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Word-edge tones in Catalan
Pilar PrietoICREA and UAB
2004 TIE Workshop
Santorini, 9-11 September 2004
L consistently anchored with onset of accented syllable H generally displaced to the postaccented syllable (Prieto
1995 and Estebas-Vilaplana 2000, 2003).
Catalan prenuclear rising accents
Broad focus statements:
Volen una nena La Marina vol demanar-l’hi‘They want a girl’ ‘Mary wants to ask him’
Factors affecting H location Right-hand prosodic context (peaks are retracted before
upcoming pitch accents; Prieto 2005). Recent experiments show that H strictly aligns with the
end of the word (Estebas-Vilaplana 2000, 2003). Thus, Estebas analyzes rises as sequences of a low pitch
accent (L*) plus a word edge tone (H) anchored at the end of the word.
Yet, other rises place H in the postaccentual syllable. Speech-style differences? Potential presence of H- boundaries?
Goals of the study
To clarify the role of word-edge tones in broad focus declaratives in Catalan
A production experiment examines whether H anchoring to word-edges is produced by speakers to disambiguate sentences.
An identification experiment checks whether H alignment can be a helpful perceptual cue to identify word-boundaries.
Production experiment Materials: 20 pairs of potentially ambiguous utterances
which are only distinguished by word boundary location
Code
Mirà batalles ‘(s)he watched battles’ w-fin
Mirava talles ‘(s)he used to watch carvings’ w-med
Comprà ventalls ‘(s)he bought fans’ w-fin
Compraven talls ‘they bought pieces’ w-med
Buscà vanguàrdies ‘(s)he was looking for newspapers’ w-fin
Buscaven guàrdies ‘they were looking for guards’ w-med
3 speakers read the 20 pairs 4 times (40 x 4 = 160 sentences per speaker, for a total of 480 utterances)
Results Strong correlation between H delay and syllable duration for the 3
speakers (correlation coef. 0,67-0,82) Difference in H delay between two groups: Hs in word-final position
(e.g., comprà ventalls) are less delayed than in word-medial position (e.g., compraven talls)
SPEAKER: AG
Dur Accented Syllable
240220200180160140120100
H D
ELA
Y (
ms)
400
300
200
100
WB
w -fin
w -med
SPEAKER: PG
Dur. Accented Syllable (ms)
240220200180160140120100
H D
ELA
Y (
ms)
400
300
200
100
WB
w f
now f
SPEAKER: PP
Dur. Accented Syllable
300200100
H D
EL
AY
(m
s)
500
400
300
200
100
WB
w -fin
w -med
Effects of within-word position on H location All peaks displaced to the
postaccented syllable Clear effects of within-word
position on H peak placement: peaks less displaced in word-final position (e.g., comprà ventalls).
Differences statistically significant for the 3 speakers (two-tailed t-tests significant at p < 0,0005)
No strict word anchoring effects in w-fin.808080 808080N =
SPEAKER
PPPGAG
H D
ista
nce
En
d-S
yll
140
120
100
80
60
40
WB
w -med
w -fin
No strict anchoring effects found on w-med: peaks are located before the end of the word (-72 ms) if the accented syllable is word-medial and after (48 ms) if it is word-final.
w-med: compraven talls
w-fin: comprà ventalls Differences statistically
significant for the 3 speakers (two-tailed t-tests significant at p < 0,0005).
808080 808080N =
SPEAKER
PPPGAG
H D
ista
nce
Wor
d-B
ound
ary
(ms)
80
60
40
20
0
-20
-40
-60
-80
-100
WB
w -med
w -finw-med
w-fin
Effects of within-word position on duration
Accented syllables in word-final position are slighly longer than syllables in internal position, except for speaker AG.
w-fin: comprà ventallsw-med: compraven talls
Differences are not statistically significant (at p > 0,05) except for one speaker
808080 808080N =
SPEAKER
PPPGAG
Du
ratio
n A
cce
nte
d S
yl (
ms)
220
210
200
190
180
170
160
150
140
WB
w -med
w -fin
Postaccented syllables in word-final position are slighly longer than syllables in word-initial position, except for speaker AG.
Differences are not statistically significant (at p > 0,05) except for one speaker.
No consistent effects of within-word position on duration patterns.
808080 808080N =
SPEAKER
PPPGAG
Dur
atio
n po
stac
cent
ed s
yl (
ms)
170
160
150
140
130
120
WB
w -fin
w -init
Identification experiment Are differences in range and in peak location used by
listeners to perceive differences in word-boundary location? 12 listeners heard 12 ambiguous utterances from the
production experiment (a maximum of 3 times) and had to identify the sentence.
Comprà ventallets de vim Compraven tallets de vim
Nomenaves comtes al matíNomenà vescomtes al matí
Mirà batalles Mirava talles
Results Low rate of identification (between 35 and 66% of correct
responses, depending on sentence). Type A utterances tend to be less easily identified than Type
B utterances (60 vs 40%). Frequency of Correct Identification of Sentences
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
comprà ventalls nomenàvescomtes
mirà batalles mirà batalletespetites
buscàvanguàrdies
Utterance Type
Fre
qu
ency
Type A
Type B
Type A: comprà ventalls
Type B: compraven talls
Why? The hearer identifies more easily Compraven talls (with an H
aligned towards the end of the first word) than Comprà ventalls (with an H less displaced to the right).
The hearer is probably using a more clear H alignment towards the edge of the word as a cue. In the second case, H placement is more ambiguous.
A controlled perception experiment is needed.
Less ambiguous More ambiguous
Conclusions No strict anchoring to word-edges. Clear effects of within-word position on H
location: H peaks are more retracted in word-final accents than in word-medial accents.
No effects of within-word position on duration. H alignment towards word-edges might act as a
helpful perceptual cue in disambiguating tasks.
Effects of within-word position on range Pitch range of the entire accent (and pitch span during
accented vowel) is greater in word-final position than internal position, except for 1 speaker.
808080 808080N =
SPEAKER
PPPGAG
F0
Ra
ng
e A
cce
nte
d V
ow
el (
Hz)
20
10
0
-10
-20
WB
w -med
w -fin808080 808080N =
SPEAKER
PPPGAG
F0
Pitc
h R
ange
(H
z)
70
60
50
40
30
20
WB
w -med
w -fin