1st May 2013Communist Party

CPBCommunist Party

Ruskin House 23 Coombe Road Croydon London CR01 1BDoffice@communist-party.org.uk 02086861659www.communist-party.org.uk

A world withoutworkers is impossible

A world without capitalists is

necessary

Unity!

The Tory-LibDem government is attacking theliving standards and democratic rights ofworkers and their families on a scale not seen in

Britain since the 1930s. It is an integrated, ruling class offensive to protect

and expand big business profits. Resistance to thisattack on incomes, jobs, public services and tradeunionism has been sporadic, fragmented and defensive.

Industrial responses alone will not defeat such an all-round political offensive. Unity of action and purpose isdesperately required in and around the labourmovement.

The Call to the Labour Movement by theCommunist Party makes the a series of practicalproposals for action that can gve shape and directionto our resistence. More on page 2

A Call to theLabour Movement

Build the People’s Assemblysays Bill Greenshields

May Day is the Workers’ Day!says Rob Griffiths

The EU is no friend of workerswrites Anita Halpin

INSIDE

2

Resistance to this attackon incomes, jobs, publicservices and tradeunionism has been largelysporadic, fragmented anddefensive. Industrialresponses alone will notdefeat such an all-roundpolitical offensive. Unity ofaction and purpose isdesperately required inand around the labourmovement. That is whythis Call to the LabourMovement makes thefollowing proposals:

4Unite against austerityand privatisation For unity to become areality, trade unions, tradesunion councils, anti-cutscampaigners, socialists,Labour Party activists andprogressives must worktogether on the broadest,most inclusive basis.All who oppose the

austerity and privatisationprogramme of this Tory-LibDem government shouldbe welcome in anti-cutscampaigning. The focus ofopposition must be on thecurrent government and itspolicies.We need to build durable

militant movements ofordinary people in localcommunities throughoutBritain.This will help ensure that

a strategy of rolling,coordinated and generalisedstrike action by the tradeunions puts the maximumpressure on the government.The People's Assembly

Against Austerity on June22 can play an invaluablerole in building and unitingthe resistance and winningpeople to an alternative.

4Rally support for thePeople's Charter Policies for progressivetaxation, economicplanning, public ownership,public investment and anindependent foreign policyfor Britain can safeguardpublic services, jobs, livingstandards, our environmentand peace.Supported by the TUC,

the TUC Women's andTrades Councilsconferences, the Scottishand Welsh TUCs and manyindividual trade unions andlocal trades union councils,

the People's Charterprovides the basis for analternative economic andpolitical strategy that putsthe millions before themillionaires.Every labour movement

organisation should affiliateto the People's Charter andhelp promote it.

4Campaign for tradeunion freedom Industrial action by tradeunions to defend jobs,incomes and public servicesneeds to be coordinated andgeneralised as widely aspossible, with every effortmade to secure popularsupport.The Tory-LibDem

government, employers andthe courts against tradeunion and employmentrights are now opening anew front of class warfareagainst trade union rightsand facilities. Based on thetrade union movement, theCampaign for Trade UnionFreedom provides the focusfor a united response to thisanti-trade union drive in theinterests of working peopleand their families.

4Promote the Charterfor Women As low-paid and publicsector workers, loneparents, carers and serviceusers, women are being hitparticularly hard byausterity and privatisationmeasures. Supported by theTUC Women's Conference,many trade unions and theNational Assembly ofWomen, the Charter forWomen proposes policies towin genuine equality atwork, in the labourmovement and in society asa whole.

4Solidarity against EUausterity and privatisation The Tories, UKIP andsections of the big businessmedia fully support EU-wide attacks on people'sliving standards and publicservices. But they want toprotect the City of Londoncasino and its US backerseven from feeble EUregulation.For the labour movement,

the key demand must be torestore to parliament inBritain the power to protect

jobs and industries, to takethe utilities and transportback into public ownershipand ensure that they are runin the public interest.We also need to support

workers across Europe whoare fighting for thesepowers, against the EU andits Constitutional Treatycommitment to 'an openmarket economy with freecompetition' (Article 98).

4Oppose militarism andwar Britain's involvement in anendless series of wars toprotect British and US bigbusiness interests is notprotecting democracy orhuman rights here orabroad. Military spendingshould be reduced toaverage European levels anddiverted into civilianproduction. Britain's nuclearweapons should be scrappedand the subservient militaryalliance with the US ended.

4Bring down theunelected Tory-LibDemcoalition This regime was cobbledtogether at the behest ofTory paymasters in the Cityof London. Nobody votedfor a coalition. Most peoplevoted for parties (includingthe LibDems) that claimedto oppose the currentausterity and privatisationpolicies.

Putting an end to thisgovernment before it doeseven more damage to oursociety is a democratic duty.The only realistic

alternative to the Tory-LibDems is a Labourgovernment, whichunderlines the immediateneed to fight for Labourpolicies that serve the massof the people.We urge all who broadly

support this this Call to theLabour Movement to winsupport for its positionsthroughout the labour andprogressive movements. Useit to unite and igniteopposition to the Tory-LibDem government aroundthe positive alternative.

Executive Committee CommunistParty of Britain May 1, 2013

On March 21 2013, the Communist Party proposed a People's Budget to stimulateeconomic growth and reduce growing social inequality with measures.H Invest in health, education, housing, public transport and the environment.H Halt all PFI and privatisation schemes to hand over public services to big business.H Boost state pension and benefits in real terms, restoring the link with the RPI.H Increase the national minimum wage and retain the Agricultural Wages Board.H Extend statutory equal pay audits into the private sector.H Freeze gas, electricity and water prices and prepare to take all the utilities back

into public ownership.H Nationalise the banks and direct funds into manufacturing, small businesses,

cooperatives and housing.H Take the railways back into public ownership and subsidise fares and investmentnot shareholder dividends. H Launch a massive public sector housebuilding programme.

WHERE WOULD THE MONEY COME FROM? H Introduce a 2 per cent Wealth Tax on the super-rich, raising £90 billion a year –

almost twice this year's public spending cuts.H Reverse the recent cuts in corporation tax for the biggest companies.H Restore the top rate of income tax (but at 60 per cent not 50).H Slap a windfall tax on energy, retail and banking monopoly profits.H Impose a financial transaction tax on the City bankers and speculators.H Divert Bank of England funds from Quantitative Easing and the impotent Funding

for Lending Scheme into infrastructure bonds issued by local, devolved and other public authorities.

H End the tax haven status of all territories under British jurisdiction.

by Bill Greenshields

Trade unions in theforefront ofresistance to

government policies haveunited with anti-cutsgroups, the Coalition ofResistance, the People’sCharter and others toorganise the People’sAssembly AgainstAusterity.The intention of this huge

event, held in London onJune 22, is to bring togetherthe forces that can build amovement of oppositionbroad and powerful enoughto mobilise millions ofpeople against the Tory-LibDem government.Such a movement is vital

if public support is to bewon for widespread strikeaction taken to defend jobs,pay and public services. Itwould inspire and ensuresolidarity for localcommunity campaignsagainst cuts.The People's Assembly

also provides a forum fordiscussing the kind ofstrategy to make thishappen and promoting thealternative policies that areneeded. It will constitute astrong voice for workingclass and popular interests

against those of big businessand the City of London. Will all those taking part

agree on every dot andcomma about the wayforward, the objectives,tactics and strategy? Ofcourse not. If they do, theywon’t represent the fullvariety and complexity ofviews within the workingclass and peoples of Britain. The People's Assembly

must comprise delegatesand representatives fromScotland, Wales and everyregion of England, frommost trade unions andtrades councils, fromcommunity organisationsand campaigning groups,making real contributions toa real exchange of ideas. Theaim should be to reach themaximum possibleagreement on how tosupport unions takingbolder and united actionand how to build stronger,broad-based localcommunity campaigns thatare linked to the trade unionmovement in a strategy todefeat the Tory-led regime. The People's Assembly

will a be test of good faithfor all those taking part,especially political partiesand groups on the left. Itmust be open, tolerant and

inclusive, free from attemptsat control and manipulationby any one organisation.Only by enthusiasticallyseizing the opportunity ofworking together to developa broad, democraticmovement will we maximisethe chance of success.Let no-one be dismissive

or cynical about the People’sAssembly, especially whenthere is no alternative onoffer with potential masssupport.It is up to all of us

whether it can generate thekind of movement required,one which reaches everytown, city and community,drawing in people whocurrently don’t think ofthemselves as 'activists’ oreven as 'political'. In particular, it has to be a

movement that finds a placenot only for organisedworkers, but for those inprecarious work, for those inself-employment, for smallbusiness people, for theunemployed, pensioners,students, carers and forpeople of every ethnic originand sexual orientation – infact, for everyone under thecosh of big business and itsTory and LibDem puppets.Bill Greenshields is chair of theCommunist Party and trade union

A people’s budget

4a call to the Labour Movement

3

by Robert Griffiths

On May 1, 1890, demonstrations took placearound the world at the behest of the SocialistInternational of left-wing parties. The main

demand was for limiting the working day to eight hours.Frederick Engels noted that, in all of continental Europe,

'it was Vienna that celebrated the holiday of the proletariatin the most brilliant and dignified manner'.But, he added, even this dramatic revival of the Austrian

trade union and socialist movement was 'thrown into theshade’ by the 'most important and magnificent’ LondonMay Day march and rally three days later.What had, in Engels’ words, roused the English workers

from almost 40 years of slumber to join the greatinternational army?He pointed his German readers to the previous year’s

docks strike and the founding of the Gas Workers’ andGeneral Labourers’ Union (pictured above), which hadgrown to embrace 100,000 members. He proclaimed theunionisation of huge numbers of unskilled workers and thefact that they wanted their unions to be led by socialists.This rise of militant, left-led ‘New Unionism’ could be

contrasted with the aloofness and conservatism – bothindustrial and political – of the craft-based unions led bythe aristocrats of labour.

Never slow to welcome the contributions of women,Engels also praised the role played by Eleanor Marx-Aveling, (pictured above with Engels, her parents Karland Jenny Marx, and younger sister Laura), in raisingfunds for the dockers, organising a strike of young womenworkers in Silvertown, representing women gas workersand spreading socialist ideas through the Liberal radicalclubs.Not that the May Day procession and its eight or more

rallies in Hyde Park had been free of problems.In particular, the labour aristocrats who ran London

Trades Council wanted to ban socialist organisations from

the march and preferred a negotiated eight-hour day (withvoluntary overtime) to legislation, while the Social-Democratic Federation had a superior, sectarian attitudetowards unions generally and those for the unskilled inparticular.Of course, many of the basic issues in 1890 – working

terms and conditions, trade union recognition, etc. –remain the same today because we still live and work in acapitalist society. But others have changed, emerged andcome to the fore. This year, as millions of people markInternational Workers’ Day across the world, the fightagainst austerity and privatisation, for pensions and publicservices and against racism and fascism will feature onmany banners and in countless speeches.But so, too, will the vital call for peace instead of

imperialist war. Over the past 120 years, millions ofworking people and their families have died as theimperialist powers strive to assert their control overmarkets, raw materials, transport routes, governments andwhole countries and continents.Public consciousness even in the oldest imperialist

countries such as Britain – let alone in Latin America, Asiaor Africa – is probably more anti-imperialist and anti-warthan at any time in history.Freedom and equality for women, too, is an aspiration

and demand far more widespread than ever before,although there are many mountains still to climb. Respectand rights for people of different sexual orientation can nowbe raised in the labour movement in a growing number ofcountries.How to stop the capitalist monopolies and their state

power imperilling our planet’s eco-system is a question thatwent unasked on May Days past, when inexhaustiblesupplies of energy were taken for granted.International Workers’ Day celebrates the gains of the

trade union and left-wing movements and proclaims ourdetermination to defend them.Today in Britain, we have public services, the NHS,

pensions, welfare benefits and employment rights toprotect and extend. Although the trades unions haveadvanced and retreated since 1890, they are bigger, betterorganised and more deeply entrenched in society todaythan they were then.Despite its victories and defeats during the 20th century,

the cause of socialism has many more adherents now thanit had in any period before the Second World War. Thereare socialist and communist parties in almost every countrytoday, with a wealth of experience from which to draw andlearn.Here is one of the reasons for studying the history of the

labour movement.The limits, failures and betrayals of social democracy

cannot be ignored, just as its beneficial reforms for workersand their families should be acknowledged and defended.The Communist Party’s programme, Britain’s Road to

Socialism, analyses the experience of past Labourgovernments.

Winning political office in a general election is not thesame as achieving state power, although doing so on thebasis of mass working class action would complete animportant first stage in the struggle for socialism.Instead, the low level of revolutionary political

consciousness in the British working class movement hasproduced Labour Party leaderships that have nocommitment or strategy to making deep inroads into thewealth and power of the monopoly capitalists.Little or no attempt has been made to politicise and

mobilise the mass of the people, or to involve them and thelabour movement in transforming the state apparatus.Crucially, the British labour movement has failed to

understand and oppose imperialism in its economic,political, cultural and military aspects, including the'special’ (ie., especially servile) relationship with USimperialism. Similar confusion persists about the monopolyclass character of the European Union.Such muddled thinking about reforms, mass action, the

ruling capitalist class, the state and imperialism has allowedevery Labour government so far to be derailed by powerfulforces within monopoly capital and the state apparatus.The history of the communist movement is not without

its mistakes and crimes either, which is why Britain’s Roadto Socialism draws up a balance sheet of the first attemptsat building socialism in the former Soviet Union andeastern Europe.

‘Winning political office in a general election is not the same as achieving state power’Indeed, the programme goes further, renewing and

updating the case for socialism and revolution in the 21stcentury.Workers will forever be on the same capitalist tread-

wheel until they learn from their own history. Trade unionscould do much more to organise classes, schools andpublications on the history and politics of the labourmovement, which would contribute enormously to theconsolidation and politicisation of members’ classconsciousness. Mass activity, political education and debate is the basis

on which the labour movement in Britain will resolve itscurrent crisis of political representation. This is what willdetermine whether the labour movement can reclaim theLabour Party or, failing that, whether the trade unions haveto take the lead in re-establishing their mass party.Whatever the outcome, the slogan coined by Lenin and

the Communist International should continue to embodythe spirit of May Day across the world: 'Workers andoppressed peoples of all lands, unite!'. Robert Griffiths is general secretary of the Communist Party

May Day is theWorkers’ Day!

1949 Police, acting on the orders of the Labour HomeSecretary try to break up a banned May Day rallyorganised by the London Trades Council

Morning Star daily paper of the left £1 from your newsagentH

The EU is no friend of workers and thelabour movementby Anita Halpin

Diktats from EU bosses in Brussels erode evermore of our hard-won democratic rights; diktatsthat this ConDem government applies with

gusto when it suits their ideological purpose andpolitical programme – for which they have absolutely noelectoral mandate.

Take just two decisions made last year by unelected EUbureaucrats. First, they introduced a new, harsh limit on the publicsector 'structural’ deficit of just 0.5 per cent of GDP under theTreaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance. Now, I’m notvery fluent in Eurobabble but there aren’t too many stablegovernments in Europe (never mind the rest of the world).

And then last December, they outlined mandatory reforms thatwill weaken our contractual rights.

Two measures that day in and day out translate into all the evilsof austerity: massive job losses; poverty wages; near Victorianworkplaces; declining services in transport, energy,communications, health, education and local government. Savagecuts are neither necessary nor inevitable.

It is clear why many trades unionists believe that some socialgains made through being in the EU were significant. But many ofthe progressive gains in terms of equality and human rights, nowtargeted by Cameron, came not through the EU but from theEuropean Court of Human Rights which predates the EU and isbased on the European Convention on Human Rights followingthe victory over fascism.

The social progress won and rights gained since 1945 and whichwe are fighting to save can only be maintained when we winstronger independent trade unions and a government with theindependent powers (never mind the will) to deliver a budget thatwill both protect and advance the interests of working people.

Yet this cannot be achieved until we loosen the shackles forgedby the EU. The alternative economic strategy of the People’sCharter – to redistribute power and wealth – is far from a red-blooded Communist planned economy, yet not one of its modestproposals can work while Brussels controls the purse strings.Indeed, most of our own unions’ policies are outlawed in the EU.

In the growing fightback against austerity there will be victoriesbut ultimately, you cannot oppose austerity budgeting andcampaign to rebuild our economy while remaining supportive ofthe EU and its institutions.

Arguing to leave the European Union is neither reactionarynationalism nor a betrayal of fellow workers across Europe but afirst step in rejecting the xenophobic and right-wing agendaespoused by the Tory big business party, promoted by the massmedia and exploited by UKIP.

The left argued from the start that EU membership wouldundermine our democracy. Those who today refuse toacknowledge its undemocratic and anti-worker character aredirectly playing into the hands of UKIP and the BNP by blockingany progressive alternative.Anita Halpin is trade union coordinator of the Communist Party

4

The Communist Partywelcomes the solutionproposed by the largestLabour Party affiliate,Unite, in its politicalstrategy.Members of Unite (and

no doubt members of otheraffiliated unions) have longasked why they give millionsof pounds to Labour withoutmuch in the way of a return.Unions ‘donate’ the time ofactivists and officials, theuse of cars, phones, andmeeting rooms.What do we get for it? To

meet these sharp questions,a strategy to achieve Unite’spolitical aims has beendeveloped for the union byits executive council. Theessence of this goes beyondmerely accepting that aLabour government isneeded. Indeed, the UniteEC document notes that the

record of the last Labourgovernment was ‘for themost part, a bitterdisappointment’.As Len McCluskey has put

it: ‘If in the future there isany return to the discreditedrecipes of Blairism, theLabour Party will be over forme and I believe millionsmore besides.’ Both he andthe union’s EC believe thatwhile workers need a voice,they should not be taken forgranted.Winning back the

millions of Labour voterslost by the unpopulardecisions of New Labour isthe goal, and policies thatworking people can getbehind and support wouldbe a good start. Unite clearlyaims to fundamentallychange the nature of theLabour Party and itsgovernments.

The Unite EC statementemphatically points out: ‘…for all the talk of ‘reclaiming’the party, little progress wasmade. This has led to greatfrustration within the union,the more so since the party’srequests for financialsupport from our union andothers have continuedunabated. So it’s time for achange.’ And to win forworking people the LabourManifesto for the nextgeneral election must spellout radical policies. Weakpromises to cut less than theTories will not turn out theLabour vote.The union is in the midst

of recruiting five thousandnew members from Uniteinto the Labour Party. ‘Thisis emphatically not just arecruitment offensive tobenefit the Labour partywith passive financialcontributors – it is vital ifwe are to impact onconstituency parties.’ Thesenew activists will beorganised by Unite’s nowdemocratic politicalstructures to act as a blocwithin Constituency LabourParties at all levels. Coursesare being laid on andnetworking is beingstructured – for Unitecouncillors, for example.Only four per cent of MPs

are former manual workers– 55 per cent come from PR,politics, and the media. Toredress this imbalance,Unite is developing its owncandidate programme towin more from the workingclass, more women, moreyounger people, and morefrom black and ethnicminorities to seek candidacywith the union’s backing.The union is set to

seriously challenge neo-liberal ideology and thepressure groups within theParty. Its Regional PoliticalCommittees and RegionalPolitical Officers have beencharged with delivering theunion’s political strategy inthe nations and regions. Themessage is the same toregional industrial sectorcommittees, area activistscommittees and all theequalities sectors; the task isto help deliver Unite’s plansto shift Labour to the left.Unite is ‘deadly serious

about transforming Labour’.All this is a big change fromwhat has gone on before.For the first time, a unionwill manage its ownindependent grass rootspolitical structure fromwithin Labour. Everymember of Unite is to bepressed to assist; massphone banks will engage incanvassing members.Maximising voterregistration is a key aim.Much is going on Unite’snew initiative for theeconomically inactive,especially the unemployed,Unite Community, is a keypart of the political strategy,for the first time linking thecommunity in towns andcities with a trade union.Now, a think tank charged

with coming up with ideasthat favour unions andordinary people is beingfunded by Unite and otherunions – CLASS (Centre forLabour Studies)http://classonline.org.uk/Communist Party OpenLetter on the strategy tosolve the crisis of politicalrepresentation in thelabour movement.http://tinyurl.com/bwl3h8b

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This book challenges theconsensus that hasconfined political economyto the options that thebanks and big business willaccept.

Based on the policy agendathat Britain’s trade union andlabour movement have begunto shape it analyses what is

wrong with the Britisheconomy, arguing that thecountry’s productive base istoo small, that the economyhas become too financialisedand that power has becomeconcentrated on the City.

It sets out policies toestablish democratic and socialcontrol of the City, arguing thatregulation is not enough.Thebook focuses on howimmediate growth and longer-term re-industrialisation mightbe achieved, arguing that asocially owned banking sectorcan foster the creation of anew, sustainable, social housingsector, a new communicationsinfrastructure and new greenindustries.

The book argues for analternative economic strategythat breaks politicaldependence on the US, anddiversifies economic

relationships, fostering thosewith emerging BRICSeconomies and questioninganew our dependence on theEU, whose ‘social model’ nowseems a distant memory.

Critically the book tacklesthe problems that a progressivegovernment would face andargues that an alternativeeconomic strategy must beaccompanied by measures todevolve political power andencourage the participation ofthe people in exercising controlover big business and finance.

It sets outs a strategy thatcan boost spending poweramong the British people, beginto narrow the wideninginequalities in British societyand raise the standard of livingand build a new, democratisedpublic realm that insulatespeople from dependence onvolatile financial markets.

Edited by Jonathan White withcontributors from MarkBaimbridge, Brian Burkitt, MaryDavis, John Foster Marjorie Mayo,Jonathan Michie, Seumas Milne,Andrew Murray, Roger Seifert,Prem Sikka, Jonathan White andPhilip Whyman.

£6.95 (+£1 p&p) ISBN 978-1-907464-08-9

n Manifesto Press is a newventure that aims to publishworking class history, socialisttheory and the politics of classstruggle.

It is republican and anti-imperialist; secular and feminist;anti-fascist and anti-racist;committed to working classpolitical power, popularsovereignty and progressiveculture.n www.manifestopress.org.uk

Building an economy for the people

Crisis of political representation How can the labour movement ensure that its collectiveviews and interests are better represented in parliament?