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ALTERNATIVES TO GLOBALISATION Issue 85 June 2014

In thIs edItIon• Determining

the Future Now: The platinum workers’ strike Shawn Hattingh

• Mass murder of mineworkers in Turkey Mthethu Xhali

• South Africa stands in solidarity with the striking mineworkers Christelle Terreblanche

• Boko Haram: Imperialism tries to manipulate our outrage Christelle Terreblanche

• My Organisation: ‘People’s Assembly’-Towards a united movement for social struggles

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DETERmINING ThE fuTuRE NOw: ThE pLATINum wORkERS’ STRIkE

The platinum strike, which began in January, has become a showdown between bosses, the media and the state on one side, and platinum mineworkers on the other. It has the potential to significantly reshape the system of mining and – more widely – the system of capitalism in South Africa.

This has not escaped capitalists, top state officials and ANC politicians (the ruling class) who have been doing everything to break the strike. Over four months into South Africa’s longest mining strike yet, the outcome and its political ramifications remained in the balance. Who wins the upper hand could determine the prospects of working class struggle and wage relations profoundly in the foreseeable future.

A RICh seCtoR One reason why the stakes are so high in the platinum strike is due to the significance of platinum. Over the last twenty years the industry has expanded massively and has surpassed gold as the most important productive sector.

The big three platinum companies in South Africa between them control a very large part of the global platinum industry. Indeed, 87% of the world’s

platinum reserves are in South Africa and the bulk of these are under the control of AngloPlats (80%), Lonmin, and Impala. This means that these companies have the ability to influence the global platinum price and through this could shape South Africa’s economic outlook for decades to come.

A Key In BeeThe strategic importance of the platinum industry has contributed to the ANC-led state’s decision to make the sector a priority for black economic empowerment (BEE). This focus, along with its exponential growth, has meant that platinum has become one of the few sectors where BEE has been substantial. As such, it has been around platinum that key black capitalists like Patrice Motsepe, Cyril Ramaphosa, Valli Moosa and Bridgette Radebe ascended, critically with government backing. Through this, a section of the black elite centred on platinum have joined white capitalists in the ruling class and for the ANC, therefore, it holds a key to its goal of building a black capitalist class.

the stRIKe And the RULInG CLAssThis class formation means that white and black capitalists in the platinum

sector, along with top ANC officials, have an interest in keeping wages on the platinum belt as low as possible and smashing the strike. As under apartheid, the super profits raked in by platinum companies – now also benefiting new BEE capitalists – continuous to depend on extremely low wages for workers, particular black workers.

The strike is a major threat to these super profits. If workers do win the demand of a basic salary of R12 500 (to be implemented over four years), the system that defines mining and more widely capitalism in South Africa – low paid black workers enabling huge profits – would finally be under attack. The mining houses and their BEE partners don’t want this to happen.

They have, in fact, done everything in their power not to meet the demands of workers. To begin with, platinum companies’ stockpiled reserves in the build-up to the strike, demonstrating from the beginning that they did not really want to consider the workers’ demands. Under pressure from the long strike, however, cracks have started to show and the bosses have begun to shift slightly. But they are still trying to hold out for the best possible

1WoRKeRs WoRLd neWs No. 85 June 2014

Photo: biznews.com

INTERNATIONAL

Close ties between Turkey’s premier

coalmining company and its governing

party is being fingered for the cost-

cutting, profiteering and neglect that

appears to have resulted in the loss

of 301 mineworker’s lives. Much like

the typical excuse for South Africa’s

underground mining deaths and the

carnage at Marikana, the Turkish company and government declared the tragedy “an unfortunate accident”, but protesters are insisting it was “mass murder”.

“As long as a mine is expected to generate a profit of its own, as long as private owners of mines are only after returns, such accidents will happen.”

In May 2014, an explosion of an electric

transformer at a coalmine operated by

Soma Komur Isletmeleri A.S (Soma

Coal Company) in Turkey caused an

underground fire that burned for three

days. Of the 787 workers underground

at the time, 301 mineworkers were

declared dead after the completion of

a rescue mission, while 486 survived.

Once a state owned company, Soma Coal

was privatised in 2005 by the ruling

Justice and Development Party (AKP or

Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi) government,

a champion of the private sector. Now

mineworkers and many Turks hold the

company and government responsible for

putting profits before lives.

UnfoRtUnAte ACCIdent?Mine boss, Alp Gurkan, declared that the explosion was an unfortunate tragic accident and promised to investigate the cause of the explosion. He claimed that

his company is “a first-class workplace” that adheres to safety standards and denied any negligence. To assure the public of their safety measures the mine claims the company spends much of its income on improving safety conditions to avoid accidents.

The AKP government’s initial response echoed the “unfortunate accident” mantra. Turkish Prime Minister, Recep Erdogan, flagrantly added: “there are risks in the mines and accidents happen”. He insisted that regular inspections were conducted and no problems were found up until the last visit in March 2014. An investigation was conducted and 25 company employees were subsequently arrested, while five officials including the operational manager face charges of negligence.

The government declared three days of national mourning and flags flew half-mast. Yet, it was quick to suppress demonstrations that erupted across Turkey in response to what protestors characterised as the “murder” of coalminers. Police used teargas, plastic bullets and water cannons to disperse crowds. Those who travelled to the mining town to pledge solidarity were evacuated from the site by security forces.

Root CAUse?Mineworkers were joined by many Turks in rejecting the AKP government and mining company’s response. The root cause of recurring coal mining accidents is the drive for profit, they say. Private companies are cutting costs by relaxing safety procedures, lowering standards of training, while increasing the use of subcontractors and cheaper locally-produced equipment. Soma Coal’s CEO once boasted that before his company took over the mine from government, coal used to cost $130 to $140 per ton, but under its management plummeted to $23.80. Many Turkish people believe that the company’s cost-cutting measures had sacrificed safety and that this is what really lies behind the massive death toll.

Turks also blame the close ties between Soma Coal and the ruling party. The

mASS muRDER Of mINEwORkERS IN TuRkEy

2 WoRKeRs WoRLd neWs No. 85 June 2014

Photo: www.dawn.com

Photo: Dehlidailynews.com

Mineworkers striking over the carnage at Soma coalmine clash with security forces during a march.

Mass graves for mineworkers as unions allege “mass murder”.

wife of a top Soma director is an AKP politician in the provincial parliament. The company provided charity coal bags that were distributed by the AKP to the poor to win votes during the last local elections. Many believe the Soma-AKP ties contribute to safety compromises. For example, workers at Soma Coal allege that government inspections are announced weeks in advance, allowing the company to cover up. Company preparations for inspections involve cleaning, hiding of faulty machines and temporary closure of dangerous shafts, while workers are ordered to tell inspectors that everything is fine. Many oblige for fear of losing their jobs.

The AKP government has been criticised for ignoring a 2010 report by the Turkish

Chamber of Architects and Engineers that warned of major safety weaknesses at Soma mines. It came with a warning that production should be seized until thorough research is completed.

PRotests And demAndsThousands of people across Turkey expressed their anger against the government and the company through demonstrations and vigils. One large banner read “It was not an accident, it was murder”. Major union federations called a one-day general strike to express their anger and pledge solidarity with coalminers. Support for the strike came from people across the country, way beyond union membership.

Protestors are demanding an independent investigation as well as financial support and other assistance to the survivors and their families. They also want prosecution on the basis of “mass murder” and those found guilty of cutting corners on safety, to be jailed. Significantly, they demand a reversal of privatisation through the nationalisation of the mines. As Tamer Kucukgencay, chairperson of the regional miners’ union argues: “As long as a mine is expected to generate a profit of its own, as long as private owners of mines are only after returns, such accidents will happen.”

Whether these calls and demands are realised will depend on the mass struggles waged by the Turkish people.

Continued from page 1...determining the future now: the platinum workers’ strike

deal for themselves, which would see workers still earning far less than the R12 500 basic salary they are demanding.

So while the bosses are claiming they are making concessions, in practice they are still offering a pittance: an R800 per month increase on the entry level basic salary of R5 000 to R6 000 a month. Claiming that this offer would amount to providing a R12 500 package deal – including all benefits – by 2017 (as opposed to the workers’ demand of a R12 500 minimum basic salary) amounts to playing games, one of various underhand tactics the platinum barons are using to smash the strike. This has included irregularly sending messages directly to workers calling on them to return to work. Along with this, workers were threatened that if they failed to do so retrenchments would follow. These threats were ignored by the vast majority of workers. On the 20th of May, Lonmin nevertheless fired 235 workers for not reporting to work.

The bosses, along with organisations such as the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), have also promoted scabbing. This has increased tensions amongst workers and fueled violence. To break the strike, some companies have gone as far as attempting to stop organisations, like Gift of the Givers, from providing much-needed food to striking workers and their families.

the stAte’s RoLeDuring the strike the state has shown how it is controlled by, and operates as

an instrument of, the capitalist class. From the outset, the state collaborated with the mining houses. Thousands of police have been deployed across the platinum belt along with, at times, the military. Police have also been harassing and arresting workers to try and break the strike, and they have even been escorting scabs to work. In fact, the state - aided by mainstream media - has tried to demonise the striking workers, something that underlines the significance of the strike.

hoLdInG stRonGWorkers, however, have resisted this blitz by the state, mining houses and media. Massive rallies and marches have been held regularly and workers remain steadfast in their demands. This is highly significant because if the workers can make gains it may well begin to undermine the apartheid-style wages still characterising the industry. A victory could embolden workers in other sectors to challenge the appalling wages of South African workers. Building momentum across sectors may even - in the long run - see the working class mounting a challenge to capitalism and the state. Conversely, if the strike is broken, a period of hard times would face workers across the economy, as other capitalists will possibly copy the tactics that were used by the mining houses during this strike. Indeed, the platinum strike appears to be a historical moment that could define class struggle going forward.

SOuTH AFRICA’S SeveN HIGHeST PAID CeO’S eARNeD 300 TIMeS AN AveRAGe SOuTH

AFRICAN’S WAGe IN 2013

A NeW RePORT SAyS SA HAS AMONG WIDeST PAy GAPS

BeTWeeN TOP MANAGeMeNT AND WORkeRS – THe 5TH HIGHeST IN THe WORLD,

ACCORDING TO A MeRGeNCe INveSTMeNT MANAGeRS

STuDy.

shoPRIte Ceo

X725THe WAGe OF LOWeR PAID

WORkeRS

AnGLoPLAts Ceo

X257R17.6 mILLIon

THe WAGe OF LOWeR PAID WORkeRS

AqUARIUs PLAtInUm & AnGLo AmeRICAn Ceo’s

X200THe WAGe OF LOWeR

PAID WORkeRS

3WoRKeRs WoRLd neWs No. 85 June 2014

SOLIDARITY

Farmworkers, themselves under pressure from low

wages and unfair dismissals, have been contributing

as little as fifty cents a person as a gesture of

solidarity.

Self-solidarity among mineworkers and their extended

families has been an important pillar of support to

sustain the strike which has the potential to change

the balance of forces that shaped the exploitative

system of mining over the last century.

People have held solidarity events across the country

– in Johannesburg, Cape Town and Durban. Cash

and food has been donated by, amongst others,

members of the National Union of Metalworkers of SA

(NUMSA), which earlier gave R350 000 to support

families of those slain at Marikana. In Cape Town

activists picketed in support of the strikers’ demand

for a minimum wage of R12 500 per month.

Solidarity board messages by supporters of the platinum workers’ strike in Johannesburg.

As 70 000 platinum mineworkers stood firm against

the mining bosses, the state and strike breakers for

over four months, South Africa’s longest mining strike

is a source of inspiration for activists all over the

world. But despite their courage, without any income,

thousands of workers are on the brink of starvation.

Groups and individuals from across South Africa –

and the world - have chipped in what they have

to assist the starving workers and their families.

SOuTh AfRIcA STANDS IN SOLIDARITy wITh ThE STRIkING mINEwORkERS

WoRKeRs WoRLd neWs No. 85 June 20144

Picket in support of strikers in Cape Town

SOLIDARITYInternational charity, Gift of the Givers, donated food

parcels, hot meals and other necessities to thousands

of families affected by the strike in the Rustenburg

area where many have had to sell all their

possessions to pay for school fees and essentials.

Even some top clergy and academics have

pledged support to the platinum workers where

hardship is likely to persist long after the strike

has ended.

On the other hand strike breakers like National Union

of Mineworkers (NUM) general secretary, Frans

Baleni, accused the charity of selectively providing

assistance to strikers’ families from the Association

of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU)

that initiated the strike. NUM has been urging its

members to return to work and claim they are being

deterred by violence and intimidation.

WoRKeRs WoRLd neWs No. 85 June 2014 5

Picket in support of strikers in Cape Town Solidarity concert in Cape Town

Thousands queue for Gift of the Givers food parcels at an Angloplats mine near Rustenburg.

Strike march in Johannesburg, addressed by Amcu president Joseph Mathunjwa

Johannesburg solidarity jazz concert

Photo: Yazeed Kamaldien Photo: Thuli Gamedze

Photo: Raj Naran

Photos: Media24

Photo: dailymaverick.co.za

Feminists have cause to pause before celebrating the global outpouring of concern over the 200-plus Nigerian girls abducted by Boko Haram. The outrage may be a sign of heightened consciousness over the plight of the girl child, but also confirms a trend that spells something more menacing for Africa, especially women.

#Bringbackourgirls – a message from concerned mothers that went viral – became the convenient excuse the uS had been hoping for to gain a foothold in Nigeria, now Africa’s largest economy. The uS deployment of drones and counterinsurgency training for Nigerian battalions in aid of “our girls” means sneaking in imperialism by the backdoor. Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan has welcomed the intervention before declaring “total war” against Boko Haram, which loosely translates as ‘Western education is forbidden’.

Women’s oPPRessIon As JUstIfICAtIon foR ImPeRIAL InvAsIonConsider the trend: In the post 9/11

fervour to invade Afghanistan, one of

America’s top five justifications was

“the plight of Afghan women” in the

destabilised region. While Mujahedeen

and Taliban ruled women certainly faced

extreme discrimination, the “intervention”

has changed little. The war has yet to

end and over 50 000 civilians died.

More than a decade after the US-

NATO “intervention” Human Rights

Watch is unequivocal that women in

Afghanistan are worse off in every way,

with 87% having experienced gender-

based violence such as rape during the

occupation. About 76% of Afghanistan’s

population has been displaced, most

of them women, accompanied by loss

of relatives and income and many still

living under conditions of enemy control,

according to the International Red Cross

Society.

In 2008, the US was fruitlessly knocking

on African doors to host its new African

Command (AfriCom) headquarters.

Rebuffed by nearly all – Nigeria and

South Africa specifically - it had to set

up shop in Stuttgart, Germany. But just

six years later AfriCom – marketed by the

USA as a “stabilising and peacekeeping

force” - has a physical footprint in 49

of Africa’s 54 nations. The permanent

presence of US Special Forces in many

of these – South Sudan, Rwanda,

Uganda, the Central African Republic

and Democratic Republic of Congo – was

claimed by politicians as warranted on

“humanitarian” grounds.

One quarter of mineral resources

consumed by the US originates from

Africa and there’s no indication the thirst

for oil will be slaked soon. A key prize in

the net of command centres is Nigeria.

Nigeria is Africa’s top oil producer and

is strategically-positioned in the Gulf

of Guinea, where new oilfields have

lured billion dollar investments, but are

threatened by growing piracy attacks.

As the US propaganda mill gained

momentum around the abductions, Boko

Haram’s status as a regional militant

Islamist group catapulted overnight from

barely a mention in the US media to

something of a serious global Al Qaeda-

like threat.

eXtRemIsm ABetted By stAte vIoLenCeYes, there is no dispute that the twelve

year old Boko Haram movement - a

network of militant groups - had been

implicated in heinous atrocities: mass

killings and the burning and bombing

of churches, newspaper offices and

schools. The re-introduction of Sharia

law in North Eastern Nigerian states

(by their governments) was a setback

for women and gay people with flogging

a common “punishment”. But Boko

Haram’s swift rise and increasingly

violent tactics and ideology have also

been fuelled by a spiral of violence set

in motion by poverty, unemployment,

neglect of minority ethnic and religious

groups by the Christian-dominated

central government – and abetted by the

state’s increasingly brutal clampdown on

Muslims. Disempowered jobless youths

are joining in droves for the group’s

ideological brand of “hyper-masculine”

combatants arraigned against Western

values.

The state publicly executed Boko

Haram’s founding leader in 2009,

sparking an increase in militancy. The

escalating conflict has claimed around Gender issues

BOkO hARAm: Imperialism Tries to manipulate Our Outrage

Photo: Mashable.com

WoRKeRs WoRLd neWs No. 85 June 20146

Nigerians demand the return of their abducted daughters.

Photo: Yazeed Kamaldien.

South Africans protest against the abduction of Christian girls in Nigeria by Boko Haram.

My orga

nisation

The formation of a national umbrella movement to unite all community struggles was endorsed by 29 social movements as well as community and resident organisations at a “people’s assembly” in Johannesburg.

The assembly resolved that a platform for our movement should be built by first outlining a programme of action and principles, which the constituent organisations will discuss with their members. The meeting was initiated and convened by the Metsimaholo Concerned Residents (Zamdela), Greater Westonaria Concerned Residents Association (GWCRA-Bekkersdal) and the Orange Farm Water Crisis Committee. These three organisations have already put forward draft programmes of action under the banner:

Nothing About us Without us!

Among the core concerns that bind together our organisations are neoliberal local governance, the non-delivery of public services as well as politicians’ general lack of responsiveness to people’s basic social needs, such as housing, health, education and land. Nepotism, cronyism, unemployment and financial mismanagement are also drivers in widespread disaffection with the current governance system. These are the same problems that have seen a rising tide of protests across South Africa in the last decade.

“The claim of ‘government of the people, by the people, and for the people’ seems to have lost its meaning due to politicians clamoring for self-enrichment and self-aggrandisement”, said Sasolburg’s Metsimaholo Concerned Residents’ chairman, Lucky Malebo. “Councilors and mayors, MEC’s and premiers, MPs, ministers in government right up to the President, and other political appointees and administrative personnel as deployed by their respective parties, have vividly shown themselves to be accountable to their different political parties, and pushing their parties’ mandate, at the expense of the masses!”

GWCRA-Bekkersdal emphasises that the general trend towards inequality has impacted “hugely” on poor communities, especially in the way services are delivered. A community-led study in four West-Rand municipalities has not only showed up alleged corruption (under investigation by the Auditor-

General), but supports other studies that there is a lack of capacity in local government to implement services within available budgets. Nor is there sufficient support for community organisations to understand how they can participate in creating sustainable municipalities and to improve service delivery.

Accordingly, a proposal for “self-governance” and a “service delivery action plan” would be under consideration at follow-up meetings. Further suggestions from organisations – to be debated - include contesting the 2016 local government elections.

“So the government has acknowledged all these problems. In the light of this, what has been its solution? The turnaround strategy is not helping at all”, explains GWCRA-Bekkersdal’s chairman Wonder Modise. “Our solution is simple: communities and concerned residents’ groups should stand up in preparation for the 2016 elections and educate people about local politics and government. We no longer need political parties to run municipalities. We need to contest local elections as independent concerned groups and take over issues of service delivery. We are the voters of political parties, so we have the power, not political parties. Therefore there is a need for all concerned groups to unite in action.”

Also under discussion is how to respond to the National Union of Metalworkers of SA (NUMSA’s) proposal for a United Front (UF). Many participants argue that social movements should take the lead in the UF’s formation: “Members of all organisations, be it political, labour or otherwise, are actually first members of the community at birth, by default, before they are members of any organisation. We should also remember that trade unions are also part of this capitalism and neoliberalism that so bedevils our communities! Trade unions are just registered logos, like all political parties, and their memberships are drawn from the communities.

“NUMSA is part of the community, and NOT the community”.

12 000 lives on both sides. Amnesty

International and Human Rights

Watch notably warned in 2013 of a

disconcerting trend of extra-judicial

killings and disappearances. They

were referring to a rising incidence of

random detention of Boko Haram family

members and suspected associates,

and even innocent young Muslim men,

by state forces. They are jailed, often

without trial, with deaths in custody

just last year as high as 1500. None

of this was reported on America’s three

large cable networks. A recent study

(by Jacob Zenn and Elizabeth Pearson)

indicates that the state policy of

imprisonment of Boko Haram spouses,

who are mostly not involved in the

insurrection, precipitated the reprisal

tactic of abducting Christian girls.

the LeGACy of CoLonIALIsm sPURs neoCoLonIALIsmAlthough Nigeria is Africa’s most

populous country and rich in resources,

the nation is divided along tribal and

religious lines, a legacy of the 1885

Berlin Conference where colonial

powers haphazardly sliced up the

continent. The Muslim-dominated

northwest is among the regions that

suffer relative poverty and its struggles

for greater autonomy is matched by

other resistance groups, especially

in the southern oil-rich Niger Delta

where abduction of foreign oil workers

continues despite several amnesties.

Last year over 3,600 kidnappings were

reported countrywide.

Unlike Nigeria’s political elite, locals

have not benefited from the super-

exploitation by multinationals like

Chevron, BP and Shell, but are

subjected to gross levels of poverty

and toxic waste. In 1995, the state’s

execution of activist Ken Saro-Wiwa

and eight others – for non-violent

resistance against Shell - sparked global

condemnation. Yet until now the rising

tide of extra-judicial killings in the

northeast has gone largely unnoticed.

A “total war” may bring back “our”

abducted girls, but millions of Nigerian

women will be left more vulnerable than

before. Women’s oppression has simply

become the latest expedient justification

for imperial dispossession.

people’s Assembly - Towards a united movement for social struggles

WoRKeRs WoRLd neWs No. 85 June 2014 7

Photo: Yazeed Kamaldien.

EVENTS AND FORUMS

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Every month ILRIG hosts a public forum to create the space for activist from the labour and social movements as well as other interested individuals to debate current issues.

ALL PUBLIC foRUms ARe heLd eveRy LAst thURsdAy nIGht of the month At CommUnIty hoUse,

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WWN has been revamped into a new format that from next month will bring

you more international, local and educational content as well as create space for poems and movie reviews.

We have a vision of increasingly hearing your voices in future editions, not only in our monthly newspapers, but also on Facebook: ILRIGSA and Twitter: #ILRIGSA. We will continue to host a My Organisation page, and you are most welcome to write to us about your organisation, social movement or current campaigns.

We will also feature a regular Educational Series on topical questions facing our movements. We hope this series will develop into a resource for activists. This series will help us to develop our knowledge about important questions, concepts and experiences whilst building our organisations and consciousness. This series starts in the July edition with a series on the United Front – its meaning, debates and history.

We would also like your feedback on the new series. Please feel free to make suggestions.

The significance of the platinum workers’ strike Thursday 26 June

• John Appolis (GIWUSA) • Brian Ashley (AIDC) • Ighsaan Schroeder (CWAO)

South Africa’s hidden history, the lives and struggles of migrant workers, has sparked a series of artistic ventures since Marikana exposed just how little has changed since the early gold rush – amongst others the multi-award winning documentary by Rehad Desai, “Mineworkers Shot Down”.

The latest is an exhibition at the Wits Art Museum called Ngezinyawo - Migrant

Journeys. It is an exploration of the

human face behind nearly two centuries

of Ukuhamba Ngezinyawo (‘to go on foot’

or ‘walking’) – the act of submitting to

the exploitative system on which South

Africa’s mineral wealth is built. Curated

by Fiona Rankin-Smith, in collaboration

with Wits historian Peter Delius and

researcher Laura Phillips, it brings

together artefacts, photographs, artworks,

performances and archival material to depict the violence and deprivation – as well as the humanity - that marks the lives of migrant workers. A book entitled, A long way home: Migrant Worker Worlds 1800 – 2014, will be published to accompany the exhibition and includes essays by leading local and international academics.

8 WoRKeRs WoRLd neWs No. 85 June 2014