependsonlettingtheother
personknowyoursituation.It’saboutbeingfair.Beingfair
isaboutunderstandingthatpeopleareinhardtimesright
now.Andwhateversituationthey’rein,youjustknowit’s
complicated.They’lltellyouwhatthemoney’sfor,but
reallyit’saboutjust,youknow,understandingthatthe
otherpersonisstuck–thatthey’reagoodperson,but
they’rejuststuck.You’renevergoingtoknowallthe
detailsofwhat’sgoinginoroutoftheirbankaccounts.
Theytellyouwhatit’sforsoyoucanputyourselfintheir
shoes.Youknow?Youcanseewherethey’recomingfrom.
Butthentheycanshowthatthey’regoodforit.It’sjust
whatwedo.
Aprilisexpressingthesignificanceoftherecognitionthatapersonis
“goodforit”,thattheycanbetrusted.Butinordertoreachthispoint,thereisthe
necessaryprocessofallowingtheborrowerandlenderto“putthemselvesinthe
otherperson’sshoes”,toexpressthisintersubjectiveawarenessthateachare
mutuallyengagingontheirowntermsandwiththeirownattendancestoand
interpretationsofthatintersubjectivity.Whatisatissuehereisasocial
arrangementthatsafeguardsa“kindofmoralspacethatlocatesindividuals
beyondanyexistingrelationandidentitysuchthattheymightbefreetofulfill
theircapacitiesforself-creation,to‘comeintotheirown’”(Rapport,2014,p.56).
Borrowerandlendermayhavesimilarfinancialcircumstancesincludingthe
sanctioningoftheirbenefits,buteachpersonwilldealtheircircumstances
differently.Thatdiversityofself-managementinfinancialprecarityisrecognized
18
andappreciatedinthenegotiation.“Beingfair”isrecognizingtheotheras
worthyofaloanthatcouldpotentiallyputthelenderinproblematicsituationsif
unpaid.Beingfairinthenegotiationisaboutmakingexplicitone’scircumstances
sothattheotherpersoncanrecognizethosecircumstancesnotas
insurmountablebutratherexperiencesthatcanbeovercome,thereby
expressingtherecognitionoftheworthyselfintheirowncomplex
circumstances.
To“befair”istoexpressacomparisonbetween,andthenecessitytotake
intoaccountanotherperson’ssubjectivity–theircircumstances,experiences,
personalhistories,andtheirintentionsininteractionandforthefuture(Smith,
2012).Evenifthereisalackofagreementonanissuebetweenneighbours,to
“befair”involvesbeingwillingtoappreciatethecomplexitiesofanotherperson’s
lifeandthereforetheirstandpointinanygivenmoment.Fairnessinvolves
makingaconnectionbetweencircumstancesandhowonethinksandit
expressesthosethoughtsininteraction.Theexpressionandrecognitionofthe
viableselfwhocanself-manageandisputtothetestastheyborrowmoney
makesmanifestafairpersoninbothborrowerandlender.
“Beingfair”inthecontextofthenegotiationmaybeseenasaparticular
responseofoppositiontothenecessarystrippingawayofone’spersonal
complexitiesandcircumstancesinthecontextoftheJobCentre,andthatis
experiencedincategorythinkingabout“thepoor”benefitsrecipient.Evenmore
significantisthewayinwhichre-introducingandrecognizingthecomplexities
ofthepersonallivesofpeoplewhoexperienceattimesoverwhelmingpoverty
servesanimportantmoralpurpose.WecanseeinBerniceandApril’s
explanationsakindoftheoreticalframeworkforunderstandingandthinking
throughtheworthyselfandtheexpressionofthe“fairperson”.Withinthespace
ofthenegotiationisanefforttoputintomoraltermswhatisotherwise
problematicandriskywhendealingwiththestate:theexpressionand
recognitionofthecomplex,worthy,capableandviableself,despitetheir
circumstances.Asanewmoraleconomyofpersonhood,theexpressionand
19
recognitionoftheselfservestoconnecttheselftosocietyandsocietytotheself
onone’sownterms.
Theprocessofmakingexplicitone’scircumstanceiscrucial,asitallows
forrecognition.Itisaprocessofself-externalisationakintowhatLisette
Josephides(2008)hasdiscussedas“elicitation”,howpeoplepragmatically
createtheirselvesandtheirworldsintheactofmakingexplicitparticular
culturalformsofrelating–here,innegotiatingtheborrowingandlendingof
money.Sheexplainsthattheelicitation“denotesthecontestabilityand
negotiabilityofmeaningsandintentions”(2008,p.xix).Inthecontextofthe
negotiation,theelicitationrevealstheexistentialcontextofthelivesofthe
borrowerandlender,andwhathasleduptothatmomentofaskingtoborrow
somemoney.Theelicitationthatisnecessaryinthenegotiationallowsfor
recognitionofpotentialrisk,butalsoneedandthetrustworthinessandself-
managementoftheother.Thelendingofmoneyisladenwiththepowerto
regulateandchangearelationshipdependingonhowtheloanishandled.The
self-managing,worthyrecipient,whohenceforthhastheopportunitytoliveup
tothatrecognizedexpressionexistswithinanewmoraleconomyofpersonhood.
Conclusion
Thischapterhasdemonstratedhowananthropologyofpersonhood
contributesaddedinsightintothesociologyofadvancedliberalism.Ithas
exploredthepoweroftherelationshipenmeshedwiththecirculationofmoney
andthecentralityofmakingpersonsvaluableagaininsocialandindividual
terms.Inthepost-welfarelandscapeofHarpurhey,theresponsibilizedcitizens
inthissmallcul-de-sacarewellawareofwhatitmeansto“bepoor”intheeyes
ofthestate.Aspeopledealwiththenecessityandhumiliationofperforming
povertyinthecontextoftheJobCentre,theystrivetostripawaythe
complexitiesoftheireverydaylivesandsubjectivitiesinordertomaintainthe
incomeofbenefits.Itisadeliberateandwell-versedperformance;oneinwhich
theyarebothdependentandcompliant.However,whenresidentsinthiscul-de-
sacreturnhome,theypursueapracticeofinclusionintoasafetynetbasedon
domestic,livedproximity.Re-introducingintosocialrelationsthecomplexities
20
ofthepersonallivesofpeoplewhoexperienceattimesoverwhelmingpoverty
servesanimportantmoralpurpose.Asneighboursborrowandlendmoneyona
regularbasis,theymakeexplicitthecomplexitiesandcomplicationsofeveryday
lifeastheyfacethem.Inthespaceofnegotiatingthetermsofaloan,akindof
theoreticalframeworkforunderstandingandthinkingthroughtheworthyself
andtheexpressionofthe“fairperson”ismaintained.Thenegotiationisaneffort
toputintomoraltermswhatisotherwiseproblematicandriskywhendealing
withthestate:theexpressionandrecognitionofthecomplex,worthy,capable
andviableself.Asanewmoraleconomyofpersonhood,themakingexplicitof
circumstancesandsubjectivitiesallowsfortheexpressionandrecognitionofthe
worthyselfwhomanagestheirowncircumstancesandissociallyvaluedassuch.
Thereisarisk,however,ofassumingaharmoniousnetworkofsupportin
thiscul-de-sacwherebylocalresidentscometogetherandlivecooperativelyin
thefaceofausteritymeasures,precarityandstimatisationinBritaintoday.
Unsurprisinglythisisnotalwaysthecase.Conflictsandunfairnesspersistinand
beyondthecul-de-sac.Therearefamilyconflicts,argumentsbetween
neighbours,unresolvedtensionswithinandbetweenhouseholds(Smith,
forthcoming).However,whenwelookatthelocalsignificanceplacedon
sustainingasafetynet,onthehumiliationexperiencedregularlybypeoplewho
needstatesupporttomakeendsmeetforthemselvesandtheirfamilies,andon
theprioritizationof“beingfair”andtheexpressionandrecognitionofthe
worthyselfinnegotiatingthetermsofaloan,wecanseeinanewlightwhatis
beingrespondedtoandfoughtforinthefaceofstigmaandprecarity.Despitethe
requirementtoperformthe“poorperson”,andexperiencinganever-increasing
threatofpovertyanddestitution,weseeworthyselves,fairpersons,andthe
creationofanalternativespaceinwhichsocialandpersonalworthcanbe
expressedandrecognized.
Beyondasenseofcollectiveresponsibilityforthewell-beingofothersin
thecul-de-sac,whatneighboursmaintainisaspaceofhopeinapost-welfare
landscape.Astheyborrowandlendmoney,itisinandthroughthenegotiation
thattheyregainasenseofautonomyinthefaceofanoverwhelming
21
bureaucraticencroachmentontheirlives,asenseofsocialandindividualworth,
andtherecognitionofthatselfworthframedinthelocaldiscourseof“beingfair”
anda“fairperson”–adiscoursethatisdeliberatelyplacedoutsideofdiscourses
ofthestateandbureaucracy.“Beingfair”intheexchangeofmoneyisasmuch
abouttheindividualsubjectregainingasenseofautonomyandsocialand
personalworthasitisaboutthesocialrelationsthatrecognizeit.Itbeginsby
“knowingwhoyoucangoto,howmuchyoucanhelpthemandhowmuchother
peoplecanhelpyou”.Anditismaintainedbybeingfair,assertingthevalueofthe
personandrecognizing,asIsooftenhaveheardresidentsinthecul-de-sac
explain,that“youdon’townmoney,you’rejusttheonewho’sholdingit”.
UniversityofManchester 16January2017
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iAJobCentreisanemploymentagencyandsocialsecurityoffice,aftermergingwiththeUKBenefitsAgencyin2002(nowcalledJobCentrePlus).JobCentrescanbefoundinmostcitiesthroughouttheUnitedKingdom.WhileJobCentresdonotcommunicatedirectlywithcentralgovernment,butratherwithlocalcouncils,theyarefundedbycentralgovernmentandprovideservicesdirectlysetoutandprovidedbytheDepartmentforWorkandPensions.ii“PeopleLikeUs”wasaBBC3DocumentarySeriesthatfilmedlocalresidentsinHarpurheyandtelevisedthebehavioursandsituationsofaselectfewlocalresidentstorepresentwhatlifeislikeonbenefitsintheUK.ThedocumentaryairedfromJanuarytoJune,2013andreceivedcontemptuouscriticismfromlocalresidentsthroughoutHarpurheyforwhattheyperceivedasthegrossportrayalofHarpurheyanditsresidents.Asaresult,theBBCcrewdecidednottoreturntoHarpurheyforafollow-upseries.Formoreinformationabouttheprogramme,see:www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p0100b56(Accessed23May,2016).WordCount:8,480