Labour in the Medieval Islamic World by Maya ShatzmillerReview by: Lawrence I. ConradInternational Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 31, No. 1 (Feb., 1999), pp. 120-124Published by: Cambridge University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/176342 .

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120 Int. J. Middle East Stud. 31 (1999) 120 Int. J. Middle East Stud. 31 (1999)

this community. Earlier attempts to establish a time, place, and person for these poems have not only been futile but to some extent irrelevant.

Finally, Abbas Amanat in chapter 16 explores yet another syncretistic phenomenon: the Nuqtawi movement of the Safavid period. As late as the 15th century, the religiously hetero- dox environment of Iran spawned many movements (the Safavid among them) which gave vent to messianic expectations. Messianism in Iran was rooted in the Ithna 'Ashari Shici theory of the ghayba (occultation) of the imams, and yet Ithna CAshari doctrine did not pro- vide a time frame for the return of the imam and the satisfaction of messianic expectations. It is not surprising, therefore, that many movements, such as the Nuqtawiyya, had recourse to the cyclical eschatology of Ismacili Shicism, even if the result ultimately put the Nuqtawi movement outside the pale of Islam proper. By the 16th century, the movement drew support from general expectations attending the turn of the Islamic millennium and gained a foothold due to the occasional amnesty they were given by the first Safavids, as well as the support they received at the court of the Mughal emperor Akbar. After the millennium, however, they were viewed as heretics proper and suffered persecution leading to their demise. According to Amanat, their influence lingered and can be detected as late as the 19th century in the Babi movement.

In a work as broad as Medieval Ismacili History and Thought it is difficult to isolate strengths and weaknesses. The collection's only readily apparent weakness is the difficult lan- guage of some chapters, which give it an uneven quality stylistically. While individually the essays in this volume make important contributions to their respective fields, the strength of the collection itself lies in the variety of topics discussed and the diverse methodologies and disciplines reflected. They indicate a thriving and dynamic interest in Isma'ili Shi'ism, and demonstrate the range and depth of this otherwise often neglected branch of Islam. Although the scholarly language and apparatus of most of the essays might be daunting to a general audience, specialists and scholars will find it a valuable reference and resource.

NOTES

1See, for example, this author's doctoral thesis, "From Dacwa to Dawla: Qadi al-Nu'man's Zahiri Con- struction of Fatimid Legitimacy" (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1995).

MAYA SHATZMILLER, Labour in the Medieval Islamic World, Islamic History and Civilization: Studies and Texts, vol. 4 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1994). Pp. 458.

REVIEWED BY LAWRENCE I. CONRAD, Wellcome Institute, London

In 1894, Goldziher published his brief but highly influential study of handicrafts and attitudes toward them in medieval Islamic society.1 Although numerous subsequent studies have car- ried the discussion further, it has only been at the centenary of Goldziher's essay that a com- prehensive study has been dedicated to what is clearly a topic of vital importance.

Maya Shatzmiller's aims are ambitious ones. Her area of research is the entire Islamic world, and her period extends from the 8th century, by which time a coherent literary tradition was beginning to emerge, to the fall of the Mamluk sultanate in the early 16th century. She seeks to investigate a full range of issues pertaining to the history of labor in the medieval Middle East, and in particular to investigate the division and distribution of labor. These re- sults she then applies in an investigation of patterns of continuity and change in the economic history of medieval Islam.

this community. Earlier attempts to establish a time, place, and person for these poems have not only been futile but to some extent irrelevant.

Finally, Abbas Amanat in chapter 16 explores yet another syncretistic phenomenon: the Nuqtawi movement of the Safavid period. As late as the 15th century, the religiously hetero- dox environment of Iran spawned many movements (the Safavid among them) which gave vent to messianic expectations. Messianism in Iran was rooted in the Ithna 'Ashari Shici theory of the ghayba (occultation) of the imams, and yet Ithna CAshari doctrine did not pro- vide a time frame for the return of the imam and the satisfaction of messianic expectations. It is not surprising, therefore, that many movements, such as the Nuqtawiyya, had recourse to the cyclical eschatology of Ismacili Shicism, even if the result ultimately put the Nuqtawi movement outside the pale of Islam proper. By the 16th century, the movement drew support from general expectations attending the turn of the Islamic millennium and gained a foothold due to the occasional amnesty they were given by the first Safavids, as well as the support they received at the court of the Mughal emperor Akbar. After the millennium, however, they were viewed as heretics proper and suffered persecution leading to their demise. According to Amanat, their influence lingered and can be detected as late as the 19th century in the Babi movement.

In a work as broad as Medieval Ismacili History and Thought it is difficult to isolate strengths and weaknesses. The collection's only readily apparent weakness is the difficult lan- guage of some chapters, which give it an uneven quality stylistically. While individually the essays in this volume make important contributions to their respective fields, the strength of the collection itself lies in the variety of topics discussed and the diverse methodologies and disciplines reflected. They indicate a thriving and dynamic interest in Isma'ili Shi'ism, and demonstrate the range and depth of this otherwise often neglected branch of Islam. Although the scholarly language and apparatus of most of the essays might be daunting to a general audience, specialists and scholars will find it a valuable reference and resource.

NOTES

1See, for example, this author's doctoral thesis, "From Dacwa to Dawla: Qadi al-Nu'man's Zahiri Con- struction of Fatimid Legitimacy" (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1995).

MAYA SHATZMILLER, Labour in the Medieval Islamic World, Islamic History and Civilization: Studies and Texts, vol. 4 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1994). Pp. 458.

REVIEWED BY LAWRENCE I. CONRAD, Wellcome Institute, London

In 1894, Goldziher published his brief but highly influential study of handicrafts and attitudes toward them in medieval Islamic society.1 Although numerous subsequent studies have car- ried the discussion further, it has only been at the centenary of Goldziher's essay that a com- prehensive study has been dedicated to what is clearly a topic of vital importance.

Maya Shatzmiller's aims are ambitious ones. Her area of research is the entire Islamic world, and her period extends from the 8th century, by which time a coherent literary tradition was beginning to emerge, to the fall of the Mamluk sultanate in the early 16th century. She seeks to investigate a full range of issues pertaining to the history of labor in the medieval Middle East, and in particular to investigate the division and distribution of labor. These re- sults she then applies in an investigation of patterns of continuity and change in the economic history of medieval Islam.

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.176 on Fri, 9 May 2014 15:44:51 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Book Reviews 121

Arguing that too much emphasis has been placed on long-distance trade, for which, of course, there is rich and ample evidence in such sources as the Cairo Geniza, she proposes that genuine progress in research on labor and economic life will depend on access to "a global picture of the trades and occupations exercised" (p. 4). As no such comprehensive body of terms for occupations and trades was to hand, she first set out to create one. Based on a perusal of a corpus of twenty-five medieval sources and modern studies that provide ready access to significant numbers of occupational terms, she has assembled a total of 2,957 citations of what she considers to be 1,853 "unique occupations" (p. 169). These are classified into "economic sectors" (extractive, manufacturing, service) in chapter 4, and then broken down further to consider such issues as the distribution of the labor force, division of labor, specialization, and occupational structures in an extremely long and detailed account in chapter 5. Further chapters consider such topics as the ethnic division of labor, women's labor, and theoretical dimensions.

The argument of the book is rich, articulate, and extremely wide-ranging. Shatzmiller con- cludes that early Islamic times, from the 8th to the 11th centuries, were characterized by rapid economic growth based on a thriving agricultural production that gradually became more diversified and stimulated urban manufacturing, thus creating new occupational ranges and encouraging division of labor and specialization. The traditional attitude demeaning manual labor still survived but was gradually moderated by more positive attitudes. The stimulus to exchange that all this provided was, however, largely directed into population growth and local market activities, as opposed to large-scale long-distance trade. The 12th to 16th centu- ries marked a period of decline. The service sector expanded dramatically, and there was both a larger labor force and a greater division of labor. But the extractive and manufacturing sec- tors were receding, and this accounts for the general decline in the economic fortunes of the Islamic world through this period. In terms of occupational diversity, this recession can be quantified as about a third compared with the range of occupations attested in the early period (p. 177). Factors of ethnicity often played a role in determining what profession an individual would occupy, and of course gender considerations were important, since labor was strictly divided according to gender and both law and social attitudes played major roles in limiting women's participation.

So the results are on the face of it extremely impressive, and indeed this is a study that marks a significant point of departure for the study of labor and economic life in the medieval Middle East. Shatzmiller's focus on the creation of a corpus of occupational terminology is clearly well considered: it invites comparison with Arabic philology, which is surely better off with dictionaries of Arabic based on what actually occurs in the literary record, as opposed to what medieval lexicographers thought should occur. But important questions need to be raised with respect to the author's use of sources and her interpretation of the data extracted from them. These issues are crucial to any assessment of the book's conclusions, and may best be set forth here as a series of points.

(1) The first problem is that of extremely uneven coverage in geographical terms. Egypt, covered by nine sources, is very well represented, as is Iraq with six. Syria is covered by five, and North Africa and al-Andalus by four each. There is nothing on Arabia, but for this region the author says she found no usable sources (p. 91). More serious, however, is the glaring ab- sence of Iran in the list of occupations; indeed, there is nothing for any of the eastern lands of medieval Islam, with the exception of 9th-century Tabaristan, which is represented only by a short Zaydi hisba treatise providing fifty-one terms (i.e., about 3% of the corpus of occu- pational terms is attested for the lands of the East). The book repeatedly acknowledges the importance of the East to its subject (e.g., pp. 45, 51-52, 178, 184-85, 187, 229, 247, 281), and in view of the importance of these regions in medieval Islamic history, it is difficult to

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122 Int. J. Middle East Stud. 31 (1999)

see how one could regard the book as an analysis of labor in the medieval Islamic world, as opposed to the more limited scope of the Arab lands.

(2) The author mainly proceeds on the assumption that different occupational terms rep- resent different occupations, especially when she is calculating a trade or profession's role and representation in the work force and long-term patterns of change. But at the same time, she concedes that "an occupation" is not the same thing as "an economic activity" (p. 30), and on this point her results can be very misleading. The list of occupational terms contains at least ten words that simply refer to a farmer, for example, and another seven that refer to canal-diggers. There are more than twenty kinds of weavers, and in order to take all these as different occu- pations it would be necessary to assume that, for example, the weavang of eye protectors for animals that turned water-lifting wheels was an "occupation" in the sense that this weaver would ordinarily not have made anything else, or done anything else as a major means of se- curing his livelihood (as seems to be asserted, e.g., on p. 182). In many cases different terms are clearly synonyms for exactly the same things: sayydd al-tuyur/sayyid al-'asafir (hunter of birds), tawwin/tunni (tuna fisherman), mu'addib al-atfiilmu'allim al-atfal/mudarris al-atfal (elementary-school teacher), isbuni/'amil al-sabuin (soapmaker), bi'ic al-raqiqlbayyad' al-raqiq (slave dealer), ihaik al-qattanlkattan (flax weaver). This list could be extended considerably.

(3) It can be shown that many of the terms assumed to be "unique occupations" are either not "unique," in the sense of tasks from which an individual would consistently earn his or her livelihood through the year, or indeed, not occupations at all, but rather indications of the diversity of tasks that various occupations could include. When a peasant (nabat,fallah) tends his fields, he is a zaric, harrith, or hassad; on the occasion when he hires his goat out for breeding, he is a tayyas; if he takes on occasional work for someone else, he is in that capacity a ruzkari.2 A builder (bannad) could be called a haddam when demolishing an old structure, or a mujaddid when repairing one; if he plastered his work, he took on the function of a mulayyit, jammiid, or jassas, and if he painted, he would be a dahhin or dahhiniti. And what of such terms as liss (thief) and tarrdr (charlatan)? These are listed as unskilled service oc- cupations, but it seems problematic to consider them as occupations at all. One suspects, then, that division of labor and specialization was much less than indicated in the list of occupa- tions, and not greater, as argued by the author (e.g., p. 210, but see p. 261, conceding that some terms are not unique occupations). A 10th-century Egyptian papyrus account for construction of a house, for example, lists eleven workers of only three professions: stonecutter, mason, and journeyman,3 and clearly some or all three of these workers would have had to perform tasks beyond these rubrics in order for the house to be built at all. In an illuminating essay in which he criticizes various professional groups (the eleven he names are farriers, physicians, tailors, farmers, bakers, schoolmasters, bathhouse keepers, sweepers, tavern keepers, cooks, and dec- orators) for their narrow expertise and their inability to engage in discussion in any terms other than the specialized vocabulary of their trade, al-Jahiz (d. 868) in fact reveals that these oc- cupations were all rather widely construed. The farmer, for example, is assumed to be some- one who irrigates, plants, fertilizes, and harvests.4 Finally, there is reason to believe that in some cases a professional function was not one from which income was earned. In al-Andalus, for example, some services offered by shaykhs were performed without charge, as acts of piety.5

(4) The extraction of occupational terms from the sources does not fully take into account the fact that these works often reflect biases for or against certain types of professions, or pose problems of other kinds. As Shatzmiller concedes, for example, the fact that the Rasa'il of the Ikhwan al-Safa' offer occupational terms in a discussion of the place and role of labor- ers means that this text displays a bias in favor of manual labor (p. 77). Al-KhuzaCi's Takhrlj al-daladlat ostensibly seeks to show that all contemporary occupations were already known during the time of the Prophet, but while it may be the case that his work accurately reflects the full range of North African occupations in the 14th century, it seems more likely that what

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Book Reviews 123

it really represents is the full range of occupations attested in hadith, insofar as this was known to al-Khuzai. .Hisba treatises figure prominently in the book, and Shatzmiller notes the way that one manual will be followed by another clearly based upon it, but bearing more terms and more detailed regulations; this she sees as evidence of the increasing scope of the trades covered in these texts (pp. 71-75, 83-84, 92-93). But the Syrian and Egyptian texts tend to revolve around the important work of al-Shayzari (d. ca. 1193); the places where they copy him of course do not necessarily reflect the continuity of the professions in question, and where they say something new, the addition may have nothing to do with economic develop- ment but, rather, may simply reflect the author's desire to provide a more complete discussion or display his knowledge of public urban affairs. That is, these texts are often prescriptive rather than descriptive: if they mention a certain "occupation," this may mean only that if the muhtasib encounters such a person, he should check on him in this or that way. Other cases could be attested, but the point to be made here is not that the evidence is unusable, but rather that it is inherently problematic.

(5) The extent to which the list of Islamic occupations is really representative of the labor force of the medieval Middle East is called into further question by the fact that most of the occupations enumerated-perhaps as many as 80 percent to 90 percent-are attested in only a single source, a difficulty compounded when one checks some of the sources. The lists of occupations in Carl Petry's valuable The Civilian Elite of Cairo, for example, provide Shatz- miller with 528 items for her list, more than any other source used in the book.6 But Petry's book covers only the 15th century, and in some cases he has discovered no more than a single attestation of a given profession in all of the close to 5,000 biographies that make up the core of his study. So it needs at least to be asked whether one ought to assume that a single citation of an occupation in a vast corpus for a single century in one Islamic city refers to a specific occupation practiced in "the medieval Islamic world," and more generally, whether such unica meaningfully reflect patterns of economic history.7

(6) The role played in this study by Petry's book on Mamluk Cairo in the 15th century in fact bears special emphasis because it illustrates some of the problems cited earlier. Shatz- miller's conclusion that the service sector dramatically expanded in the later medieval period may rest on nothing more than the extremely broad range of terms attested in Petry's lists of occupations as gleaned from the Mamluk chronicles of the period; as just stated, many of these items are unica. Further, these lists are not objective reflections of the range of professions available in Cairo but, rather, as Petry clearly and pointedly states, are skewed toward the sort of tasks that ulama performed.8 These lists further illustrate the point that many terms describe not occupations but functions that could be routinely exercised along with others. Many in the civilian elite were also teachers, for example, irrespective of what their main occupation was- or rather, irrespective of what their main function of interest to al-Sakhawi or Ibn Taghribirdi was. A kdtib sirr was often also a naizir jaysh or a qadi; a muwaqqic, ndsikh or khatib could also serve as a shahid.

More minor but perhaps still worth mentioning are a few quibbles on the rendering of the occupational terms in the list. The 'amil fi l-hawi'it was an agricultural worker, not a wall builder (a haVdit was a walled garden or grove of palm or fruit trees); dtharl and shaykh al- athar refer to scholars of hadith, not custodians of religious relics; mudarris al-fariaid and mutasaddir al-fari'id were teachers of inheritance law, not professors of religious duties; a muqri' al-hiddya was not a Qur'an reader, but a teacher of the Hidiya, an important Hanafi law book by al-Marghinani (d. 1197); a muqri' al-aytam was, specifically, a teacher of the Qur'an to orphans (probably an ordinary muqri' who from time to time taught orphans as a pious service or under the terms of a special waqf); the muqri' al-musnad was a teacher of the Musnad, the famous collection of hadith by Ahmad ibn Hanbal (d. 855); the muntahl min al-fuqahda was so called because he was an expert.

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124 Int. J. Middle East Stud. 31 (1999) 124 Int. J. Middle East Stud. 31 (1999)

It would thus seem that much in this book will eventually require reconsideration as re- search on the subject proceeds. Most important will be work that clarifies and elaborates on the list of occupational terms. This is the heart of Shatzmiller's work, and as our knowledge of the relevant texts becomes clearer, and more information becomes available from addi- tional sources, it will be possible to make judgments that are more definitive than is possible in the current state of the field.9

That said, however, the fact remains that this book has laid the foundations, indicated the way forward, and set a valuable problematizing agenda for others to follow. One need do no more than glance at a few pages in order to realize how much labor and skill has been devoted to the daunting task of assembling and evaluating a massive and unforgiving corpus of material. Fresh ground-breaking work will invariably attract comment on its bolder aspects, but the queries raised here should be regarded as nothing more than the critical attention that serious work deserves.

NOTES

1Ignaz Goldziher, "Die Handwerke bei den Arabern," Globus 46 (1894): 203-5. 2As Shatzmiller concedes at one point, "Division of labour and specialisation in agriculture is gener-

ally low and unlikely to grow, given the fact that the farmer, with members of his family, or with the help of daily labourers, constitutes a single production unit, responsible for an array of tasks, including plough- ing, planting, harvesting, raising animals, and the production and sale of both raw materials and items manufactured in their cottage industries" (pp. 176-77).

3Adolf Grohmann, Arabic Papyri in the Egyptian Library (Cairo: Egyptian Library Press, 1934-62), VI, 81.

4A1-Jahiz, "Risala fi sinacat al-quwwad," in Rasdail al-Jahiz, ed. CAbd al-Salam Muhammad Harin (Cairo: Maktabat al-Khanji, 1384-99/1964-79), I, 379-93.

5Hussain Mones, "Le r61e des hommes de religion dans l'histoire de l'Espagne musulmane jusqu'a la fin du califat," Studia Islamica 20 (1964): 70.

6Carl E Petry, The Civilian Elite of Cairo in the Later Middle Ages (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Uni- versity Press, 1981), 343-402.

7Cf. ibid., xix, expressing reservations about the statistical validity of the material, since so many items

"appeared irregularly"; and p. 14, on how his materials "provide few evaluative or qualitative statements about many of the items they mention. The great majority of attainments-social, professional, or other- were simply listed without comment, on the assumption of common knowledge among contemporary readers."

8Ibid., 9, 11. 9The comparison with Arabic lexicography is again worth bearing in mind.

MICHAEL FISHBEIN, TRANS., The History of al-Tabarl, vol. 8: The Victory of Islam (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997). Pp. 238. $65.50 cloth, $21.95 paper.

ADRIAN BROCKETT, TRANS., The History of al-Tabari, vol. 16: The Community Divided (Al- bany: State University of New York Press, 1997). Pp. 233. $59.50 cloth, $19.95 paper.

REVIEWED BY DANIEL C. PETERSON, Department of Asian and Near Eastern Languages, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah

Al-Tabari's Ta'rikh al-rusul wa al-mulak is generally recognized as the most significant uni- versal history to emerge out of Islamic civilization. SUNY's effort to translate and publish al- Tabari's chronicle for the first time in English is surely, in its turn, among the most significant projects under way in Western studies of that civilization.

It would thus seem that much in this book will eventually require reconsideration as re- search on the subject proceeds. Most important will be work that clarifies and elaborates on the list of occupational terms. This is the heart of Shatzmiller's work, and as our knowledge of the relevant texts becomes clearer, and more information becomes available from addi- tional sources, it will be possible to make judgments that are more definitive than is possible in the current state of the field.9

That said, however, the fact remains that this book has laid the foundations, indicated the way forward, and set a valuable problematizing agenda for others to follow. One need do no more than glance at a few pages in order to realize how much labor and skill has been devoted to the daunting task of assembling and evaluating a massive and unforgiving corpus of material. Fresh ground-breaking work will invariably attract comment on its bolder aspects, but the queries raised here should be regarded as nothing more than the critical attention that serious work deserves.

NOTES

1Ignaz Goldziher, "Die Handwerke bei den Arabern," Globus 46 (1894): 203-5. 2As Shatzmiller concedes at one point, "Division of labour and specialisation in agriculture is gener-

ally low and unlikely to grow, given the fact that the farmer, with members of his family, or with the help of daily labourers, constitutes a single production unit, responsible for an array of tasks, including plough- ing, planting, harvesting, raising animals, and the production and sale of both raw materials and items manufactured in their cottage industries" (pp. 176-77).

3Adolf Grohmann, Arabic Papyri in the Egyptian Library (Cairo: Egyptian Library Press, 1934-62), VI, 81.

4A1-Jahiz, "Risala fi sinacat al-quwwad," in Rasdail al-Jahiz, ed. CAbd al-Salam Muhammad Harin (Cairo: Maktabat al-Khanji, 1384-99/1964-79), I, 379-93.

5Hussain Mones, "Le r61e des hommes de religion dans l'histoire de l'Espagne musulmane jusqu'a la fin du califat," Studia Islamica 20 (1964): 70.

6Carl E Petry, The Civilian Elite of Cairo in the Later Middle Ages (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Uni- versity Press, 1981), 343-402.

7Cf. ibid., xix, expressing reservations about the statistical validity of the material, since so many items

"appeared irregularly"; and p. 14, on how his materials "provide few evaluative or qualitative statements about many of the items they mention. The great majority of attainments-social, professional, or other- were simply listed without comment, on the assumption of common knowledge among contemporary readers."

8Ibid., 9, 11. 9The comparison with Arabic lexicography is again worth bearing in mind.

MICHAEL FISHBEIN, TRANS., The History of al-Tabarl, vol. 8: The Victory of Islam (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997). Pp. 238. $65.50 cloth, $21.95 paper.

ADRIAN BROCKETT, TRANS., The History of al-Tabari, vol. 16: The Community Divided (Al- bany: State University of New York Press, 1997). Pp. 233. $59.50 cloth, $19.95 paper.

REVIEWED BY DANIEL C. PETERSON, Department of Asian and Near Eastern Languages, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah

Al-Tabari's Ta'rikh al-rusul wa al-mulak is generally recognized as the most significant uni- versal history to emerge out of Islamic civilization. SUNY's effort to translate and publish al- Tabari's chronicle for the first time in English is surely, in its turn, among the most significant projects under way in Western studies of that civilization.

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.176 on Fri, 9 May 2014 15:44:51 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions