United Nations A/55/PV.27

General AssemblyFifty-fifth session

27th plenary meetingThursday, 21 September 2000, 3 p.m.New York

Official Records

This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the interpretation ofspeeches delivered in the other languages. Corrections should be submitted to the originallanguages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signatureof a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, roomC-178. Corrections will be issued after the end of the session in a consolidated corrigendum.

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President: Mr. Holkeri . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (Finland)

The meeting was called to order at 3 p.m.

Agenda item 9 (continued)

General debate

The President: I give the floor to His Excellencythe Honourable Elvin Nimrod, Minister for ForeignAffairs of Grenada.

Mr. Nimrod (Grenada): My delegation greets andcongratulates you, Sir, for presiding over thedeliberations of the fifty-fifth session of the UnitedNations General Assembly — the MillenniumAssembly.

We pay tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Theo-BenGurirab, the distinguished Foreign Minister ofNamibia, for his effective and dynamic conduct of thefifty-fourth session of the United Nations GeneralAssembly, including the preparations for theMillennium Summit and the President’s Report.

Congratulations are also extended to ourdistinguished Secretary-General, who with great visionconceptualized the Millennium Summit, the executionof which was a great triumph for the United Nations.

A hearty welcome is extended to the smallsovereign State of Tuvalu, as it joins the family ofnations.

The Millennium Summit and this fifty-fifthsession of the United Nations General Assembly arehistoric events that provide a unique opportunity toview humanity’s progress and face the challengesbefore us.

Indeed, the Summit Declaration sets out a globalvision for the twenty-first century. My delegationwelcomes the inclusion of commitments to fightpoverty, disease, ignorance, injustice, violence anddegradation of the environment, among others.

In the matter of poverty and disease, the UnitedNations must address the inequalities that exist aroundthe world. In this twenty-first century, more than 1.2billion people live on less than one dollar a day.Millions of children and the elderly go to bed hungry.Disease and sickness wreak havoc on the lives ofchildren, men and women. Today the HIV/AIDSpandemic cuts short the lives of millions of people whocould be making useful and productive contributions toour world.

Trade is vital to the livelihood of Grenadians. Forthe banana-exporting countries of the Caribbeansubregion, which includes Grenada, the export ofbananas accounts for a significant percentage offoreign exchange. However, our economies arethreatened by the callous ruling of the World TradeOrganization (WTO) against the European Unionbanana regime of assistance to our small growers.

Our struggling farmers, with limited acreage, findit difficult, if not impossible, to compete with atransnational corporation. Our farmers need anadjustment period in order to effect the requisitestructural changes needed by the new trade regime. Welook to the United Nations to call upon the WTO totake into consideration the special structural problemsfaced by the small banana producers of the Caribbean.

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We call for corporate responsibility. We appealfor measures to encourage the sustainability of smalleconomies and economies in transition. We urge amore equitable global partnership.

You may recall that the Heads of State andGovernment, including the Prime Minister of Grenada,stressed recently in this very hall the urgency ofreleasing poor developing countries from their debtburden. The leaders expressed an interest in findingnew approaches and new thinking with respect to thisproblem. A solution should be vigorously pursued withdeliberate speed.

Debt forgiveness is not a financial loss to theglobal economy. Rather, it provides an opportunity forstimulation in the depressed and stagnant parts of theworld’s economy. Investing the dividends realized bydebt forgiveness in the economy of the debtordeveloping countries — especially the least developedand those with economies in transition — would be amajor investment in global development.

Another area that needs urgent and immediateassistance from the international community is that ofnatural disasters. The costly restoration ofinfrastructure and rehabilitation of the productivesectors, especially agriculture and tourism, and thehigh cost of recovering and rebuilding make theattainment of sustainable development a monumentaltask.

My delegation calls upon the United Nations andits agencies, the International Monetary Fund, theWorld Bank and other international agencies, as well asthe private and public sectors in global partnership,including the Global Compact, to contribute to a well-structured disaster relief fund, a relief fund that canrespond quickly and effectively.

A large percentage of the needs of the developingcountries in the Caribbean subregion and elsewhere canbe met. We look forward to positive developmentsenvisaged from globalization, trade liberalization,information technology and sustainable development.These and other well-conceived programmes must beseriously pursued. Lip service is not enough.

As the Secretary-General noted in his report tothe fifty-fifth General Assembly on the work of theOrganization: “To some, globalization is imbued withgreat promise; to others, it appears deeply threatening.”(A/55/1, para. 13)

The international community must help to ensurethat the have-nots are on board this fast-moving trainof globalization. All Member States need to share inthe opportunities provided by globalization. This wouldact as a vehicle for international peace and economicsecurity.

Removing some of the barriers to trade andcapital flow are prerequisites to successful reduction ofpoverty and disease in the developing countries. Thiscan be mutually beneficial to developed anddeveloping countries.

Trade has been the engine of economic growthand development from the days of bartering to thepresent day of e-commerce and globalization. Wetherefore regard the unilateral interference in ouroffshore services sector as an attempt to hinder ourtrade in services and our role in the global economy.

In that connection, my delegation recalls thewords of my Prime Minister about the unfair chargeslevelled against our offshore financial-services sector.

“A cartel of high-tax nations, comprisingthe richest and most powerful countries, haslaunched a destructive and high-powered attackon our country, accusing us of anti-competitivetax practices. Threats, imperialistic pressures andabuse of power in multilateral organizations arebeing used to force many small States, includingGrenada, to give up our fiscal sovereignty. Theyhave used adverse publicity techniquesdeliberately to condemn and harm our economies.They have threatened various sanctions, sought toblock access to capital funds in multinationalorganizations and to impose financialprotectionism and total ostracism.”

That is fiscal imperialism. It tramples on the principleof sovereign equality. It is contrary to international law,and it undermines freedom of competition, globalinvestment and trade liberalization.

The role of education in poverty alleviation, inthe application of science and technology and in thevast area of information sharing and communications isvital. The Government of Grenada, recognizing thesocial, cultural and economic potential of education, isinvesting an increasing proportion of its limitedresources to prepare its people to participate in, andbenefit from, the information and technologyrevolution. Towards that end, the Government of

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Grenada is seeking the assistance of the United NationsDevelopment Programme, the World Bank andagencies and donors of goodwill to establish a newprogramme of distance learning by means of globalcomputer interconnectivity.

Grenada attaches great importance to theconvening in 2001 of the United Nations High-levelIntergovernmental Event on Financing forDevelopment. My delegation welcomes the attempt toaddress monetary, trade and financial issues in aholistic manner and in the context of globalization andsustainable development. The international communityshould not miss this opportunity to focus attention andresources on the pursuit of development, peace andstability.

And here, my delegation reaffirms that the rootcause of conflict within nations and among nations canbe found in some of the injustice done to the weakermembers of the international community by thestronger ones. Unless the basics of life — food,clothing, shelter, health and employment — areattained, human rights and the Universal Declaration ofHuman Rights will be meaningless to those who suffersuch extreme deprivations. This is especially so in thecontext of economic, social and cultural rights, whichare downplayed in favour of civil and political rights.Since all human rights are universal, indivisible,interdependent and interrelated, attention to the fullrange of rights will contribute better to the observanceand enjoyment of this noble goal.

I join my Prime Minister in paying tribute to, andpublicly thanking, the Government and the people ofthe Republic of China on Taiwan for the assistancegiven to Grenada with respect to agriculture, marineresources, education, health, culture and infrastructure.The friendship and sincerity of the Republic of Chinaon Taiwan have been a source of strength andendurance for our two countries. 1t is in this spirit thatGrenada calls once more for the return of the Republicof China on Taiwan to full membership of the UnitedNations. A people that diligently works to achieve suchhigh levels of human and technological developmentand a people that makes such positive contributions tothe global economy must become a full Member of thisgreat organization, the United Nations.

Finally, we must seek to ensure that theOrganization is responsive to the ever-changing globalenvironment. Let us ensure that we address the needs

of our peoples. And let us move forward with a UnitedNations that is prepared to fuel the engine that wouldbring about more equitable participation in the globalcommunity. Let us always put people first and beguided by God.

The President: I now give the floor to the actingMinister for Foreign Affairs of Afghanistan, HisExcellency Mr. Abdullah Abdullah.

Mr. Abdullah (Afghanistan): On my way to theAssembly Hall, I was informed by the Supreme StateCouncil of the Islamic State of Afghanistan that in aself-evident act of aggression hundreds of Pakistanimilitary personnel — army, plain-clothes personnel andarmed Taliban — are reported to have been positionedin the Shah Salim pass dividing the Pakistan bordertown of Chitral from north-eastern Afghanistan, boundfor an attack on Badakhshan province.

On behalf of my delegation, I take thisopportunity to congratulate you, Sir, on yourassumption of the major task of presiding over theimportant millennium session of the General Assembly.I would also like to congratulate the Minister forForeign Affairs of Namibia, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, onhis excellent leadership of the fifty-fourth session ofthe General Assembly, which set the stage for theMillennium Summit.

Three years ago, I stood before the Assembly andstated from this very rostrum that, as the crisis inAfghanistan continued to unfold, we had to ask, andanswer, important questions. At the time, I spoke of thedark and ominous movement known as the Taliban,which, backed by cross-border troops, had invadedAfghanistan. This year, at its millennium session, theGeneral Assembly indeed has to answer majorquestions. One among many is the silence the worldhas chosen to keep in dealing with the Taliban and theirPakistani supporters. With the spread of Talibanism,which has led to the abject misery of the Afghannation, massive insurgency and turmoil in the regionand beyond, is it not high time that the internationalcommunity put a stop to the Pakistani-operated Talibanprocessing machine? Certainly, mere rhetoric andinadequate reactions are not enough. It is with thisview that I should like to focus my statement entirelyon the situation in Afghanistan and its devastatingregional and international implications, within thegiven time limit.

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A question arises: what has been the result of theTalibanization of the occupied parts of Afghanistan? Inan age of information and globalization, it has been areign of terror imposed by a religious police, abuse inthe name of religion, the elimination of all freedomsand civil liberties, massive violations of human rights,degrading and tormenting treatment of men andwomen, trafficking of women and girls, the forcedseparation of women from their menfolk, the randomand deliberate round-up of individuals based on theirethnic and religious origins, the practice of scorched-earth policy, the torching and total obliteration offarmlands, orchards and other means of livelihood, thecontamination of water resources, the forcible dispatchof children and adults to the battlefields, the removal ofall but rudimentary religious education — for malestudents only — with the closure of all schools forfemales, the deliberate denial of access to humanitarianaid, the intensification of battles, an exacerbation of thesituation, widespread terrorism and the destruction ofthe historical heritage and artefacts of Afghanistan inorder to alienate the Afghan nation from its ancestryand historical identity.

The objective of the Pakistani militaryintelligence establishment, known as Inter-ServicesIntelligence (ISI), through the imposition of the so-called Islamic Emirate of the Taliban, has been tocreate instability in Central and South Asia by meansof terrorism. This “Islamic Emirate” has institutedMullah Omar, the militia’s leader, as the undisputedAmir-ul-Mo’mineen, meaning “Commander of thefaithful” not only in Afghanistan, but in theorythroughout the Muslim world.

The process the Pakistani military intelligencehas chosen for the realization of its objective is totransform the Afghan nation into an exhausted,devastated, illiterate, ignorant and destitute nationstruggling hard for mere survival. Pakistan wants toturn Afghanistan into its false front to mask illicitactivities of narcotics trafficking, terrorism and othercrimes, as well as religious extremism, by establishingcentres and bases for such activities. Attempting to actas the champion of the Muslim world, Pakistancontinues to carry out these activities under the nameof Islam. It is therefore not a matter of astonishmentthat such activities have led to the defamation of boththe noble religion of Islam and the image of Muslimsthroughout the world.

In short, the Afghan nation has become the directvictim of the diabolic dreams of the Pakistanimilitary’s hegemonic interests in the region. Thesediabolic dreams are pursued by the Pakistani militaryintelligence, ISI, an evil and extremist institution,while the implied risk and perilous consequences forthe very survival of Pakistan as a State in the future areoverlooked.

As the world is gradually awakening to thecreeping Taliban threat, it is a matter of dismay thatsome “civilized” nations, on certain occasions, havepreferred to deal with the reclusive and defiant Taliban,an entity which has failed to meet the minimumstandard of being considered civilized, while havingchampioned terrorism, human rights violations andcrimes against humanity. It is no surprise that onlyPakistan’s military junta has continuously given its fullblessing to the movement.

At least until early May of this year, the officialposition of Pakistan, from what its diplomats andofficials strangely claimed, was that it maintainedcontacts with both parties to the conflict. However,Pakistan’s News Network International (NNI) newsagency reported on 25 May 2000 that General PervezMusharraf claimed that Pakistan’s pro-Taliban policywas “in accordance with Pakistan’s national interest.”Advocating that Pashtoons should be on the side ofPakistan, the General was quoted as saying, “We have anational security interest, both demographic andgeographic.” He further stated that in the realization ofthis security interest, “Pashtoons should be on our sideand they”, meaning Pashtoons, “are represented byTaliban.”

The world must know that in a flagrant violationof recognized international norms and principles and inclear contempt of the United Nations Charter, the rulerof the Pakistani military junta, under the outrageouspretext of national security interest, has claimed theright to impose a certain ethnic group through theinvocation of an ethnically provocative mandate at thecost of the sovereignty and political independence ofAfghanistan, a Member of the United Nations and,prior to that, of the League of Nations, long beforePakistan was even born.

It is important to remember that terrorist trainingcamps operating from the Taliban-held territories ofAfghanistan, including those established by theinfamous Osama bin Laden, whose dismantling has

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been repeatedly called for by the United Nations andthe entire international community, have beenestablished by Pakistan’s military intelligence throughthe Taliban mercenaries and other extremist networks.They continue to utilize these territories as a ground fortraining, sheltering, planning and dispatching elementsseeking to commit hostile acts against countries of theregion and beyond. This is done under the guise ofIslam, but, in fact, it is mainly in pursuit of Pakistanihegemonistic objectives directed towards Afghanistanand the Central Asian Republics. Recent events andactivities by extremist groups in Kyrgyzstan andUzbekistan are manifest examples of the spillover ofthe Pakistan/Taliban-supported agenda in the region.

The Islamic State of Afghanistan believes it ishigh time that the Security Council, in accordance withrelevant resolutions, undertook appropriateenforcement measures against Pakistan, which is theprime source of sponsorship of these activities.

The Security Council, in its unanimously adoptedresolution 1267 of 15 October 1999, explicitlydemanded that the Taliban mercenaries refrain fromsheltering, supporting and training terrorists andplanning terrorist acts from Afghan soil against othercountries and that it extradite to the requesting Statesthose indicted for committing international acts ofterrorism.

The recent upsurge of terrorist activities inCentral Asian countries and beyond, emanating fromthe Taliban-occupied parts of Afghanistan, requiresdrastic measures by the Security Council against themilitia and its Pakistani supporters. The considerationof the imposition of further targeted sanctions and theexpansion of the scope of resolution 1267 (1999),which must include the end of terrorist activities in allforms and manifestations in the Taliban-held parts ofAfghanistan, could adequately, among other things,serve the cause of peace and security in the region.

Here I would like to welcome the proposal by theRepublic of Uzbekistan for convening an internationalconference, at the earliest possible time, to debate theevil phenomenon of terrorism.

In spite of the current devastating drought inAfghanistan — the most severe in 30 years —Afghanistan remains the leading producer of narcotics.The production of illicit drugs, and their trafficking bythe Taliban and the politico-military mafia of Pakistan,account for considerable revenue, which is used to

finance the prolonged war in Afghanistan. This leads toconsiderable transnational organized crime, whileadding to the number of addicts, both at home andabroad.

Among the many deliberate violations andinstances of absolute disregard for internationalhumanitarian law and the numerous crimes againsthumanity committed by the Taliban and their outsidesupporters in the year 2000, one could mention thefollowing cases: the cold-blooded killing on 11 May of198 young Uzbek and Hazara men imprisoned ashostages in Taliban jails; the brutal killing on 5 Augustof the United Nations mine-clearance employeesaffiliated with the Organization for Mine Clearance andAfghan Rehabilitation; the deliberate denial of accessto humanitarian aid that, according to the EuropeanUnion, in the light of the devastating droughtconstituted a breach of international humanitarian law;the forced blood-drawing and organ removal ofinnocent civilians along the Tagab-Nijrab route inAugust; the forced deportation of the civilianpopulations of the city of Aibak on 31 July 2000; theclosing down in August, as part of the ongoing four-year campaign by the Taliban to keep women fromworking, of all bakeries run by the United NationsWorld Food Programme in which widows were paid tomake bread that was then sold at a subsidized price toother widows, who number at least 25,000 in Kabulalone; the indiscriminate aerial bombardment ofcivilian neighbourhoods at Taloqan on 15 August; andthe forcible displacement of hundreds of thousands ofpeople throughout the north due to renewed Talibanmilitary onslaughts.

We believe that the commission of those heinouscrimes by the Taliban militia was largely attributable tothe lack of adequate response by the Security Counciland the international community to bring to justice theperpetrators and others involved in incidents atBamyan in 1997, at Mazar-e-Sharif and Bamyan in1998, in the north of Kabul in 1999, and in the killingsof Iranian diplomats, a journalist and the militaryadviser to the United Nations Special Mission toAfghanistan (UNSMA) in 1998.

It is significant to note that the Taliban continueto deprive women of their fundamental rights,including the right to education, which affects over100,000 female students in Kabul alone. Women arestill barred from employment by the Taliban. While thepredictable results will speak for themselves, present

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and future female generations of Afghanistan will beilliterate. The cultural and social impact of thatcriminal act on the country’s future generations will beenormous.

Pakistani military intervention in Afghanistan is afact well known to the international community. Thehundreds of Pakistani prisoners captured while fightingalongside the Taliban and now in the custody of theGovernment; the mortal remains of hundreds ofPakistanis in the battlefields and the documents andidentification cards obtained from their pockets; theintercepted radio transmissions; and the massivelogistical support and the overt supply of largequantities of military hardware and ammunition, allprove the direct involvement of Pakistani armypersonnel in Afghanistan. In fact, Brigadier GeneralRustam of Pakistan’s armed forces, who is currentlystationed in Afghanistan’s Kunduz province,commands the Pakistani-Taliban-bin Laden operationsin the north. He has been assisted by two of binLaden’s henchmen, Abu Wara and Hubab. All of themwere involved in the recent occupation of Taloqan andin the atrocities committed against the civilianpopulation. It is important to mention that theNovember/December issue of Foreign Affairsmagazine has estimated the total number of Pakistanishaving fought in Afghanistan since 1994 to be inexcess of 80,000.

A breakdown of Pakistani nationals fighting inAfghanistan include the following: Pakistani armedcontingents, including units from the North-WestFrontier Corps and different commando units, haveactively participated in battles on various occasions;Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) officers involved in theplanning and command and control of both intelligenceoperations and logistical support; ex-commissionedofficers in charge of tactical operations, artillerysupport and logistics; frontier militia units;paramilitary members of extremist terrorist groupsaffiliated with the ISI, such as the Sipah-e-Sahaaba, theSepah-e-Tayeba, the Harakat-ul-Ansar and so on; andthe so-called volunteers from Pakistani madrassas, orreligious schools.

Other categories of foreign fighters inAfghanistan include Osama bin Laden’s al-Qaedagroup and its affiliated units from around the PersianGulf, the Middle East and Africa, and extremist groupsfrom Central Asia, South Asia and the Far East. Inaddition, thousands of Afghan refugees who were

educated and trained in Pakistani religious schools aredispatched to the battlefronts of Afghanistan. Finally,there are conscripted and forcibly recruited personsfrom around Afghanistan who are deployed as canonfodder.

In this context, the Islamic State of Afghanistanappeals to the Security Council to mandate the UnitedNations Special Mission to Afghanistan to dispatch aninvestigation team to Afghanistan to verify and reportto the Security Council on the presence of Pakistaniarmed men and Arab fighters who are workingshoulder-to-shoulder with the Taliban mercenaries.This would break the silence that has thus farencouraged further Pakistani intervention inAfghanistan.

I should like to remind the Assembly that onlythose Afghans conscripted and forcibly recruited willbe immune from prosecution by the Islamic State ofAfghanistan for war crimes, crimes against humanityand genocide. The rest shall be subject to indictment.

One must conclude that the failure of the Jeddahindirect negotiations in particular, and of other peaceinitiatives at large, derive from the sad reality thatpeace has no place in the Taliban agenda.

While striving for the realization of noble humanvalues and principles — the institution of a democraticsystem, the observance of human rights, includingthose of women and girls, civil liberties andelections — the Islamic State of Afghanistan reiteratesits firm position to strive to reach a peaceful settlementof the conflict and hereby declares its full readiness forthe formation of a broad-based, multi-ethnic and fullyrepresentative Government through a workablemechanism such as the traditional grand assembly, orloya jirgah, or any other representative forum under theauspices of the United Nations. Meanwhile, as long asPakistan continues to directly and massively intervenein the internal affairs of Afghanistan, the Islamic Stateof Afghanistan considers the task of defending theterritorial integrity, national unity and politicalindependence of Afghanistan its immediate priority.

The Islamic State of Afghanistan has highexpectations that the United Nations and theinternational community will exert pressure onPakistan to immediately cease its intervention inAfghanistan and to withdraw all its military personneland armed nationals from Afghanistan; that theSecurity Council will address the question of foreign

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intervention, the existence of terrorist networks inAfghanistan and the effective implementation ofrelevant Security Council resolutions; that theOrganization of the Islamic Conference will clarify itsview of the Taliban’s words and deeds — spoken andcarried out in the name of Islam — which we believedistort, and are contrary to, the true spirit of Islam, itstenets and injunctions; that the United Nations DrugControl Programme will assist the Islamic State ofAfghanistan in the fight against the production andtrafficking of illicit drugs; that the United Nations andthe international community will step up their effortsfor an early and peaceful settlement of the Afghanconflict; and that the international community willprovide humanitarian assistance to the war-stricken anddrought-hit civilian population of Afghanistan. Here Ishould like to mention that the current drought, themost severe in 30 years, will have tremendoushumanitarian repercussions.

We remain thankful for the statements made bythe heads of delegation at the Millennium Summit andin the General Assembly expressing their legitimateconcerns over the dangers emanating from thePakistani Taliban-occupied territories of Afghanistan.

We deeply appreciate and support theindefatigable efforts of Mr. Francesc Vendrell, theSecretary-General’s Special Representative forAfghanistan and head of the United Nations SpecialMission to Afghanistan (UNSMA), who has left nostone unturned, and no party to the conflict or countriesconcerned out of communication, in finding a peacefulsolution to the Afghan conflict.

I should like to conclude by stating that theUnited Nations cannot embark on the new millenniumwithout appropriately addressing the issues enshrinedin its Charter, among others, the question of non-interference. Neither can this international bodyadvocate globalization in its true sense whenTalibanization is threatening regional stability in ourpart of the world. Certainly the Pakistani military juntawill remain the prime actor in this dreadful andimmense tragedy in Asia.

Like many others afflicted with the Talibanplague, we wonder how far the evil threat ofTalibanism will spread, how many more souls it willbury and how many new borders it must cross beforethe conscience of the international community is

awakened, not just to consider but to adopt immediateand drastic preventive measures.

The Acting President: I give the floor toMr. Mohammed Said Al-Sahaf, Minister for ForeignAffairs of the Republic of Iraq.

Mr. Al-Sahaf (Iraq) (spoke in Arabic): It is mypleasure to congratulate Mr. Harri Holkeri on hisassumption of the presidency of the fifty-fifth sessionof the General Assembly, and I should like to convey tohim our best wishes for a successful accomplishment ofhis tasks. I should also like to express our high esteemto his predecessor, the Minister of Foreign Affairs ofNamibia, who conducted the work of the previoussession with notable skill.

The Millennium Summit came to an end just afew days ago. From a certain point of view, it was anoccasion for reviewing the state of internationalrelations following the collapse of the bipolarinternational order. We have taken note of theincreasing number of States complaining of theunipolar control over international affairs and theextent of the current and future dangers that thissituation can give rise to.

More than 10 years ago, Iraq drew attention to thefirst signs of many dangers and basic problems thathave since grown worse and become the focus of asignificant part of the discussions of the MillenniumSummit. In February 1990, President Saddam Husseinwarned against the grave dangers resulting from theunilateral control assumed by the United States ofAmerica and its headlong rush to impose its hegemonyon the world in general and on the Arab Gulf regionand other Arab countries in particular. He also warnedagainst the dangers posed by that State’s recourse toillegitimate and immoral ways and means of achievingthat goal, including the use of brute force; the exerciseof pressure; political and economic blackmail;interference in the internal affairs of States; thefomenting of racial, religious and sectarian conflicts;and the use of international institutions to serve theinterests of American policy.

Iraq also drew attention to the followingsituations at an early stage.

The first was the exploitation by theindustrialized countries, the United States in particular,of scientific and technological progress for politicalpurposes, with a view to engulfing all other countries

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of the world in a wave of capitalistic globalization,claiming that globalization is an inevitable fate towhich all must submit, regardless of the negativeconsequences and dangers it entails for the lives of thevast majority of humankind.

Secondly, it drew attention to the adoption of adouble standard as far as political positions areconcerned, and it noted an indifference to the legal andpolitical standards imposed by internationally bindingagreements, where a balance is struck between rightsand obligations in the process of the coexistence ofinterests among various countries, without anydistinction or discrimination.

Thirdly, it noted the prevalence of the logic of“power and opportunity” in the exploitation of UnitedNations mechanisms to ensure the adoption ofresolutions supporting the selfish political aims of onecountry or a few countries at the expense of commonprinciples in international relations, without first givingconsideration to obligations undertaken under theCharter of the United Nations and the principles ofjustice and equity — hence the recourse to mandatoryembargoes and comprehensive economic sanctions as agoal in and of itself, as well as the continuation of thepolicies of starvation and destruction of the economiesof various countries and societies.

Fourthly, it drew attention to the imposition onthe international community of unilateral policiesthrough mechanisms and arrangements outside theinternational system, and to the fact that sucharrangements were treated as substitutes for the UnitedNations in those cases where the hegemonic Powers,headed by the United States, expected to meet withstrong opposition by the United Nations to thoseunilaterally determined policies, as we saw in the caseof the aggression launched by the North Atlantic TreatyOrganization (NATO) against the Federal Republic ofYugoslavia.

Fifthly, it noted the phenomenon of the forcibleadjustment and adaptation of established rules ofinternational law to serve the unilateral policies of thehegemonic Powers, headed by the United States ofAmerica, through the imposition of strange and bizarreinterpretations of the contents of such rules, or eventotal disregard for them when said Powers were unableto impose their strange interpretations thereon. Anexample of this dangerous phenomenon can be foundin the feverish attempts to minimize the importance of

the principles of State sovereignty, nationalindependence and non-interference in the internalaffairs of States.

Sixthly, it noted the phenomenon of evadingresponsibility in cases where the assumption ofresponsibility would not be profitable from aneconomic point of view, as is the case in questionsrelated to environmental pollution, the expansion of thesphere of poverty in the world and the obstruction ofthe development of the States of the South, all of whichare cases where the responsibility of the advancedindustrialized countries is quite obvious.

The dangers, challenges and negative phenomenato which I have referred, as have many other speakersin the course of this general debate, have led to broadreflection on the solutions needed to overcome thosedifficulties and problematic issues. Iraq is of the viewthat the starting point is for United Nations actions tobe a true expression of the will of all peoples andnations. That is how the Charter of the United Nationswas drawn up, in order to establish a system ofcollective security based on common collectiveinterests. The stability and effectiveness of the systemof collective security is based on cooperation amongpartners and on the basis of specific obligations, notunilateral action and domination, as is the case today.The right of nations and peoples to live in peace andstability is the essential requirement for themaintenance of international peace and security. Thisright can be guaranteed only if it is firmly linked to theright to economic and social development and tofreedom from any kind of pressure or interference.

This noble collective goal can be achieved onlyby upholding the United Nations system and byreforming and developing that system in order to investit with the ability and competence to achieve that goal.Reform is particularly called for in the case of theSecurity Council, which must respect its obligationstowards the community of States and must comply withthe correct interpretation of the purposes and principlesof the Charter in the performance of its functions andthe use of its powers. It is also necessary to restore therole of the General Assembly in the maintenance ofinternational peace and security, so as to ensure thenecessary balance if the Security Council fails toassume its basic responsibilities under the Charterbecause of the unilateral and abusive exercise of itspowers.

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The wave of capitalistic globalization sweepingover today’s world continues to widen the gap betweenthe rich and the poor in the world. This dangerousphenomenon requires a forceful call to lay thefoundations of a true international partnership in orderto re-establish economic and social justice at both theinternational and national levels, upholding theprinciple of equitable sharing by all of the fruits ofscientific and technological progress, and stopping richcountries from using science and technology as toolsfor imposing their policies of exploitation on thecountries and peoples of the world. A dynamicpartnership between the countries of the North and thecountries of the South is fundamentally opposed to thelogic of domination and unilateral power and to thetransformation of science and technology into politicaltools for the subjugation of others. On the other hand,the call for democratization within countries willremain spurious unless its advocates adhere to ademocratic course at the level of dealings with otherStates and with international organizations.Furthermore, the call for respect for international lawand its primacy at the national level will remain devoidof credibility unless it is associated with the kind ofconduct that calls for respect for the letter and spirit ofthe Charter of the United Nations and the rules ofinternational law, and with the possibility of recourseto international judiciary bodies, with regard to theinterpretation and application of legal provisions toensure a delicate balance between powers andresponsibilities, rights and obligations. Any affirmationof respect for human rights should not overlook thefact that civil, political, economic, social and culturalrights should, as a matter of equal importance andurgency, enjoy the same respect. Nor should such anaffirmation overlook the fact that the world ischaracterized by cultural and civilizational diversity,and that the cultural and social assumptions tacitlyaccepted by a given culture cannot be imposed on othernations and peoples.

What I have just stated does not belong to therealm of theory. We in Iraq continue to suffer from thedomination and abusive actions of the hegemonicpowers headed by the United States of America. Ourdeep faith in the righteousness of our position explainsthe steadfastness shown by our country and our peoplein the face of the might of the unipolar Power.

The comprehensive sanctions imposed on Iraqhave entered their eleventh year. By all standards, these

sanctions amount to genocide and involve a brutalapplication of collective punishment and revengeagainst an entire people. There is no longer any doubtthat these sanctions constitute a continued, flagrantviolation of the United Nations Charter, ofinternational law and of international humanitarian law.This matter has been confirmed by the reports ofUnited Nations agencies and humanitarian and humanrights organizations. The most recent testimony to thateffect is to be found in the working paper adopted bythe Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protectionof Human Rights at its fifty-second session, held inGeneva from 31 July to 25 August 2000. The paperaffirmed that the comprehensive sanctions against Iraqare unequivocally illegal under existing internationalhumanitarian law and human rights laws.

It is well known that both the United States andGreat Britain claim that the oil-for-food programme,agreed to between the United Nations and Iraq,alleviates the impact of the unjust sanctions imposedagainst Iraq. Such a claim, however, is quickly provedto have no basis when set against the figures publishedby the United Nations itself. More than three and a halfyears have now passed since the inception of theprogramme, during which Iraq has exported $31.6billion worth of oil. Of this total, $9.5 billion has beenallocated to the Compensation Fund in Geneva and $1billion allocated for operational administrativeexpenses of the United Nations while, in the course ofthree and a half years, only $8.3 billion has beendisbursed for purchases to cover the needs of the Iraqipeople.

There are also floating and semi-frozenallocations for certain needs of Iraq amounting to $10billion that have not been disbursed owing toobstructions placed by the Americans and the British.Such egregious obstructions include the suspension of1173 contracts, valued at more than $2 billion, relatingto construction materials and humanitarian needs.

Despite increasing pressure on the internationalcommunity to put an end to this ongoing genocide, twopermanent members of the Security Council — theUnited States of America and Britain — insist onperpetuating this crime to further their plans todestabilize the Arabian Gulf region and preserve itshotbeds of tension with a view to prolonging theirhegemony over and military occupation of the regionand to plundering its wealth.

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The United States openly declares that it isprepared to use the veto against any attempt to lift thesanctions imposed on Iraq. It is indeed shameful for theUnited States that its Secretary of State, MadeleineAlbright, has declared on television that thecontinuation of sanctions is worth the death of 500,000Iraqi children.

Just to clarify the matter, although the StatesMembers of the United Nations have authorized theSecurity Council to act on their behalf provided that itdo so in accordance with the purposes and principles ofthe United Nations, pursuant to Article 24 of theCharter, the Security Council has, in the case of thecomprehensive sanctions imposed on Iraq, gone so farbeyond the purposes and principles of the Charter as toturn itself into a cover for perpetrating a policy ofgenocide against an entire people. Therefore, itbehoves the States Members of the United Nations tovoice their opinion as to the extent of the SecurityCouncil’s faithful compliance with such authorization.In this connection, it is worth mentioning that, underArticle 25 of the Charter, Members of the UnitedNations agree to accept and carry out the decisions ofthe Security Council in accordance with the Charter.This means that implementation of the comprehensivesanctions imposed on Iraq, which have become illegalunder international humanitarian law and human rightslaw, is no longer binding on States Members of theUnited Nations.

I must also point out that my country is beingsubjected to ongoing daily aggression by American andBritish aircraft in the no-fly zone imposed on northernand southern Iraq by unilateral decision of theWashington and London Governments. The aircraftlaunching the aggression take off from their bases inSaudi, Kuwaiti and Turkish territory. This continuousmilitary action, which violates the integrity andsovereignty of Iraq’s airspace, has no basis in law or inany binding resolution adopted by any competent organof the United Nations. It constitutes instead anillegitimate unilateral action undertaken by the UnitedStates of America and the United Kingdom.

These belligerent acts constitute both interferencein the internal affairs of Iraq and ongoing militaryaggression against Iraq through the imposition of thetwo no-fly zones. The illegal character of theimposition of those two no-fly zones has beenconfirmed by official statements issued by the RussianFederation, France and China, which have from the

very outset declared their position that the impositionof those zones has no basis in law. This position is alsosupported by a former Secretary-General of the UnitedNations who, in his book entitled Unvanquished: aU.S.-U.N. Saga, makes it clear that the American claimthat Security Council resolution 688 (1991) authorizesthe launching of attacks against Iraq in order to enforcethe no-fly zone is baseless and that the enforcement ofthe no-fly zones, far from having been endorsed by theSecurity Council, is no more than a unilateral act bythe Governments of Washington and London.

The American and British acts of aggression haveinflicted enormous material and moral losses on Iraqand gravely damaged its civilian infrastructure. Theloss of human life to date has amounted to more than300 martyrs, while more than 900 civilians have beenwounded. The United States of America and Britainbear responsibility for these acts of aggression and forall their consequences, in accordance with the rules ofstate responsibility under international law. By thesame rules, that responsibility is shared by SaudiArabia, Kuwait and Turkey by virtue of theirparticipation, support and assistance in carrying outthese acts of aggression. The Saudi Governmentprovides American and British aggressors with militaryfacilities and the bases of Rafha, Dhahran, KhamisMushait, Al-Jauf and Tabuk, from which scores ofAmerican and British planes take off to attack Iraq. InKuwait, the rulers provide services, facilities andfinancing to the American and British aggressors at theair bases of Ali Al Salim and Ahmed Al Jaber.

Iraq has discharged its obligations under relevantSecurity Council resolutions. Consequently, the logicalresult would be for the embargo imposed on Iraq to belifted. Moreover, the Charter requires that theAmerican-British aggression against Iraq becondemned and that its perpetrators and those whoparticipate in it — Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Turkey —bear the international responsibility, with all its legalimplications.

We cannot, under any circumstances, deal with anunjust position that ignores the record of our fulfilmentof our obligations and that denies us our legitimateright to have the embargo lifted, as required by theCharter and the correct interpretation of relevantSecurity Council resolutions. A flagrant example ofhow the record of the fulfilment of our obligations hasbeen flouted and how our right to have the embargolifted has been denied is to be found in the

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underhanded way by which the United States ofAmerica and Britain have made Security Councilresolution 1284 (1999) a vehicle for defrauding Iraq ofits rights and for misrepresenting its full discharge ofits obligations under relevant Security Councilresolutions, including in particular resolution 687(1991). Resolution 1284 (1999) does not represent asolution at all, nor is it, in essence, anything other thana deliberate ploy to further American anti-Iraq policy,as embodied in the indefinite perpetuation of theembargo. We have therefore clearly declared that weshall have nothing to do with that resolution.

The Middle East region is suffering from a gravesituation caused by the fact that the Zionist entity thatoccupies the Arab Palestinian territories possesses ahuge arsenal of weapons of mass destruction of allkinds — nuclear, chemical and biological — and long-range ballistic missiles. The Zionist entity occupyingArab Palestine refuses to accede to the Treaty on theNon-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and refuses toplace all its nuclear installations under thecomprehensive safeguards regime of the InternationalAtomic Energy Agency.

Besides being a threat to peace and security in theMiddle East region and the world, such a positionexposes the double standard applied by the UnitedStates, which at once arms the Zionist entity and givesit unlimited support and deliberately ignores theprovisions of paragraph 14 of Security Councilresolution 687 (1991). This paragraph specifies that themeasures imposed on Iraq should be applied to othercountries in the region in order to make the MiddleEast a zone free of weapons of mass destruction and ofall systems of delivery of such weapons, as well as topursue the goal of imposing international prohibitionsagainst chemical weapons. The Security Council hastaken no action in this regard, despite the fact that Iraqhas implemented all the required measures.Consequently, the way in which the Security Councilhas acted under American pressure in this context is aflagrant example of a double-standard policy.

The President: I now give the floor to HisExcellency Mr. Marc Nteturuye, Chairman of thedelegation of Burundi.

Mr. Nteturuye (Burundi) (spoke in French): Onbehalf of the Burundi delegation and on my ownbehalf, I first congratulate you warmly, Sir, on yourelection to lead the work of the current session. Your

election is an honour and a sign of the great esteem inwhich the United Nations family holds you and yourcountry, Finland, which maintains friendly, cooperativerelations with Burundi.

I would further like to pay a well deserved tributeto your predecessor, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, Ministerfor Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Namibia, whomasterfully led the work of the previous session. Weparticularly appreciated his competence, dedication andhigh level of commitment to successfully fulfilling hismandate.

I also salute the dynamic and innovative work ofMr. Kofi Annan, the Secretary-General, to achievepeace, security and development throughout the world.My delegation greatly appreciates his report, “We thepeoples: the role of the United Nations in the twenty-first century”, which undertakes a painstaking anduncompromising analysis of the great challenges ofthese times and proposes an approach to overcomingthem so that it will be possible to live in a world freefrom want and fear, in a world that meets ouraspirations.

Finally, it is my pleasure to welcome warmlyTuvalu as a new Member of our Organization, and atthe same time to congratulate it on its wise decision toour ranks at this beginning of the new millennium.

My delegation unreservedly supports andendorses the Millennium Declaration, adopted by ourheads of State and Government on 8 September 2000.We very much hope that its pertinentrecommendations, made by almost all the world’sleaders, will not become a dead letter. The UnitedNations, and each country in particular, mustimplement the appropriate strategies to translate therecommendations into concrete actions that canimprove the future of our populations and peoples — inparticular the most disadvantaged.

At one of the meetings of the MillenniumSummit, which concluded on 8 September 2000, theMinister for Foreign Affairs and Cooperation ofBurundi, speaking on behalf of the head of State,stated:

“The Burundian people are in the process ofturning a page in their history. The agreement on peaceand national reconciliation was signed on 28 August inArusha, Tanzania, before the eyes of the entire world,which hailed the occasion. This was a qualitative leap

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forward towards a better future for the Burundianpeople.” (A/55/PV.7)

Later the Minister said, however:

“Everything has not yet been resolved ... thegreatest remaining challenge is ending the war,without which the implementation of theagreement is practically impossible.” (ibid.)

The end to the war was to have been negotiatedyesterday, 20 September, at a meeting scheduled inNairobi between the Government and the rebels, andbefore the heads of State of the region. The Presidentof the Republic himself represented the Government.The heads of State of the region and, of course, themediator were also there. The three political partiesthat had not signed the 28 August peace agreementwere also there, and they signed the agreement. Thusthe maximum number of parties have now acceptedthis agreement.

As for the rebels, only one movement, the FNL,was represented by its leader. The head of the othermovement — the CNDD-FDD, which is the moreimportant group — did not make the trip. The twomovements refused to negotiate anything or to meetwith the Government delegation. Rather, theycontented themselves with repeating theirpreconditions and pleading that they had to consulttheir rank and file before making any commitments.

Thus the meeting was a failure. The hopes of theBurundi people of seeing the violence come to an endwere dashed. The implementation of the peaceagreement has been called into question. Thesignatories to the agreement on peace and nationalreconciliation — negotiated two years ago — are nowaccused of being traitors and men of straw, and arebeing asked to return to the negotiating table. Thosetaking part in the rebel uprising go so far as to call intoquestion the good faith of the leaders who sponsoredthe negotiations and the signing of the peaceagreement.

Before denouncing the 28 August peaceagreement, the rebel uprising had hidden itself behind aseries of preconditions for the ceasefire negotiations.The two principal preconditions were as follows.

The first precondition was the dismantling of theregroupment camps. This precondition has beenmeaningless since 31 July 2000, because theGovernment had committed itself to dismantling the

camps by that date, and it kept this promise, as theUnited Nations has confirmed on the basis of reportsfrom its agencies working in the field in Burundi. Thefacilitator, Mr. Nelson Mandela, himself publiclyreaffirmed these reports during the signing of the peaceagreement on 28 August.

The second precondition related to the release ofpolitical prisoners — an issue that has been the sourceof a great deal of disagreement between the negotiatingparties. But since then, thanks to the compromise thatthe parties have reached, contained in article 15 andpoint 20 of the second protocol to the peace agreement,the current Government can create an independentcommission to look into, inter alia, the issues of prisonconditions and political prisoners.

Mr. Vohidov (Uzbekistan), Vice-President, took theChair.

That is why it has just asked the Secretary-General to send to Burundi a team of experts incriminal law to inquire freely into the existence or non-existence of political prisoners in Burundi. It is nolonger possible to deal with this question outside of thepeace agreement unless one wants to imperil the entirepeace process. The Government and the people ofBurundi were very grateful for the opportunity theyhad to explain to the Facilitator during his two visits toBurundi how delicate the problem was.

Burundians suffer enormously from war; theywant finally to breathe the air of peace. Deadly, wantonambushes against people travelling on the roads,attacks on innocent people in the hills and in thedisplaced persons camps, theft of livestock, destructionof houses, crops, social infrastructure and so on — allof this must stop so that, finally, our country can regainits peace and tranquillity.

Setting conditions to halt violence is cruel, andthe international community must condemn thisattitude and those responsible for it. Given theintransigence of the rebels, the Government of Burundicalls upon the region and the international communityto implement the provisions of article 2 of the peaceagreement, which states that if the armed groups of thenon-signatory parties reject the invitation made in theagreement to suspend hostilities and to startnegotiations for a ceasefire, the guarantors of theagreement, particularly the Governments ofneighbouring States, and the internationalorganizations will take “the necessary steps to stop,

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demobilize, disarm and, where appropriate, arrest,detain and repatriate the members of these armedgroups and, furthermore, take all appropriate stepsagainst any party which encourages and supports suchactivities”.

In the absence of a ceasefire not only do theinnocent continue to die, but also the refugees anddisplaced persons cannot return home; assistance torebuild the country cannot begin; and even thetransitional institutions established cannot functionproperly. Why is the international community silentwhen two armed movements are holding hostage anentire people that had pinned so many hopes on thepeace agreement which has now been signed by 19 outof 19 parties — in other words, all of the negotiators?

The Government, as it has often repeated, isprepared to negotiate directly with the rebels and toconclude the ceasefire agreement as soon as possible. Itwill also continue to explain the peace agreement to thepeople so that they will support its contents and itsprogramme. It is also continuing consultations in orderto arrive at compromise solutions regarding thereservations expressed by certain parties about theagreement and other questions that are still pending.

We would be deluding ourselves if we said thatBurundi will attain peace and security without afavourable environment in the subregion and in Africain general. Unfortunately, nothing leads one yet to hopethat peace will be established in the Great Lakes regionany time soon. The Lusaka agreements signed inAugust 1999 still offer a few glimmers of hope beforeactually entering into force. However, they are animportant basis for the resolution of the conflict in theDemocratic Republic of the Congo. The summit thattook place, again in Lusaka, on 14 and 15 August 2000unfortunately ended in failure, even though it was onemore chance to establish the basis for peace. However,a lost opportunity should not discourage us. We wouldlike here to say that we very much support PresidentFrederick Chiluba of the Republic of Zambia for histireless efforts to find a solution to the question of theCongo, and we encourage him to persevere.

Contrary to the allegations made by the head ofthe delegation of the Democratic Republic of theCongo from this rostrum on 16 September, I wish toreaffirm that the only interest of my country, Burundi,is to maintain security over our borders. We have noother ambitions, political or economic, with regard to

any neighbouring country. And we hope that the sameapplies to our neighbouring countries, in particularthose who give refuge to and assist the Burundianrebels.

Each country, and the subregion in general, mustfocus on problems of development. The ideology ofgenocide, which is undermining the entire Great Lakesregion, and the many armed rebellions by those whochampion that ideology, will be overcome only throughthe concerted and determined efforts of all States of theGreat Lakes region, with the active support of theinternational community.

In this context, the conference on peace, securityand development for the Great Lakes countries,envisaged for several years now, can be successful onlyif each country of the region makes a meaningful effortto improve their domestic policies.

By holding the Millennium Summit, the UnitedNations chose a very opportune moment to discuss thegreat challenges that await us in the coming century:peace, security and disarmament, on the one hand, anddevelopment and the eradication of poverty, on theother.

As is so well summarized by the Secretary-General in his report, we must live free from fear andfree from want. Although these two goals are the veryessence of our Organization, it must be stated that,unfortunately, we are still wide of the mark. Fratricidalwars continue to break out in various parts of the worldand it takes too long to put the fires out. Conflictsbreak out on the borders of neighbouring countries, andentire communities are forced into exile. Given themultitude of these conflicts and their complexity, theinternational community has only a mixed record ofsuccess. Like other heads of delegations that havepreceded me, I am inclined to wonder why ourOrganization does not do better in preventing andresolving conflicts and in peacekeeping.

On this subject, we very much support theimplementation of the valuable recommendations in theBrahimi report, which was the outcome of an in-depthstudy at the request of Mr. Kofi Annan on the activitiesof the United Nations in the area of peace. We welcomethe steps already taken by the Secretary-General toprepare a detailed plan for the implementation of theserecommendations.

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If our Organization were to engage in some self-questioning, we would probably find that one of theprimary causes for failure lies in the very functioningof the United Nations. The Security Council decides oneverything, and it decides too slowly. In the face ofurgent situations, there is too much procrastination dueto political expediency which is very ofteninsufficiently understood by the internationalcommunity.

Over the last fifty years, it is the same peoplewho decide the fate of humanity while safeguarding theinterests of some States as a matter of priority. Peoplewho seek urgent assistance thus have the impressionthat they are being held hostage or are being abandonedto their fate because international solidarity, so keenlyawaited, does not materialize. My delegation,therefore, reiterates the hope that we will re-think thefunctioning, composition and attributes of the SecurityCouncil in order to revitalize it and to adapt it to thisongoing state of change.

The question of the equitable representation of allregions of the world on the Security Council and thequestion of increasing the number of members, bothpermanent and non-permanent, deserve our attention.They are in tune with the imperatives of democracyand legitimacy in making decisions in this highlyimportant Organization — the United Nations. Onlysuch a reform can restore the confidence of all MemberStates in reviving the force of law in internationalaffairs, because today, weak nations are confronting,basically, the law of force.

In order to do this the establishment of theInternational Criminal Court, the Statute of which wasadopted in Rome in 1998, will, I am sure, be a usefultool to combat impunity.

Although sanctions fall exclusively within thecompetence of the Security Council, from 31 July 1996until January 1999, Burundi lived under a regime ofeconomic sanctions imposed by neighbouringcountries, which was in violation of the United NationsCharter because it was not an initiative of the SecurityCouncil. As has been pointed out, such sanctions haveproved to be both unfair and counterproductive.Because of the adverse effects of these sanctions in theeconomic and social area, those who suffer the mostare innocent people — the elderly, women andchildren. The Security Council should therefore resortto targeted sanctions only in serious and exceptional

circumstances when other methods of pressure havefailed, in order to avoid causing harm to the entirepopulation.

The other major obstacle to world peace is theproliferation of light weapons — paradoxically, in poorcountries. Only with the combined efforts of all Stateswill we be able to deal with this phenomenon, becausearms manufacturers and merchants form a worldwidenetwork that represents big financial interests. Anypeacekeeping programme should therefore include, as amatter of priority, the monitoring of flows of lightarms, since it is such weapons that are used by mostclandestine movements to cause death and destructionthrough terrorism.

Furthermore, fear cannot be dispelled from theworld as long as competition to produce weapons ofmass destruction continues. Our Organization shoulddo everything it can to bring about complete globaldenuclearization in the medium term. This standingthreat to humanity undermines all hopes for a world ofpeace, to which the founding fathers of our worldOrganization aspired.

Those with the responsibility of governing someof the poorest countries in the world appreciate, on adaily basis, just how hard it is to ensure that peace canprevail in a community that is bereft of food and otherbasic needs. A proverb in our national language,Kirundi, says, “If you go to sleep with an emptystomach, you will wake up with a heart full of hatred”.It is no secret that the world has an abundance of richesand resources of all kinds. But that does not preventpeople in some parts of the world from dying of hungeror malnutrition, while their fellow human beings inother parts of the world — and sometimes even in theirown countries and cities — are wallowing in luxury.This means that true cooperation is the kind thatencourages growth in production and income to enablepeople to take control of health, education, nutritionand decent housing. By giving greater assistance to thepoorest countries, the rich countries would be workingnot only for a fairer world but for greater security fortheir own people.

The millennium report of the Secretary-General,submitted under agenda item 49 (b) of the fifty-fourthsession, rightly stresses the seriousness of the tragedycaused by the HIV/AIDS pandemic throughout theworld, focusing particular attention on Africa. Of the36 million people who are HIV-positive, more than 23

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million are in sub-Saharan African. According to thatreport, in the same region, more than one child in tenhas lost its mother to AIDS. The very pessimisticprediction has been made that by 2010 there will be 40million orphans. Burundi has not escaped thisdangerous epidemic, which appeared at the beginningof the 1980s and is continuing to cause devastationtoday, particularly among the most active and,therefore, the most productive people.

In the meantime, with the assistance of the WorldHealth Organization, the United Nations Children’sFund and other actors, to which we extend our heartfeltthanks, my Government has launched a robustprevention policy against HIV/AIDS. A special fundhas been established to combat this scourge, whichcould decimate entire generations. That is why weendorse the recommendations of the Secretary-Generalto reduce the HIV infection rate, particularly byincreasing access to information, education and healthservices for people who are already infected. At thesame time, we recommend that the pharmaceuticalindustry be provided with all the financial supportnecessary to develop an effective and affordablevaccine to eradicate this scourge by the end of thecentury.

Before we can be sure of having built a moresecure and prosperous world, we must be mindful ofthe need to bequeath to our children anenvironmentally balanced planet. Unfortunately, wehave to say that the industrial progress that wassupposed to have generated prosperity is making ournatural environment increasingly unhealthy. We must,as a matter of urgency, control the quality of industrialproduction and the phenomenon of population growth,particularly in urban areas, if we wish to safeguardquality of life for future generations.

We have often behaved as if nature would remainhealthy without our making any effort. Today,desertification is a threat to many countries that used tobe covered with vegetation. Drought has invadedregions that used to be crossed by great rivers andstreams. In those places where there is still enoughwater, it takes millions of dollars to treat it to make itpotable.

My delegation would like to reiterate theSecretary-General’s appeal to all Member States at theMillennium Summit to fund an assessment ofecosystems before it is too late. The result would no

doubt be a clear, realistic programme to protect ourenvironment.

Despite the difficult situation in which we havebeen living for several years, Burundi, in closecooperation with other Member States, will worksteadfastly to achieve the goals pursued by ourOrganization. We hope that the United Nations willadapt to current challenges and to changinginternational relations for the benefit of all humankind.

The Acting President: I now give the floor toHis Excellency Mr. Hussain Shihab, Chairman of thedelegation of Maldives.

Mr. Shihab (Maldives): Allow me at the outset toassociate myself with previous speakers incongratulating Mr. Holkeri on his election to presideover the General Assembly at this historic session. It isa tribute to his distinguished political experience and tothe invaluable contributions made by his country,Finland, to the work of our Organization.

I should also like to extend my appreciation to hispredecessor, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, the ForeignMinister of Namibia, for the excellent manner in whichhe discharged his responsibilities during the fifty-fourth session.

I would also like to pay a special tribute to ourSecretary-General, Kofi Annan, for the inspirationalleadership and the moral authority he has brought toour Organization. His report to the MillenniumSummit, “We the peoples”, will remain a powerful andluminous beacon as we strive to make the world a morejust and peaceful place for future generations and theUnited Nations a more effective, efficient andresponsive Organization in the new millennium.

Exactly 35 years ago today, Maldives wasadmitted to the United Nations. We were proud to takea seat in this world body, which has seen steady growthin its membership, activities and influence. Today, weare pleased to welcome to our midst the island nationof Tuvalu. We look forward to working with Tuvalu infurthering the cause of small island nations for a moreeconomically humane and socially just world that isenvironmentally sustainable in the future.

Wars, hunger and famine have marred much ofthe twentieth century. Terrorism, drugs and the spreadof HIV/AIDS threaten to destroy the peace andprosperity of our future generations. Economicinequality and social injustice have tended to increase,

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despite many laudable efforts to the contrary. Astechnological advances bring untold riches andopportunities to many, many more continue to live indeprivation, their lives becoming increasinglymarginalized in a fast-changing world.

Only a few days back, the Millennium Summitbrought together the largest-ever gathering of worldleaders in human history. It was not only a historicoccasion but also one that rekindled the hopes andaspirations of the world’s peoples. The MillenniumDeclaration adopted at the Summit charts out a futurevision for the world in which “the peoples” haverightfully been given pride of place in our efforts toreshape the future of humanity. As my President,President Abdul Gayoom, stated at the MillenniumSummit, “The gap between expectation and result mustbe eliminated” (A/55/PV.3) in the new millennium.

The leaders of the world have recognized thedangers posed to the future of humanity. They havepledged themselves to a better world — a world that ismore just, a world in which every human being can livein dignity, a world that rejoices in its diversity of races,religions and culture. They have pledged to strengthenthe United Nations so that it may have the resourcesand capability to deliver the dreams of “we thepeoples” of the world. It now remains for us totranslate these words into deeds, rhetoric to reality.Action must begin now.

For over two decades, Maldives has managed tomake significant economic and social progress. We areindeed proud of what we have achieved with thelimited resources at our disposal. A stable politicalenvironment, a supportive international community andthe creativity of our people have combined to help oureconomic growth. However, this does not reduce in anyway the vulnerability of our economy. We continue tohave a small and narrow economic base comprisingfisheries and tourism, both of which are extremelysusceptible to external forces that are often beyond ourcontrol. Indeed, the precarious nature of our economyis readily evidenced whenever the price of tuna plungesin the international market. Similarly, any downturn inthe economy of major tourist markets or regionalinstability casts a long shadow on our tourist industry.

We do not want to wear the least developedcountry label for ever. As a small but proud nation, we,too, would like to be a self-reliant country. Nationalpride, unfortunately, does not feed our population or

educate our children. It is for these reasons that duringthe Economic and Social Council meeting in July thisyear, Maldives argued against its removal from the listof least developed countries, which would undoubtedlypull the rug from underneath our feet. Indeed, oursuccesses in national development to date have beenhighly dependent on the concessional finance anddevelopmental assistance we have enjoyed as a leastdeveloped country. The withdrawal of access to suchconcessional assistance at this crucial stage of ourdevelopment would seriously cripple ourdevelopmental efforts. Our economy will slidebackwards if we lose preferential access to markets.Our debt burden will become unsustainable.

We take some comfort in the decision made bythe Economic and Social Council to defer theconsideration of the recommendation to graduateMaldives from the list of least developed countries.The structural impediments facing our developmentalefforts are so formidable that the country’s graduationat this stage is not justified. Our geophysicalfragmentation, combined with remoteness from majormarkets, accentuates our vulnerabilities, many ofwhich are unique. Maldives is not simply an islandnation; it is a nation of islands. In fact, we have over1,100 small, low-lying islands. Our population isscattered over 198 islands, each of which needs to beprovided with adequate administrative and socio-economic infrastructure. Poor and porous soilconditions prohibit most agricultural production, whileavenues for economic diversification are extremelylimited. Transport and communication costs areprohibitive. That is why we have appealed to theinternational community to take a closer look at oursituation and re-examine the issue of our graduationfrom the list of least developed countries. We hope theinternational community will understand and supportour cause.

Since the adoption of the Barbados Programme ofAction, the small island developing States have beenwaiting for the international community to meet thepledges made at the Conference on small islanddeveloping States, while their economic and ecologicalchallenges have increased manifold. We therefore arehappy that the world leaders at the Millennium Summithave once again highlighted the special needs of smallisland developing States, including the necessity ofdeveloping a vulnerability index that can truly capturethe unique features of these States. The leaders have

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also resolved to implement rapidly and in full theBarbados Programme of Action and the outcome of thetwenty-second special session of the GeneralAssembly. These are welcome developments which wehope will soon be translated into action by theinternational community.

Allow me to stress the importance of the earlycompletion of the vulnerability index called for by thisAssembly. In developing this index, we believe, theinternational community should take into account notonly those factors that are similar among the islandStates but also those that are unique to particular islandStates. For example, while some may be prone tocyclones and hurricanes, others may be more affectedby beach erosion or coral bleaching.

Maldives has consistently voiced its concernsover the negative impact of environmental degradationon small island States. We welcomed the adoption ofthe Kyoto Protocol. Unfortunately, the slow pace of itsratification by the international community continuesto endanger many small island developing States. It isindeed regrettable that to date only 23 countries haveratified the Protocol.

We are, however, heartened by the fact that theMillennium Declaration calls upon the internationalcommunity to expedite the early ratification of theKyoto Protocol to ensure its entry into force by thetenth anniversary of United Nations Conference onEnvironment and Development in 2002. We call uponthe United Nations to take a leading role in making therelevant resolve of our leaders at the Summit a reality.As the President of the Maldives, speaking at theMillennium Summit, declared,

“Humanity’s quest for progress must besustainable. We have no right to destroy the Earth.Ecological damage must be stopped. Global warmingmust be curbed. All low-lying countries must besaved.” (A/55/PV.3)

The protection and security of small Statescontinue to constitute an issue of critical concern to mycountry. Among the 189 Members that compose theUnited Nations today, many are small countries whichrequire protection from a variety of threats to theirsecurity. The Maldives believes that within the sphereof international peace and security, which has alwaysremained a high priority on the United Nations agenda,the security of small States should continue to receivespecial consideration as a political and moral

obligation of the international community. The interestand concern of the United Nations on this issue shouldnot be allowed to diminish, even in the future.

Globalization is today a reality. No country, largeor small, can swim against the tide of globalization andthe digital revolution that is reshaping the modernworld. Globalization must benefit all countries. Itscosts must be shared evenly by all countries. The leastdeveloped countries must be granted duty-free andquota-free access to the markets of developed countriesfor their exports. They deserve debt relief, includingdebt cancellation, in return for demonstrablecommitments to poverty reduction. Developmentassistance needs to be increased. We remain hopefulthat the Third United Nations Conference on the LeastDeveloped Countries, to be held next year, will usherin a new era of development for the least developedcountries.

During the course of last year, the United Nationswas able to record some important achievements. Thefollow-up sessions to the world conferences on womenand on social development reaffirmed the goals ofcreating a more just and tolerant society. Modest butsignificant progress was achieved by the ReviewConference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons towards freeing theworld from the scourge of nuclear arms. Effortstowards the establishment of an International CriminalCourt are moving ahead. A valuable framework forstrengthening United Nations peacekeeping operationshas been laid out by the Brahimi report (A/55/305).

Yet many shortcomings and frustrations continueto plague the world community. Conflicts based onethnic arrogance rage on. Poverty persists at a levelthat is morally repugnant. The spread of the HIV/AIDSpandemic needs to be urgently addressed. Internationalpeace and security continue to be threatened byterrorism and drug trafficking cartels operating withinand across borders.

A comprehensive and permanent peace settlementin the Middle East continues to elude us. This isdisappointing. We would like to reiterate our fullsupport for the cause of the Palestinian people and toencourage the sponsors of the peace process in theMiddle East to continue to pursue their efforts towardsachieving a lasting peace in the region.

The situation in the Gulf continues to trouble us.Peace, progress and security in that region can never be

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achieved unless settlements on all unresolved issuesare complied with fully by all the parties concerned inconformity with the relevant United Nationsresolutions. We would like to reaffirm our unwaveringsupport for the independence, sovereignty andterritorial integrity of Kuwait. As I mentioned before,we continue to believe that the United Nations has anobligation to uphold the security and territorialintegrity of all Member States, including small States.

The Maldives firmly believes that the myriadchallenges facing the world today can be effectivelyaddressed only in a multilateral framework in whichthe United Nations must play the central role. Despitethe many shortcomings it may have, the United Nationsremains the only truly universal organization whereglobal issues can be addressed. We believe that anincreasingly interdependent world calls for astrengthened multilateral system with an effectiveinternational legal regime that is respected by allnations. It is with this conviction that the Maldives hasbecome a State party to a number of internationalconventions and treaties, including the eightconventions and treaties to which we became partyduring the Millennium Summit, taking advantage of theopportunity offered by the Secretary-General.

We fully support the steps being taken by theSecretary-General in the process of reforming ourOrganization. While there has been much progress,more remains to be done. Reform of the SecurityCouncil to reflect the political reality of the modernworld is essential if the United Nations is to remain acredible and effective organization, enjoying theconfidence of the peoples of the world. Reform of theUnited Nations must aim at enhancing the legitimacyof the Organization, making the United Nations moredemocratic and transparent, and reinforcing the abilityof the United Nations to uphold equality amongnations.

At the Millennium Summit, our leadersilluminated the way forward. It now remains for us tomove forward in concert, for the benefit of the peoplesof the world.

The Acting President: I give the floor to theMinister for Foreign Affairs of Zimbabwe, HisExcellency Mr. Stanislaus Mudenge.

Mr. Mudenge (Zimbabwe): I wish tocongratulate Mr. Harri Holkeri of Finland on hiselection to the presidency of this historic session of the

General Assembly. I also take this opportunity tocongratulate his predecessor, my dear brother andcolleague, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, the Foreign Ministerof Namibia, on a job well done.

Zimbabwe joins other Members of the Assemblyin welcoming the admission of Tuvalu as the onehundred and eighty-ninth Member State of the UnitedNations.

Since a Millennium Assembly can only comeonce in a lifetime, it is my singular honour andpleasure to address this Assembly. The twentiethcentury was probably the most eventful in the historyand the experience of Zimbabwe. As we enter thetwenty-first century and the new millennium, thepeople of Zimbabwe, in a very symbolic and yethistoric way, find themselves concluding painfulchapters of their experience, whose closure is critical tothe laying of a foundation for a better future.

Structural inequalities are a fundamental realityof Africa’s colonial past, which many countries like myown are grappling with to this day. In my country 70per cent of Zimbabwe’s best arable land is stillcontrolled by less than 1 per cent of the population —roughly 4,500 settlers or their descendants. This is in acountry of nearly 13 million people. It is a historicalfact that the colonial regime forcefully robbed us ofthis land without paying us any compensation. As Ispeak, the Government of Zimbabwe is in the processof taking back 5 million of the 12 million hectares ofour prime land to settle landless peasants.

Zimbabwe’s land reform programme is meant notonly to correct the wrongs wrought on our society bycolonialism, but also to restore our people’s heritageand basic means of subsistence and economicparticipation. In this endeavour, we have receivedneither the cooperation of those sectors of our societyto which colonialism bequeathed special privileges, northe acknowledgement or support of former colonizerswho willed those privileges. In pursuit of their policies,those powerful interests have employed their financialmight, as well as their control of the media to not onlychoke our economy but also to demonize us before theworld.

We cannot, in one breath, pay lip service tohuman rights, equality and poverty eradication and, inthe next, defend inequality, which condemns themajority to a life in squalor. We invite all our partnersto see through the veil of the negative and racist media

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blitz, acquaint themselves with our people’s real needfor justice, restoration and agrarian reform and help usremove the barriers that constrain poor people’s abilityto benefit from their economy and to contribute to itsgrowth.

Our determination to undertake land reform inZimbabwe is one of the “crimes” cited in the so-calledZimbabwe Democracy Act 2000, which was passed bythe United States Senate in June this year and is beforeCongress as I speak. It proposes to prescribe theoutcome of our land reform exercise and seeks tovirtually usurp the authority of the Parliament ofZimbabwe. Most ironically, the so-called DemocracyAct proposes to authorize the investment of UnitedStates funds of around Z$ 300 million in the breedingof opposition parties in Zimbabwe. That amount, whichis exclusively for opposition parties, is more than fourtimes the Z$70 million distributed by the Zimbabweanfiscus among all political parties that have a stipulatedthreshold representation in Parliament. Are weexpected to just stand idly by and watch helplessly asour destiny is determined from outside our country?Where, I ask, is our self-determination and oursovereignty, for which so much blood and so manylives were sacrificed by our people?

The measure seeks to hurt Zimbabwe’s fortuneseven further by issuing United States directors at theInternational Monetary Fund and the World Bank withstanding directives to vote against Zimbabwe at everyopportunity. This means that even if Zimbabwe met allmacroeconomic requirements and exercised therequisite fiscal discipline it would still be disqualifiedin its quest for assistance from the Bretton Woodsinstitutions, on the basis of political considerations thatare totally extraneous to the stipulated technicalcriteria.

Just what are the rules of the game, and to whomare these international financial institutionsaccountable? Do we need any further justification forthe resounding call for a new international financialarchitecture? For while the current internationalfinancial architecture is subservient to the interests ofthe rich and the strong, even to the satisfaction of theirlast extraterritorial exploit, it remains for everinsensitive to the survival needs of the small, the weakand the poor.

Zimbabwe’s involvement in the DemocraticRepublic of the Congo to help prevent mayhem,

bloodshed and the overthrow of a legitimateGovernment there is another “crime” cited in theZimbabwe Democracy Act 2000. At the invitation ofthe Government of the Democratic Republic of theCongo, Zimbabwe, together with other allies of theSouthern African Development Community (SADC),sent troops to the Democratic Republic of the Congo tohelp fend off an invasion by two of that country’sneighbours. The responsive intervention of the SADCallies effectively contained the situation andestablished the relative calm and stability prevailing inthe Democratic Republic of the Congo today. It alsopaved the way for the peace process that culminated inthe signing last year of the Lusaka CeasefireAgreement, which, all involved agree, offers the besthope for establishing and maintaining peace in theregion.

What does Zimbabwe get in return for itssacrifices in upholding the principles of the UnitedNations Charter? Sanctions and threats of moresanctions are the response. For helping to create thevery conditions that enabled the United Nations to setfoot in the Democratic Republic of the Congo,Zimbabwe is today questioned, tried and sentenced topariah status. Some of the proponents of the ZimbabweDemocracy Act 2000 have demanded that Zimbabwewithdraw its troops from the Democratic Republic ofthe Congo before they can even consider withdrawingthat measure.

Are we being punished for creating conditionsthat enabled the United Nations and other humanitarianagencies to deliver assistance to Congolesecommunities? Are we being vilified for enablingthousands of Congolese children to get poliovaccinations and other types of life-savingimmunization? After offering our partnership in thequest for peace and human well-being, we expect theinternational community to respond accordingly andcooperate with us.

Instead of punishing those who invaded theDemocratic Republic of the Congo, instead ofcensuring those who are violating the nationalsovereignty and territorial integrity of the DemocraticRepublic of the Congo, in blatant desecration ofcardinal principles of the Charter, instead ofquestioning those who are already in contempt ofSecurity Council orders to withdraw immediately fromthe Democratic Republic of the Congo, some membersof the international community have chosen, rather, to

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victimize Zimbabwe, whose troops are in theDemocratic Republic of the Congo at the invitation ofthe Government of that country. Exactly what outcomedoes the international community wish to see in theDemocratic Republic of the Congo?

I reiterate, and categorically so, that Zimbabwe iscommitted to the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement and toSecurity Council resolutions adopted on this question.In this regard, Zimbabwe is ready to immediatelywithdraw its troops from the Democratic Republic ofthe Congo, under the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement, assoon as the United Nations deploys peacekeepers inthat country. We therefore urge the Secretary-Generalto deploy the observer mission already authorized bythe Security Council as part of phase two deployment,so that we can move to phase three and the deploymentof actual peacekeepers in order to enable us to leavethe Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Like their neighbours in the Democratic Republicof the Congo, the peace-loving people of Angola arevictims of an imposed war that has been fomented bygreed rather than grievance. While the crisis is far fromresolved, we are mollified by the position taken by theSecurity Council, through the Angola sanctionsCommittee, to ensure the effective application of theembargo against UNITA. We support the Secretary-General’s stance of naming and shaming the violatorsof sanctions as a way of preventing the opportunismand greed that fan conflicts. This was the positionadopted by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) atits last summit, in Lomé, Togo.

In both the Democratic Republic of the Congoand Angola, we challenge the United Nations, and theSecurity Council in particular, to come to the aid anddefence of the innocent victims of war, to protect theirnatural heritage and resources from pillage, and tosafeguard their territorial integrity and nationalsovereignty.

With regard to the Lockerbie affair, we still awaitthe Security Council’s comprehensive and finalresponse to Libya’s full compliance with the Council’sresolutions. It was the Council’s own commitment thatsuch a conclusive step would be taken 90 days afterLibya’s full compliance. We call for transparency andfairness in the trial itself, at The Hague, to avoid anymiscarriage of justice.

The international community must never losetrack of the long, drawn-out dialogue on the peace

process in the Middle East, particularly in Palestine.We call for good faith and consistency in thenegotiations until the brotherly Palestinian peopleattain statehood with national sovereignty andterritorial integrity.

In Western Sahara, the international communityowes it to the Sahrawi people to ensure the earlyholding of a free and fair referendum to allow them thepriceless opportunity to determine their destiny.

On the global economic front, the last decade ofthe twentieth century witnessed tremendous progress insome parts of the world, but it also saw stagnation andsetbacks, even in some countries that had previouslyexperienced fast economic growth. Periods ofeconomic and financial crisis lead to retrenchment,wherein concern for people gives way to concern forbalancing budgets and payments. Those crises haveunderscored the importance of understanding andstrengthening the social underpinnings of developmentto ensure that peoples, their cultures and their societiesare taken into account in the process of development.

Poverty amid plenty is an affront to our commonhumanity. At a time when the world has thewherewithal to attack poverty vigorously, spectacularaffluence and abject poverty are found side by side. Incontrast to its potential as the ultimate provider of newopportunities for growth and development worldwide,globalization has been accompanied by wideningincome disparities among, as well as within, countriesand regions. Its ill effects have disproportionatelyvictimized the most vulnerable and marginalizednations and sections of society. Globalization isredefining the nature and role of States and thegovernance of international bodies, therebysubordinating democratic political processes tounaccountable economic and financial actors andinstitutions. Globalization is thus undermining theability of Governments to serve as guarantors of thesocial, economic, political and cultural health of ourcommunities.

At the expense of our common goals andobjectives for international economic cooperation, wehave surrendered to blind market forces in the fainthope that somehow things will, as if by magic, turn outright. The consequences of that impoverishing processare clearly visible in a number of alarming trends, suchas the takeover of national assets by transnationalcorporations in the name of public enterprise

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privatization and commercialization. As a result, Africaenters the new century hanging on the vagaries ofglobal markets, accounting for only 1 per cent of globalgross domestic product and about 2 per cent of worldtrade.

Geographically, Africa is probably the world’smost fragmented region. The continent is demarcatedby about 165 borders dividing it into 53 countries, 22of them with less than 5 million people and 11 withless than 1 million. That fragmentation imposes realconstraints on development, and, without economicintegration, Africa will fall farther behind. Wetherefore call upon the international community tosupport our efforts at regional integration as wepromote regional public assets and initiatives,including regional infrastructure such as roads,railways, ports and power-pooling systems, infectiousdisease control, centres of excellence for training,regional markets and trade, and agricultural researchand early warning systems for drought.

Despite talk of the global village, it is apparentthat Africa’s lonely days are not yet over. For we stillhave cause and occasion to feel marginalized in somany respects. We know what it is like to give passageto emergency aircraft and sea vessels that criss-crossour airspace and waterways to attend to emergingcrises in distant places while our own crises simmer onand explode in our faces. Our ceasefire agreements andtruces are tested beyond limit, while the UnitedNations stands aloof and unimpressed; yet urgentinterventions are deployed to flashpoints in otherregions, even without ceasefire guarantees.

Hesitant and half-spirited interventions by theSecurity Council in several African conflicts haveneither done the job nor enhanced the credibility of theUnited Nations. As the United Nations organ uniquelymandated to maintain international peace and security,the Security Council should make itself equallyattentive to the needs of the world’s family of nations,including through cooperation with regionalarrangements everywhere, as provided for in ChapterVIII of the United Nations Charter. Or is it true that solong as the Security Council remains unreformed, itwill always fail to respond adequately to the interestsof all the Members of the United Nations?

As we review the progress of nations and designthe role of the United Nations in the twenty-firstcentury, we need to remind ourselves that “we the

peoples” of the world constitute the real wealth of thebrotherhood of nations. The thrust of the UnitedNations agenda — and, indeed, of development — istherefore to create an enabling environment for peopleto enjoy long, healthy, peaceful and creative lives.

I wish to put it to this Millennium Assembly thatthe role of the United Nations in the twenty-firstcentury is to champion the agenda of the world’s weak,those marginalized and impoverished by globalization,those currently circumscribed to the margins of policyand decision-making in the international economic andsocio-political system. In brief, it is to protect the weakand manage the strong.

The Acting President: I give the floor to HerExcellency The Honourable Janet Bostwick, AttorneyGeneral and Minister for Foreign Affairs of theBahamas.

Ms. Bostwick (Bahamas): The Bahamasdelegation sincerely congratulates Mr. Harri Holkeri onhis election to the presidency of this MillenniumAssembly and assures him and the members of hisBureau of its full cooperation and support.

I wish also to commend Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab ofNamibia, who presided over the fifty-fourth session ofthe General Assembly.

The Bahamas delegation also wishes to payspecial tribute to the Co-Chairpersons of theMillennium Summit, Ms. Tarja Halonen, President ofFinland, and Mr. Sam Nujoma, President of theRepublic of Namibia. Their combined wisdom andfocused leadership contributed in no small part to thesuccess of the Millennium Summit.

The Bahamas is pleased to welcome Tuvalu as thenewest Member of this Organization. Tuvalu’smembership is a sign of the confidence that the UnitedNations continues to enjoy among nations of the worldas the best hope for the realization of the aspirations ofall peoples.

We applaud the Secretary-General’s continuingcommitment to the United Nations. This wasparticularly demonstrated by his bold proposals for thereform and revitalization of the Organization, whichculminated in the practical, responsive and visionaryMillennium Summit Declaration. The Declaration wasunanimously adopted by an unprecedented number ofheads of State or Government. In this MillenniumDeclaration, world leaders collectively and succinctly

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outlined the labyrinth of issues on the global agendafor which solutions are essential in the twenty-firstcentury. It is now our responsibility to implement it ingood faith. It cannot be business as usual in this UnitedNations.

The Millennium Declaration placed globalizationhigh on the list of issues requiring urgent attention. Asa process offering opportunities for growth anddevelopment, globalization has never been challenged.It is a grim reality, however, that few have profited, andsome, particularly smaller economies, have becomemarginalized and even more vulnerable.

For many of the small island developing States ofthe Caribbean, their mainstay industries, particularlybananas and financial services, have come underextreme pressure in this rapidly globalizing world.With respect to financial services, the Bahamas hasalways cooperated, and will continue to cooperate, withinternational efforts to combat money laundering.Currently we are amending our legislation andreinforcing our regulatory regime so as to fully complywith international best practices.

While the Bahamas will move expeditiously tocorrect deficiencies in our financial services industry,we call upon the Financial Action Task Force onMoney Laundering (FATF) and the other concernedfinancial agencies established by developed countriesto immediately adopt open and transparent proceduresto recognize when such deficiencies have beencorrected and to then take the necessary action as amatter of priority.

Additionally, it has been a source of seriousconcern to us in the Bahamas that one group ofcountries, the Organization for Economic Cooperationand Development (OECD), would seek to unilaterallydetermine what constitutes “harmful tax competition”in respect to financial services. We urge those countriesto cooperate in resolving these issues on the basis ofconstructive multilateral dialogue, given that thepressures applied in this and other areas not onlydisrupt growth and development, but could well lead tothe reversal of the gains made in the developmentprocess.

The intensity of protests in Seattle and inWashington, D.C., have mirrored the frustration ofmany developing countries in a globalization processwhich appears to be biased towards the rich andpowerful and to widen the gap between haves and

have-nots. Yet no country can opt out of globalization.Nor can we ignore the challenge its potentiallydevastating consequences present for peace andsecurity. The United Nations resolve that globalizationmust be fully inclusive and equitable should bebuttressed with effective action to ensure a vibrantglobal economic order in which all countries, large andsmall, developed and developing, mutually benefit.

The Bahamas is now an observer in the WorldTrade Organization (WTO) and will move purposefullytowards full membership. We have chosen to take thiscourse of action because we intend to participate fullyin the WTO processes. These processes should, andmust, make globalization and trade liberalizationinclusive and equitable instruments for development.We made this commitment at the highest level at theMillennium Summit.

There is another commitment in the MillenniumDeclaration that is of critical importance to smallisland developing States such as the Bahamas and othermembers of the Caribbean Community. TheMillennium Declaration reaffirms the United Nationsresolve to address the special needs of the small islanddeveloping States by implementing both the BarbadosProgramme of Action and the outcome of the twenty-second special session of the General Assembly on thisplan. It did so in recognition of the vulnerability oftheir economies to external shocks and theirsusceptibility to climate change, sea level rise andnatural disasters.

I wish to re-emphasize here that the call in theBarbados plan is for action. In line with theMillennium Declaration and their own national efforts,the small island developing States now expect action,through initiatives such as global disaster managementstrategies and a vulnerability index. Such initiativesmust take fully into account the socio-economicdevelopment and survival of small island developingStates. For Caribbean Community (CARICOM) smallStates, we also hope to see the development of anintegrated management approach to the Caribbean Seaadvanced.

We would also, in this United Nations, urge ourpartners in the developed world not to continue to putour countries at risk by shipping nuclear and hazardouswastes through the Caribbean Sea. We reiterate thisappeal in the face of recent evidence that suggests that

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the highly professed safety measures touted by thenuclear-power industry are questionable.

In the Millennium Declaration, world leaderscommitted themselves to overcoming many seeminglyintractable problems for which effective responses canonly be of a global nature.

The world’s drug problem, and the trafficking insmall arms and light weapons, are issues for which theglobal community urgently needs results. While thesetwin evils are, in our view, closely linked, everyindication is that the trafficking in firearms is taking ona life of its own. The introduction of firearms intoordinary, non-drug related criminal activity, and evendomestic conflict, is perhaps the greatest single threatto peace and stability in the Bahamas today.

Therefore, the Bahamas looks forward to nextyear's United Nations Conference on the Illicit Trade inSmall Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects. Weare confident that the commitments made in ourMillennium Declaration will motivate us to grasp thissignificant opportunity for concerted action. Weespecially urge developed countries in which firearmsare manufactured to take the steps necessary to preventillicit arms trafficking.

In the Millennium Declaration, world leaderscommitted themselves to the eradication of poverty,hunger and disease, and to making the right todevelopment a reality for all. This commitmentcompels us to act on several fronts to achieve ourobjectives. We must, for example, reach agreement toensure the success of the high-level international andintergovernmental event on financing for development,to be held in the year 2001.

Our commitment means that we must ensure thattechnological advances benefit not just the few, but allof humankind. We must work more assiduouslytowards the elimination of human rights violations,including violence against women and the traffickingin women and children. We must ensure equal rightsfor men and women, to bring down barriers todevelopment. For countries such as the Bahamas,forced to bear the brunt of sustained illegal migration,the United Nations must collectively address not onlythe challenges of migration flows worldwide, but alsothe reprehensible practice of alien-smuggling.

Our commitment means that we must achieve acomprehensive reform of the Security Council.

Addressing the unfolding human tragedy of HIV/AIDS is also an important front on which theMillennium Declaration charges us to work. Thepernicious effect of this disease, particularly on theeconomically productive sectors of society, has had adevastating impact on families, communities andnations globally. However, the major burden that AIDSpresents, particularly for health care systems, has beenmost profoundly felt in developing countries, where itthreatens to limit and reverse development efforts.Adequate resources must be provided to confront HIV/AIDS, particularly in Africa. In this regard, thepharmaceutical industry must be encouraged to play itsnecessary role.

The Bahamas welcomed the recently convenedconference in Barbados under the auspices of theWorld Bank, UNAIDS, the Pan American HealthOrganization/World Health Organization (PAHO/WHO), the United Nations Development Programme(UNDP), CARICOM and the Canadian InternationalDevelopment Agency (CIDA), which brought togetherhigh-level Caribbean health, education, economicdevelopment and labour policy-makers. The Bahamasis committed to doing its part in addressing this seriousproblem and has offered to host a regional centre toassist in combating this HIV/AIDS pandemic.

The agenda set for the United Nations by worldleaders is a formidable one. Forgive me if I restate theobvious — the Secretary-General cannot carry out thecrucial mandates we ourselves have entrusted to himunless and until he is assured of adequate andpredictable resources on a timely basis. At the sametime, the quotas on the basis of which the Organizationreceives its resources must be assessed in a fair,transparent and equitable manner. Only in this way willwe be able to give renewed impetus to the vibrantprocess of administrative and budgetary reformcurrently under way. By so doing, we will also breakthe cycle of the Organization’s inability to implementthe mandates that we ourselves have collectively set.

Furthermore, we must arrest the process wherebymany issues, including some of critical concern todeveloping countries, have been moved out of theambit of this universal Organization into narrower,special interest organizations. These organizationsharmonize and seek the interest of their Member States.Therefore, the decisions they take can run counter, notonly to the interest of non-Member States, but also tothat of global society as a whole.

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Allow me to raise one more serious concern - thesafety and security of our international civil service,the dedicated men and women who are the embodimentof the United Nations global outreach. In this respect,we extend our profound condolences to the families ofthe staff members who lost their lives as a result of therecent attack on the United Nations office in WestTimor. We also join other delegations in condemningthis attack and in urging the Government of Indonesiato spare no effort in bringing those responsible tojustice. We also extend condolences to the family ofthe United Nations refugee worker killed in an attackin Guinea. In situations such as these, we must showthat we can meet the concerns of our peoples and ourworld.

Through the historic Millennium Declaration,heads of State and Government reaffirmed their faith inthe United Nations and its Charter as indispensablefoundations for a more peaceful, prosperous and justworld. They also emphasized that the United Nations isthe pre-eminent global organization and has a centralrole in setting and acting upon the global agenda.Heads of State and Government equally provided uswith a concise, focused and realistic blueprint foraction by the United Nations in the twenty-firstcentury. They have charged the Secretary-General tokeep a score-card, the results of which will determinewhether we have been true and honourable custodiansof the United Nations Charter. It is imperative for us todemonstrate individually, and through our collectiveefforts, that we can leave for succeeding generationsthe kind of world envisioned in our Charter.

The Acting President: I now give the floor toHis Excellency Mr. Enrique Candioti, Secretary ofState and Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs ofArgentina.

Mr. Candioti (Argentina) (spoke in Spanish): Inthis, my first statement, allow me to congratulate Mr.Holkeri on his election to the presidency of the GeneralAssembly. I believe that this is a timely opportunity toemphasize the great friendship that unites theArgentine Republic and Finland.

I also express my gratitude to Mr. Theo-BenGurirab of Namibia, another country that is a friend toArgentina, for the constructive way in which hepresided over the Assembly’s work at the last session.

We also offer a cordial welcome to Tuvalu uponits entry into the United Nations and extend ourfriendship and cooperation to its people.

This debate is taking place after a very productiveexchange of opinions at the highest level during theMillennium Summit, which we hope will mark,together with the final Declaration, the beginning of anew era leading to a more equitable world and a moreeffective Organization, in accordance with objectivesset out by the Secretary-General in his report entitled“We the peoples”. For my country, this is also anopportunity to set out before the General Assembly theprinciples and objectives of our foreign policy.

The Government of President Fernando de laRúa, who took office on 10 December 1999, hasdrafted a foreign policy on the basis of the mandate itreceived from the Argentine people. This policy aimsat strengthening our integration with neighbouringcountries, intensifying the hemispheric dialogue andpromoting economic development, social progress, freetrade and a ban on weapons of mass destruction.

Argentina is determined to participate on theinternational scene jointly to build a peaceful andstable world based on the values of representativedemocracy, the rule of law, the protection andpromotion of human rights, respect for theenvironment, economic liberalization, social progress,international cooperation and the maintenance ofinternational peace and security, pursuant to thepurposes and principles of the Charter. Today, as wasstated at the Millennium Summit, these aspirations areshared by the vast majority of Members of thisOrganization.

On the basis of its ongoing interests, theGovernment has set as a priority objective its politicaland economic integration with the other Statesmembers of the Southern Common Market(MERCOSUR) — Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay —and associate members Chile and Bolivia. We haveagreed with these countries to consolidateMERCOSUR by adopting the measures necessary topromote greater integration on the basis of balance andequity. We have made significant progress towards theexpansion of our markets since the signing of theTreaty of Asunción in 1991. This was the fruit of thedetermination of the member countries to implement anopen trade policy in their economic programmes.

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The creation of MERCOSUR was a politicaldecision transcending the economic sphere.MERCOSUR provides a political forum within whichtrust, cooperation and the pursuit of full integration inall areas foster the increasing complementarity andconvergence of our interests. Bolivia and Chile havebound themselves to MERCOSUR as associatemembers in the context of the Free Trade Area and wetrust that they will become full members in the nearfuture.

As a consequence of the broadening political andeconomic dimensions of our integration project, we arealso witnessing the convergence of approaches todefence and security in our region. This contributes toa continental perspective based on confidence andcooperation. We and our neighbours have madeprogress towards the creation of the jointMERCOSUR, Bolivian and Chilean zone of peace.Argentina is part of a nuclear-free Latin Americareflecting the peaceful and cooperative securitynecessary to harmonious development.

At the same time, as a member of the Rio Group,which has now grown to include Costa Rica, theDominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala,Honduras and Nicaragua, Argentina has pursued itshigh-level political consultations and cooperation inorder to maintain peace, strengthen representativedemocracy and promote sustainable development in theregion. It is our firm intention that our countries shallenjoy greater participation in the global economy. Atthe recent summit convened in Brasilia tocommemorate the 500th anniversary of the discoveryof Brazil, the Presidents of all the South Americancountries reaffirmed the spirit of understanding andharmony that marks its relations on the basis of theseprinciples and objectives.

The consolidation of democratic stability in LatinAmerica continues to be a central policy of theArgentine Government. We do not interfere in thedomestic affairs of others and we respect internationallaw. We promote the consolidation of democraticprocesses on the basis of our deep conviction that free,regular and transparent elections and a plurality ofpolitical parties are essential instruments for affirmingand guaranteeing the institutional nature of democracy.

My country also reaffirms its commitment toeradicating poverty, inequity and social exclusion andto ensuring equal opportunity throughout the region.

We shall continue to pursue our joint action in theregional and global campaign against drug trafficking,terrorism, corruption, the illegal trade in arms andorganized crime.

The Argentine Republic has a natural interest inthe South Atlantic that is reflected in our participationin the zone of peace and cooperation of the SouthAtlantic, comprised of 21 African and three LatinAmerican countries. At the fifth ministerial meetingheld in Buenos Aires in October 1998, a plan of actionwas adopted to implement our shared objectives in thepeaceful settlement of disputes, economic cooperation,development, the conservation of fishery resources, thefight against drug trafficking and the protection of theenvironment.

My country is in favour of free trade in order toachieve development and the eradication of poverty.The Argentine Government believes that protectionismnot only generates the deflection of trade and theclosure of markets, but also constitutes a form ofdiscrimination. Argentina urges the entire internationalcommunity to commit itself seriously to eliminatingdistortions of trade and will continue to fight for theseobjectives. In this regard, we believe that progress isbeing made in negotiations on the free trade agreementof the Americas to create a hemispheric free trade areaby the year 2005.

In the World Trade Organization, our country hasprovided new impetus to the efforts to launch a newround to broaden trade liberalization, particularly inagriculture.

Argentina also continues to support negotiationsto develop political and economic association betweenMERCOSUR and the European Union, including, inthis framework, the gradual liberalization ofagricultural trade and services.

We are constantly seeking new ways to integrateourselves with the world. The realities of technologicalchange and continual innovation require developingcountries to adapt to a scheme of internationaleconomic integration based on a new paradigm ofproduction. The challenge is to ensure the access of theleast developed countries to this process of constanttechnological change and innovation. There can be nodoubt that the international community — in particularthe United Nations — must cooperate to promote thetransfer of technology from developed to developingcountries with sufficient flexibility and breadth so that

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technological innovations reach those countries withfewer resources.

In his report “We the peoples”, the Secretary-General quite rightly attaches great importance to thistask. Without the adequate dissemination of and accessto the new technologies of the digital revolution, wewill see the gap between rich and poor widen.Individual States and the international community as awhole must therefore find solutions that guaranteegreater fairness in the use of digital information.

Argentina remains fully committed to theinternational community’s efforts to protect theenvironment from the negative impact of humanactivities. In this regard we reaffirm our commitment tothe principles of sustainable development agreed uponin 1992 at the United Nations Conference onEnvironment and Development — principles that werereflected in the Rio Declaration on the environmentand in Agenda 21. Equally, we would like to stress theimportance of making adequate preparation — duringthis very fifty-fifth General Assembly — for theconference to be held in 2002 to review theimplementation of Agenda 21.

Moreover, we feel it is necessary to consolidatethe international legal regimes in the field ofenvironmental protection. In this context, and bearingin mind the devastating consequences of atmosphericwarming on the global ecosystem and on human life,we attach special importance to the entry into force, assoon as possible, of the Kyoto Protocol to theFramework Convention on Climate Change.

The twenty-first century was preceded by aprolonged strategic and ideological confrontation,which has given way to a moment in history in whichrepresentative democracy, human rights and openeconomies are shared values. At the same time, we arefacing a more complex world that has yet to engender astable international order. The explosion of seriousintra-State conflicts — as we have seen in the Balkansor in Africa — are signs of the emergence of a newstage in conflicts — a stage in which, regrettably,conflicts are based on ethnic, cultural and religiousdifferences.

The Republic of Argentina aspires to contributeto achieving multilateral consensus aimed at reducingand neutralizing risks to peace and at facilitating thedevelopment of nations. We believe that if thisconsensus were based on greater democratization in

international relations this would increase the efficacyand the functioning of the international system.

Since it is impossible for individual States to facethese threats alone, it is necessary to adopt cooperativesecurity policies to eliminate the potential risk ofconflicts and to strengthen the stability and security oflegal regimes. It is essential that we face in a unitedfashion the immediate and underlying causes ofconflicts, which often arise because of the lack ofeconomic opportunities and because of socialinequalities.

The Members of the United Nations face thechallenge of finding a response to questions raised byrecent international crises, including the internationalhumanitarian crises. My country believes that theprinciple of non-intervention must be duly respectedbecause it is the pillar underpinning relations betweenindependent States. At the same time, we cannotconceal our concern at the explosion of violenceagainst ethnic, racial or religious minorities.

In particular we are concerned about the situationof vulnerable groups, such as refugees and internallydisplaced persons, and about the situation of childrenin armed conflicts. Consequently we believe that theinternational community cannot remain indifferent andmust provide an adequate response to humanitariancrises.

We must emphasize the role that can be played byinternational tribunals to create awareness thatimpunity will not be tolerated. The InternationalCriminal Court and the tribunals for Rwanda, theformer Yugoslavia and Sierra Leone, which have beencreated, constitute important instruments of deterrence.

In addition to the internal reforms that theSecretary-General has initiated with singular successwithin his sphere of competence, the United Nationsmust give priority to more democratic consensus-building in the decision-making processes of the mainand subsidiary organs of the system. This needs to bedone in a fashion that does not hamper the speed andeffectively with which solutions are found to the dailyproblems facing the Organization.

Maintenance of international peace and securityis a primary responsibility of the Security Council,which must be strengthened. If these responsibilitiesare not fully shouldered, no other activity of the United

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Nations can be carried out with any certainty ofsuccess.

Since the inception of multilateral diplomacy,Argentina has defended the principle of the sovereignequality of States. It is therefore not surprising that ourcountry maintains that the reform of the SecurityCouncil must be arrived at via consensus, and thisconsensus must not entail new discrimination,privileges or exclusions.

The vast majority of the internationalcommunity — seeking to ensure respect for the valuesof democracy and universality — believes that a newSecurity Council will have to allow for greaterparticipation by all. This cannot be achieved if newpermanent seats — like those established in 1945 —are established. Reform of the Council must allow allStates a greater opportunity to participate in theCouncil, which must not be monopolized by only a fewcountries. For this reason, Argentina supportsexclusively an increase in the number of non-permanent members and the introduction of restrictionson the right of the veto, without losing sight of theultimate objective of eliminating it altogether. Wesupport the adoption of rules of procedure thatguarantee transparency and the possibility of theparticipation of all Member States in this organ.

Our support for the peaceful settlement ofdisputes continues to be a fundamental feature of ourforeign policy. President de la Rúa reiterated theArgentine commitment to continue participating inpeacekeeping operations established by the SecurityCouncil. The most recent conflicts have shown howimportant efficient training of the forces participatingin these missions is. Experience acquired by Argentinain 42 years of participating in these missions isreflected in the creation of the joint Argentine centrefor training for peacekeeping operations. It has beenoperating since 1995, with the participation ofpersonnel from other Member States. We alsoestablished the centre for training of security forces forforeign missions. Argentina, which is currentlyinvolved in nine peacekeeping operations, places at thedisposal of the United Nations its military and policetraining centres. We also support the initiatives tostrengthen the rapid deployment capacity of theOrganization, and we would support restructuringefforts aimed at optimizing the planning and supportfor peacekeeping operations both at Headquarters andin the field.

My country was pleased to receive theconclusions and recommendations recently issued bythe Panel on United Nations Peace Operations andcontained in the Brahimi report. These provide avaluable basis for building international consensusaimed at strengthening the capacity of the Organizationto prevent conflicts and to maintain and re-establishpeace. Argentina, which is part of the Bureau of theSpecial Committee for Peacekeeping Operations,supports the conducting, as soon as possible, of adetailed analysis of the recommendations contained inthe Brahimi report — including its possible financialimplications — with a view to achieving its earlyimplementation.

My Government is particularly concerned aboutthe problems related to the security and protection ofthose who participate in peacekeeping operations andhumanitarian missions. The personnel of the UnitedNations and associated personnel, as well as thepersonnel of other agencies that provide humanitarianassistance, are facing increasingly risks situations, aswe have seen recently in the tragic events that haveoccurred around the world. Consequently, Argentina,which is a party to the 1994 Convention on the Safetyof United Nations and Associated Personnel, has urgedan improvement in the security situation of UnitedNations personnel via the adoption of practical andlegal measures, including financial-planning andimplementation measures for these operations.

In this context we should also reiterate the duty ofthe international community to provide assistance tothose countries facing emergency situations, whicharise as a result either of natural disasters or of armedconflicts. In this area a significant role can be playedby the “White Helmets” initiative, which involves theestablishment of bodies of specialized volunteersorganized by the Members of the United Nations toprovide humanitarian assistance to peoples who arevictims of extreme emergencies and also to mitigate theserious problems that affect these people.

We should also mention the issue of AIDS whichparticularly affects the poorest areas of the world.More than 34 million people suffer from this illnesstoday. The virus has spread dramatically. In particular,more than two thirds of the victims are in sub-SaharanAfrica. This pandemic is aggravating poverty. Theillness and death of so many workers is drainingalready weakened economies. The impact of thisphenomenon on the future of the affected regions will

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probably mean greater marginalization and willundermine the foundations of stability, security andpeace. The international community and thisOrganization and its specialized agencies mustcontribute urgently all available resources to the fightagainst this disease.

I would like to refer in particular to thesovereignty dispute between my country and theUnited Kingdom regarding the Malvinas, SouthGeorgia and South Sandwich Islands as well as thesurrounding seas.

The recovery of the full exercise of sovereigntyover this part of our national territory, respecting theinterests of the inhabitants and international law, is aprecept enshrined in the Constitution of Argentina.This item is on the agenda of the Organization, whichin numerous resolutions has requested theGovernments of Argentina and the United Kingdom torenew negotiations to find a just and definitive solutionto the sovereignty controversy, thus putting an end to acolonial situation imposed by force in 1833.

Today, in accordance with that request, Argentinareiterates once again its complete willingness to renewbilateral negotiations with the United Kingdom toresolve this question. We reiterate our support for themission of good offices with which the GeneralAssembly charged the Secretary-General to assist theparties in achieving this objective.

The world stage in the post-cold-war era is thescene of ethnic conflicts, civil wars, massive violationsof human rights and fundamental freedoms, illegaltraffic in arms and other threats. At the same, time weare seeing the unprecedented spread of representativedemocracy and economic and technologicalmodernization.

Against this backdrop, our main task is to reachagreements that will enable us to face these challengesand seize these opportunities in the best way possible.

Equipping the United Nations for the challengesof the new millennium is the great task awaiting us. AllMember States must undertake to fulfil thiscommitment if our efforts are to be crowned withsuccess. Argentina is committed to this task and willcontinue making its contribution.

On 31 December next, my country will end itsterm as a member of the Security Council. During itstwo-year term, Argentina has done its utmost to

contribute constructively to decision-making andconsensus-building on all items on the Council’sagenda.

On the basis of our potential and bearing in mindthe features of the current international situation,Argentina intends, in the twenty-first century, tocontinue to play an active part in the consolidation ofpeace and international security and in the developmentof peoples.

The Acting President: I now call on HisExcellency The Honourable Allan Cruickshank,Minister for Foreign Affairs, Tourism and Informationof Saint Vincent and the Grenadines.

Mr. Cruickshank (Saint Vincent and theGrenadines): I take this opportunity to congratulate thePresident of the General Assembly on his election. Iam confident that his vision and energy will guide thissession to a successful conclusion.

I also thank Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, who led thefifty-fourth session of the General Assembly withdistinction and efficiency.

I commend Mr. Kofi Annan, the esteemedSecretary-General of this Organization, for thethoughtful recommendations which he has put forwardin his report to the Millennium Summit entitled “Wethe peoples: the role of the United Nations in thetwenty-first century”. His vision and stewardship haveproved to be vital factors in advancing the work andmission of the United Nations at this critical time in thehistory of the Organization and the world.

I join the previous speakers in welcoming thenation of Tuvalu as the 189th and newest Member ofthe United Nations family. Our newest entrant is alsothe smallest Member country of the Organization, witha population of 10,000 and a land area of nine squaremiles. It was very pleasing to my delegation to see theleader of that nation proudly take his place among theother leaders of the world in what was the largestgathering of heads of State or Government everassembled in one place, the Millennium Summit. Thereis a special affinity between the countries of theCaribbean Community (CARICOM) and Tuvalu. Weare among the smallest constituents of theOrganization. We share similar historical andconstitutional experiences. We face the sameenvironmental threats. We look forward, withconfidence, to a future involving the creative

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utilization of the phenomenal developments in the areaof information technology.

My country’s Prime Minister, The RightHonourable Sir James F. Mitchell, joined other leadersfrom the Caribbean Community, of which he is thecurrent Chairman, in denouncing the growinginsensitivity towards and disregard for the interests ofsmall developing countries on the part of the powerfulin today’s world. In his address to the MillenniumSummit the Prime Minister noted that while ourreligious heritage has taught us how to reach across theboundaries of nations through the very inspirationalguideline, “love your neighbour as yourself”, small andvulnerable island States such as our own are beingvictimized by the application of international rulescrafted by the mighty to serve their own purposes,oblivious to the concerns, and consequences for thewell-being, of others. We are all affected by themodalities of the global village which we inhabit,through revolutionary developments in communicationtechnology. Indeed, we have all become neighbours,and yet the competition among the world’s peoples hasbecome fiercer, with the rich countries surging aheadand widening the gap with poor countries. This gap isnow related not only to material wealth, but also,frighteningly, to the ability of less developed countriesto compete in the accepted medium of communication,because of the existence of an ever-widening digitaldivide.

The Millennium Summit concluded with theadoption by world leaders of a Declaration affirmingthe importance of the United Nations and the need tostrengthen its peacekeeping operations, as well asmaking commitments to targeted reductions in poverty,the levels of inhuman living conditions experienced byimpoverished nations around the world, the incidenceand spread of HIV/AIDS and the provision of basiceducation for all children. On the other hand, we areaware that the current world order is rapidly falling outof step with today’s realities and that there is a pressingneed for the international community to come togetherand address the numerous challenges before us.

We must acknowledge that efforts to address oldissues, like world poverty and its distribution, as wellas new ones arising from globalization, the rapidgrowth of information technology and the resultingdigital divide, the consequences of the environmentaldegradation of our planet, HIV/AIDS and genderissues, among others, have largely been inadequate.

Our common and daunting task is therefore to ensurethat this globalized world will be beneficial for all andnot just for some. More than ever before, there is anurgent need to foster a consciousness of universalmoral values in order to deal with present-dayproblems, all of which are assuming an increasinglyglobal dimension. The promotion of peace and humanrights, the settling of armed conflicts, both within andamong States, the protection of immigrants, thesafeguarding of the environment, the battle againstterrible diseases, the fight against drug and armstrafficking, money laundering and economic andpolitical corruption are issues which no nation,regardless of how wealthy or powerful, cansuccessfully address alone. They concern the entirehuman community and must be addressed and resolvedthrough common universal efforts.

My country, a small State in the Caribbean, hasalways been aware of its interdependence with othercountries for its prosperity and security. We havemoved to advance our interests through multilateralcooperation in the Organization of Eastern CaribbeanStates (OECS), CARICOM, the Organization ofAmerican States (OAS), the Association of CaribbeanStates (ACS), the Commonwealth and the institutionsof the United Nations system. For a small developingcountry like Saint Vincent and the Grenadines,multilateralism is not an option; it is an integral part ofour policies and programmes to enhance our standardof living and create a better life for all of our people. Itherefore reiterate my country’s commitment to andsupport for the work of the United Nations and itsagencies in this regard.

The Millennium Summit provided an appropriateopportunity for the assembled leaders to rededicatethemselves to the attempt to have an impact on andchange for the better the quality of life of the world’spoorest people, who are trapped in a vicious cycle ofdeprivation and suffering. The Summit will haveproved worthwhile if it is remembered not as a high-profile event to make the transition to a newmillennium, but as an event that made the transitionfrom words to deeds. The times demand nothing less.

The security, welfare and development of peoplemust, in the context of any new world order, dominatethe attention of the world’s multilateral financialinstitutions, as well as of the United Nations. We mustundertake sustained and concerted efforts to free ourpeople from poverty, hunger, illiteracy and disease.

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While micro-credit and other poverty-alleviationprogrammes have been successful, much needs to bedone to eradicate poverty. In this era of plenty, millionsstill suffer from hunger.

We had curbed old diseases like malaria, choleraand tuberculosis, but they have reappeared in new anddrug-resistant forms. Deadly diseases like HIV/AIDSare spreading at an alarming pace. The leaders of theCaribbean Community have placed combating thispandemic at the top of the regional agenda. Thisscourge has already claimed the lives of over 10million people. It is projected to claim the lives of over200 million by the year 2010, the majority of them insub-Saharan Africa.

The developed world is not spared, either.Worldwide figures indicate that 34 million people areliving with the disease, over 18 million have died sincethe beginning of the epidemic and over 13 millionchildren have become orphaned. In the Caribbeanregion, the disease now threatens the human resourcedevelopment efforts of CARICOM and could reversethe social and economic gains of the countries in thatsubregion. The prevalence rate in the wider Caribbeanis estimated at 172 cases per 100,000 people, thehighest rate of prevalence in the Americas, and second,in terms of the growth rate, to sub-Saharan Africa. AUnited Nations AIDS survey in 1999 showed that over360,000 adults and children in our region were livingwith the disease. There is no immunity. Internationalcooperation in the medical, ethical and legal fieldsmust be intensified if the disease is to be contained.

We cannot preach about human rights and theuniversality of the United Nations while at the sametime ignoring the aspirations of over 23 million peoplein the Republic of China on Taiwan. It is the view ofthe Saint Vincent and the Grenadines delegation thatthe time has come when serious consideration shouldbe given to the eligibility of the Republic of China onTaiwan to become a Member of the United Nations. Inthis regard, my Government is urging that the subjectbe placed on the agenda of the fifty-sixth session of theGeneral Assembly. We urge every Member State of thisnoble Organization to give its full support to thisworthy initiative for a country whose democraticcredentials cannot be challenged.

Saint Vincent and the Grenadines welcomes theprogress made in the Middle East peace process thusfar, and expresses the hope that through dialogue,

compromise and goodwill, the dream of lasting peacemay become a reality.

If countries like Saint Vincent and the Grenadinesare to survive globalization, the internationalcommunity must give careful and urgent considerationto the following measures: the revitalization of growthin developed countries; the lowering of interest rates;access to the world’s markets for the products ofdeveloping countries; the reduction of debt and thedebt-service burden; the reversal of the deterioratingsituation in the marketing arrangements for primaryproducts produced in the developing countries;economic diversification; increasing the levels ofofficial development assistance and humanitarian aid;reductions in net capital flows from bilateral andmultilateral sources; and combating the negativeconsequences of the graduation of some countries likeours, by international financial institutions, fromconcessionary funding arrangements.

Saint Vincent and the Grenadines shares theconcerns of other developing countries with regard tothe general decline in official development assistanceand the flow of foreign direct investment to developingcountries. We look forward to the consultation onfinancing for development planned for 2001.

The changing world environment dictates theneed for the revitalization and restructuring of thevarious organs of the United Nations organizations, butmy Government attaches very high priority to therevitalization and strengthening of the role of theUnited Nations in promoting international cooperationfor sound development, including economicdevelopment. We share the view that the UnitedNations should be encouraged to develop its fullpotential in the area of international economiccooperation and should be endowed with the requisiteresources to contribute to solving the serious economicand social problems facing developing countries intheir efforts to achieve sustained economic growth anddevelopment.

We commend those donor countries that havemade financial contributions to the South PacificApplied Geoscience Commission to assist thedevelopment of an environmental vulnerability index,and call for the early adoption by the internationalcommunity of a vulnerability index that would serve asa guide for multilateral financial institutions and the

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United Nations on the specific vulnerabilities ofdeveloping countries.

Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, like othersmall island developing States in the strategicallylocated Caribbean, continues to be plagued by theendemic problems of the production, trafficking andconsumption of illicit drugs and psychotropicsubstances. This modern day scourge continues to poseserious problems which threaten to destroy the socialand moral fabric of our communities. My Governmentis fully committed to the ongoing process ofcooperation with other countries to counter theseillegal activities. In this regard, I wish to reiterate inthis forum our complete support for the MultilateralEvaluation Mechanism (MEM), developed by themember countries of the Organization of AmericanStates (OAS) to monitor countries’ cooperation in theinternational fight against the drug trade. I also takethis opportunity to urge that more resources beallocated through collaborative efforts by theinternational community to encourage farmers to keepaway from the production of illicit crops.

In his address to the Millennium Summit, theChairman of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM)spoke of the outstanding and invaluable record of goodgovernance and respect for human rights anddemocracy in the entire Caribbean region. These areaspects of our society of which we are eternally proud.

Recently in Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, ourconstitutional democracy was put to the test throughopen expressions of dissent, but withstood the ordealthrough dialogue and compromise. My Government ispleased to put on record its appreciation to theVincentian people for upholding democratic values andrespecting the supremacy of the constitution and therule of law as fundamental principles by which ourbeloved country exists and governs itself. I also wish toexpress gratitude to CARICOM, to the Organization ofEastern Caribbean States (OECS), to the churches, tothe National Youth Council, to the Chamber of Industryand Commerce, to the Employers’ Federation and tomany individuals and other institutions for theirinvaluable contributions in bringing about a swiftresolution of the matter. My Government has longrecognized the urgent need for constitutional reformand will continue to work with other interested partiesto bring about meaningful change that would seek,among other things, to strengthen the foundations ofour democracy. As full members of this body, we have

seen, at close quarters, the importance of constitutionalreform in the promotion of democracy, stability andeconomic development.

We also recognize that constitutional reform iscrucial to strengthening our own integration processeswithin the Caribbean Community, including theestablishment of a Caribbean court of justice, to be,inter alia, the authoritative body adjudicating onmatters pertaining to the interpretation andimplementation of the provisions of the Treaty ofChaguaramas, which established CARICOM.

Many matters of profound importance to SaintVincent and the Grenadines and the CaribbeanCommunity as a whole are included in the agenda ofthis fifty-fifth session of the General Assembly. Theseinclude: sustainable development, the future of UnitedNations reform, the International Criminal Court andhuman rights, the death penalty and financing fordevelopment.

I wish, once again, to focus the attention of thisnoble gathering to the issue of the Caribbean bananatrade with the European Union (EU). The facts are welldocumented. Banana exports to the European Unionfrom my country and similarly from Dominica, SaintLucia and other African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP)countries are crucial to the economies of thesecountries and represent over half of all export earningsin some cases. The industry provides substantialemployment for many families in Dominica, SaintLucia and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, my owncountry.

Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is appreciativeof the efforts of the European Commission and otherparties which seek to bring about an amicable andequitable solution to the dispute. However we aredeeply concerned that, should the tariff quota regimebe eliminated as a means of ensuring conformity withthe 1999 World Trade Organization (WTO) ruling, thiswould have immeasurable harmful consequences forour economy. It will lead to the destruction of theCaribbean banana industry and negatively affect otherACP supplying States where exports are also crucial tothe economy.

The two alternative solutions being proposed bythe European Commission, that is a first come, firstserved system, along with a tariff rate quota and, if thatproves impracticable, moving directly to a tariff onlysystem, would prove to be disadvantageous and

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disastrous for the Caribbean industry. Neither systemensures access.

We therefore urge the interested parties to thedispute to use their substantial influence to bring aboutthe much-needed breakthrough which will facilitate aresolution that is acceptable to all parties. Anefficacious settlement of this long-standing issue willsupport our efforts, as a small economically vulnerableisland State, in eradicating poverty and maintainingpeace and economic security, which are vital for theachievement of economic diversification within areasonable period of transition.

While we recognize that there are structural andinherent disadvantages that inhibit our ability tocompete with highly integrated operations on themarket, we ask that an equitable solution be sought inorder to allow our people to engage meaningfully intrade and development, rather than be forever subjectedto the aid and dependency syndrome. Our expresseddesire to hold on to our banana industry, which servedus well, in no way reflects any misunderstanding of therealities of the present day trade and economicenvironment.

My delegation also wishes to express its concernover the procedural obstacles raised in Geneva withinthe WTO that would prevent consideration of thewaiver requested in respect of the new ACP-EUPartnership Agreement if it includes bananas withoutadvice on how the regime will be formed. My countryand other members of the Caribbean Community havebeen actively engaged in diversifying our economiesthroughout the last quarter of the last century. This hasinvolved activities in the agricultural, manufacturing,tourism and service sectors. In Saint Vincent and theGrenadines, as a direct corollary of this thrust, we haveimproved air access to our country and my Governmentcontinues to prioritize the education of our people toprepare them for the opportunities that will accrue.

My Government will continue to honour itscommitments to all international agreements to whichit is signatory. In furtherance to our internationalobligation we have signed the following: the UnitedNations Convention on Contracts for the InternationalSale of Goods, the Convention on the Recognition andEnforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards, the UnitedNations Convention on the Carriage of Goods by Sea,the International Convention Against the Taking ofHostages and the Convention on the Prevention and

Punishment of Crimes against Internationally ProtectedPersons, including Diplomatic Agents. All of theseinstruments were deposited with the Secretary Generalduring the Millennium Summit.

During his speech at the Millennium Summit,Prime Minister Mitchell stated that:

“Small island States such as our own, withan enviable record of good governance andhuman rights, have seen the mighty in the bananatrade using the international rules — crafted bythem — impede our economic growth.”

Similarly, the verdicts that have been imposed bythe Organization for Economic Cooperation andDevelopment (OECD) on our financial services,without any deference to our rights to be heard,demonstrate total disregard for the well-being of smallvulnerable States attempting to diversify theireconomies. I echo Prime Minister Mitchell’s sentiment,“Where is the fairness in free trade?”

Offshore financial services is one of our chosenavenues of economic diversification. We believe thatwe are capable of offering a useful, professional andmutually beneficial service to our clients. Accordingly,in 1995 we embarked on a comprehensive legislativeexercise to ensure that we would put in place aregulatory and supervisory framework to adequatelyadminister the conduct of international financialbusinesses operating in Saint Vincent and theGrenadines. In our efforts to further strengthen ourregulatory regime against money laundering activities,we enacted six additional pieces of offshore legislation.Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is committed to beinga responsible member of the international community,including by playing its part in the war against moneylaundering. We believe that those who toil to build abetter life for themselves, their children, theirgrandchildren and any other beneficiaries, should beafforded the right of privacy in their affairs. Suchpeople should have access to facilities that willpreserve that privacy, and the opportunity should becreated for them to optimize and maximize theirwealth. It is, however, important to note that whilst webelieve in the preservation of privacy, we are alsoresolute in efforts to ensure that persons of undesirablecharacter and conduct are not allowed to takeadvantage of the opportunities that are available in ourinternational finance sector.

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My country and others in the CaribbeanCommunity are deeply concerned that the so-calledharmful tax initiative of the Organisation for EconomicCooperation and Development (OECD) is designed tofrustrate tax competition, and that it threatens thesovereignty of small island States desperately seekingcreative avenues for survival. Such action on the partof the OECD could encourage the creation of a taxcartel, thereby removing the possibility of lower taxesfrom those who wish to legitimately escape themthrough the exercise of free choice. It would also closeoff an area of diversification and economic activity inwhich poor developing countries can be competitiveand which they have actively promoted for a long time.The unilateral practices of the OECD, the FinancialStability Forum and the Financial Action Task Forcealso impact negatively on the burden of taxation inwealthy countries, impair the competitive capacity ofCaribbean jurisprudence in the provision of a globalfinancial service and stifle economic growth in the 47blacklisted countries, with all the concomitant evils.

The small island States of the Caribbean areamong those countries most at risk from the adverseeffects of climate change. Already, many of our islandsare experiencing those effects in areas that impactdirectly on the important tourism sector of oureconomies. We are also prone to extremely damagingnatural disasters, especially hurricanes and stormsurges, which visit us annually with increasingfrequency and ferocity. Our diverse region alsoexperiences droughts and floods, volcanic eruptionsand earthquakes, with equally devastating effects, ifless regularly than the pleasantly named perennials.The continued committed support of the internationalcommunity is crucial in complementing the work ofthose States in addressing these serious problems.

Our survival as a region is intimately interwovenwith our environment. Our physical and economiclimitations should not be further burdened by the trans-shipment of hazardous waste through our waterways.Such actions are a flagrant violation of our humanrights and an affront to our sovereign dignity. Wetherefore reiterate the call for the Caribbean Sea to be anuclear-free zone in the context of sustainabledevelopment.

In closing, I take this opportunity to pay tribute inthis forum to one who has upheld the highest ideals ofthe Charter of the United Nations, through service toour country, to the Caribbean and to the international

community. I speak of the Prime Minister of SaintVincent and the Grenadines and current Chairman ofthe Caribbean Community, The Right HonourableSir James F. Mitchell. For 34 years he has served as anelected member of our legislature. He has seen ourcountry through the stages of constitutionaldevelopment from crown colony to internal self-government, and finally, as our longest serving PrimeMinister, to a fully independent State. For us in SaintVincent and the Grenadines, it is difficult tocontemplate public life without him. His address at theMillennium Summit was his last to this body, for hehas decided to demit office as Prime Minister beforethe twenty-first anniversary of our politicalindependence, on 27 October 2000. Sir James Mitchellhas made us all proud by his long, dedicated andvisionary service. The initiatives taken by him in thearea of land reform, which empowered people throughland ownership, are exemplary. I think it is appropriatethat, on behalf of Vincentians everywhere, I extendsincere gratitude to him from this rostrum.

The challenge is ours: to turn our words intoaction and to agree on a common vision of our future.

The Acting President: I give the floor to theChairman of the delegation of Niger, His ExcellencyMr. Ousmane Moutari.

Mr. Moutari (Niger) (spoke in French): I wish atthe very outset to convey to the countries andinstitutions represented here a message of sincerefriendship from the people of Niger along with itsfervent wish to maintain and continue to strengthen thelinks of peaceful coexistence and of fruitful andmutually beneficial cooperation with all the otherpeoples of the world.

My warm welcome and hearty congratulations goto Tuvalu, the latest country to join the United Nationsfamily.

With the 24 November 1999 presidentialelections and the 31 December 1999 legislativeelections, our people emerged from a period of politicalinstability and economic decline with every confidencein the resiliency of the democratic institutionsestablished by our 18 July 1999 constitution, and withstrengthened determination to ensure that the universalideals of peace, freedom, justice and equity will prevailin Niger, throughout Africa, and everywhere in theworld.

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We are participating in this great gathering at thebeginning of the twenty-first century, proud of beingamong the democratic nations and committed, at homeand internationally, to the establishment of institutionaland legal provisions based on free and equalparticipation by all, on transparency, on responsibilityand on solidarity.

Today’s Niger is experiencing the same freeing ofcreative forces that results from the triumph offreedom, and the same upsurge in individual andcollective initiative that is today being generated indemocratic societies everywhere. We are no lessoptimistic about the inevitable triumph of the universalvalues of which the General Assembly is the shrine.But we also feel the same wrenching pain over theuncertain future caused by the persistence of conflictsand the destitution of the vast majority who are crushedbeneath the burden of debt, endemic diseases, illiteracyand, above all, the troubling inadequacies of theremedies prescribed to deal effectively with the illsafflicting humankind.

Hence our even more profound attachment to theprinciples and ideals of the Charter and our fullconviction that the United Nations, which is at risk ofbeing out of step with current developments towardsincreasingly participatory management of our commonpublic resources, will undertake the necessary reformsto make its institutions and organs more responsive tothe aspirations of the people they are supposed torepresent.

Refashioning the Organization to match the newcentury that is beginning, to make it a real instrumentof change and to renew our hope goes far beyondsimply restructuring its main bodies, subsidiary bodiesand specialized agencies. We must also strivevigorously to open up the entire system to increasinglyactive partners, such as Parliaments, governmentalregional organizations, non-governmental organizations,organizations of civil society, the media and the privatesector, without ever losing sight of the primaryvocation of the United Nations as an expression of thenational will of Member States. This would greatlyincrease the international community’s capacity foraction in such varied areas as peace and internationalsecurity, the fight against pandemics, especiallyHIV/AIDS, poverty eradication, the resolution of thequestion of debt and, generally speaking, the promotionof sustainable development in the world.

For many countries represented here the primaryongoing source of anguish comes from the absence ofbasic physical security for citizens who are victims ofarmed conflict, and the unacceptable proliferation oflight weapons and small arms, which States that areunstable and economically drained have difficultyhalting. Other forums, including the Organization ofAfrican Unity, have pointed out ways of resolving theconflicts in Sierra Leone, Angola and the DemocraticRepublic of the Congo, in close cooperation with theUnited Nations.

With regard to the Middle East, the recent failureof the Camp David process should further strengthenour determination in the tireless search for a just andlasting peace that can restore the inalienable rights ofthe Palestinian people, including their right to anindependent State, and ensure the return of the GolanHeights to Syria. In Western Sahara, it is time that therelevant United Nations resolutions were implementedfor the self-determination of the Sahrawi people. Inaddition, the Iraqi people continue to be victims of anembargo that chiefly affects the most vulnerablesectors of society, including women and children. It ishigh time that the international community took thenecessary measures to alleviate the pain of the Iraqipeople.

With regard to small arms and light weapons,which are one of the major challenges facing theinternational community, my Government feels thatconcrete and sustained measures should be taken atthree levels — national, regional and worldwide — tocombat the illicit trade, proliferation and use of thistype of weapon. In this regard, my Government ispleased that a United Nations mission recently visitedthe Niger in order to evaluate in the field the relevanceof the request for financing submitted by myGovernment.

It is a pleasure for me to warmly thank theGovernments of all interested States, particularly ofFrance, Germany, Japan and Norway, for their financialcontributions to the United Nations fund to assistStates in the collection of small arms, which made thatmission possible.

A draft submitted by my country forms part of thesubregional and regional initiatives aimed at halting theillicit traffic in small arms and light weapons, such asthe Moratorium adopted on 30 October 1998 by theConference of Heads of State and Government of the

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Economic Community of West African States and theintegrated project on security and development calledProgramme for Coordination and Assistance forSecurity and Development.

The handover, on 5 June, of weapons held byvarious groups of the former rebellion and the lightingon 25 September 2000 of a flame of peace at Agadez,Niger, create hope for a return to calm for the people ofthe Niger and the full implementation of projectsdesigned with the welcome assistance of bilateral andmultilateral partners of the Niger. In this regard, theconvening of the United Nations Conference on theIllicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in AllIts Aspects next year bodes well. For the Niger the goalof that Conference should be to develop and strengtheninternational, regional and national efforts to prevent,combat, limit and eradicate illicit traffic in small armsand light weapons through strengthening nationalcapacities in the areas of customs, police, justice andinformation.

Never before has humankind had such wealth andso much potential to create common well-being. Yettoday more than half of the world population still livesin destitution, excluded from the benefits ofglobalization and of the digital revolution. We cancertainly welcome the unanimous will expressed by theinternational community to reduce poverty by half by2015. But we need to go beyond statements of faith toestablish a real international development strategyfirmly based on the eradication of absolute poverty andon reviving growth in the developing world, andparticularly in Africa, the most vulnerable region.

The treatment of the question of the external debtof poor countries is one of the best barometers bywhich we can measure the real degree of theinternational community’s commitment in the searchfor appropriate solutions to eradicate poverty. TheHeavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) DebtInitiative, the present framework for debt alleviation, istoo slow and too selective and comes with restrictiveeligibility requirements that need to be made moreflexible; otherwise, many countries will remain inperpetual poverty. Hence the urgent need to give freshimpetus to this Initiative.

It is also essential to cooperate closely at theinternational level in order to further strengthen thecohesiveness of the coordination mechanisms of the

various initiatives for Africa, so that that continent canbenefit more from development assistance.

Moreover, while not a panacea, information andcommunication technologies are important factors, forthe developing world in general and for Africa inparticular, of growth and integration into the globaleconomy. The United Nations has a leading role to playin creating a partnership framework that wouldpromote initiatives aimed at closing the digital divideso that technological benefits will not remain a remotepromise.

The recent high-level debate of the Economic andSocial Council on the role of information technologyhighlighted in a timely manner the urgent need to makethe digital revolution a tool for development and tofairly distribute its benefits through internationalcooperation. My country also fully supports therecommendation of the high-level expert group,contained in the Secretary-General’s report, calling foruniversal access to new technology to be set out in aGeneral Assembly resolution as a basic human right.

The global partnership against AIDS in Africa,whose vitality was demonstrated during the DurbanConference, must henceforth be based, among otherthings, on the mobilization of sufficient resources, onprevention and on access to drugs.

In an altogether different area, my delegationbelieves that particular attention should be given to theinsidious problem of malaria. Increasingly resistant tothe medical treatment used so far, this illness — whichabove all affects the most vulnerable populations ofwomen and children — is currently a source ofprofound concern for Africa. This was confirmed bythe recent summit of heads of State held at Abuja,Nigeria, on the issue. That meeting highlighted theimportance of preventive action and of increasing themeans to combat malaria. There is thus a need for theinternational community to give this problem the fullattention it deserves and to contribute further tomobilizing the necessary resources for the research,prevention, treatment and eradication of that disease.

At the threshold of the new millennium, the timeis certainly right to rethink development. As theSecretary-General said at the tenth session of theUnited Nations Conference on Trade and Development(UNCTAD), held in Bangkok, the time has indeedcome for a new global deal for least developedcountries. That new global compact will be aimed at

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correcting imbalances and at making it possible foreveryone to participate in the new world economy andto share equally in its benefits. Today, it is undeniablethat globalization has been accompanied by heightenedinequalities and that, given the way it has evolved, itwill not be able to meet the expectations of poorcountries, whose rural and urban populations arepaying a heavy social price for that process.

Moreover, the failure of the recent World TradeOrganization (WTO) Conference in Seattle hascompromised the launching of what was supposed tobe the development cycle that was finally to make itpossible to attain the benefits of the much-touted tradeliberalization. That development, it has been said inpassing, is constantly being slowed by theprotectionism of industrialized countries.

The United Nations, as the democratic anduniversal body with the mandate to achieve theobjectives of development, must more than everpromote reform and coordination of the internationalmechanisms of trade and finance. To that end, ourcommon Organization has the necessary moralauthority to regulate the process of globalization in thecommon interest of all. There is therefore a need tostrengthen its role and to put in place rules for goodglobal governance that are capable of promoting — inthe words of that hallowed phrase — globalization witha human face.

With the holding in 2001 of the internationalconference on financing for development and the thirdUnited Nations Conference on the Least DevelopedCountries, we hold out the resolute hope that there willbe greater mobilization of financial resources, bettercoordination of policies and more effective cooperationamong development actors, in particular amongGovernments, the United Nations system, internationalfinancial institutions, the private sector and civilsociety, so as to achieve the major objectives ofpoverty eradication and development.

The praiseworthy efforts of the United Nations topromote and consolidate new and restored democraciesdeserves strong support, as that is in keeping with thewill of our Organization to meet the aspirations of thepeoples of the world.

We in Niger fully appreciate all the valuableassistance given by the United Nations system andfriendly countries for the restoration of democracy.After more than a decade of political and institutional

instability, Niger — one of the least developedcountries of the world, which is bowing under theweight of the debt burden and the impact of thedownward trend in official development assistance andof climatic vagaries — has seen a return to democracy,in accordance with the profound aspirations of ourpeople. However, as was so well put in his swearing-instatement by the President of the Republic, Mr.Mamadou Tandja,

“We are aware that the support of theinternational community is essential to succeed inthis recovery. We therefore appeal to all countriesthat support peace and solidarity and tointernational organizations to accompany us inour efforts, on the basis of mutual beneficialinterests and with strict respect for nationalsovereignty.”

We would like formally to reiterate here ourgratitude to the United Nations DevelopmentProgramme, the United Nations Population Fund, theUnited Nations Children’s Fund and all of Niger’sdevelopment partners for the invaluable support theyhave constantly given my country and its people duringtheir most difficult times.

By chance the schedule has it that Niger isspeaking just before the end of the general debate ofthe fifty-fifth session of the General Assembly, the so-called Millennium Assembly. What, then, could bemore natural than for me to conclude my statement byrepeating our satisfaction with the outstanding workdone by our brother, Mr. Kofi Annan, at the head of theuniversal Organization? Whether it be in the area ofmaintaining international peace and security or that ofdeveloped countries’ providing development assistanceto the least developed, the Secretary-General deservesour full trust, support and encouragement.

Namibia’s Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr.Theo-Ben Gurirab, your predecessor, Mr. President,was a good President. His old companion in thestruggle, the late Mr. Johnny Makatini, as demandingas he was in his lifetime, would have been as proud aswe at seeing the unequalled diplomatic talents Mr.Gurirab displayed for a whole year. I pay humbletribute to him here on behalf of Niger. I say to him:

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(spoke in English)

Theo, you will always be a freedom fighter.

(spoke in French)

As for you, Mr. President, we know that the torchthat has been passed to you is in good hands. Yourpersonal competence and Finland’s tradition of alwaysstanding with the weakest leads us fervently to believethat the Millennium Summit’s conclusions will find inyou a true and committed advocate, so that at last ourOrganization can acquire the new habits required bythe advent of the twenty-first century.

The Acting President: I now give the floor to theChairman of the delegation of the Marshall Islands, HisExcellency Mr. Jackeo Relang.

Mr. Relang (Marshall Islands): I would like firstof all to congratulate the President, on his assumptionof the office of President of the fifty-fifth session of theUnited Nations General Assembly. I wish him everysuccess in this difficult and inspiring task. I would alsolike to express my sincere appreciation to hispredecessor, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, for his exceptionalleadership during the fifty-fourth session.

Allow me to include in this tribute the Secretary-General for his efforts and crucial role in maintainingand promoting the role of this Organization, and for hisinspiration in strengthening its effectiveness andcredibility with respect to peace, security, justice anddevelopment in the world.

I wish to add a few comments to the statementmade earlier by the representative of the FederatedStates of Micronesia on behalf of the Pacific IslandsForum countries.

Let us pause for a moment to recognize thecontribution of the founding fathers and framers of theUnited Nations and its Charter. They produced adocument which, in large measure, has contributed toan ever-increasing consciousness of the prerequisitesnecessary for world peace. Today we should celebratethe existence of the United Nations and itsaccomplishments, both of which offer us theopportunity to reflect on how collectively we can betterchart our path and articulate our goals more clearly forthe next millennium. President Kessai Note’s addressto the Millennium Summit reaffirmed the adherenceand commitment of the Republic of the Marshall

Islands to the principles enshrined in the Charter forthe collective good of all people.

I take great pleasure in reiterating the MarshallIslands’ warm welcome to the Government and peoplesof Tuvalu, as the 189th Member of this Organization.Indeed, the admission of new Member States adds tothe legitimacy of the United Nations.

On the other hand, the denial of membership inthis Organization to the 23 million people of theRepublic of China on Taiwan, who have made asignificant and meaningful contribution to internationaldevelopment, is contrary not only to the true spirit ofthe United Nations Charter, but also to its principle ofuniversality and to the Universal Declaration of HumanRights. We must strengthen the vital role of theOrganization in achieving the goals of conflictprevention, maintenance of peace, regional stability,promotion of fundamental human rights anddevelopment of democracy and international progress,and in fulfilling the aspirations of peoples to self-determination and engagement, because the UnitedNations is the only Organization that can bring thatshining light to those 23 million people. Furthermore,the United Nations is the only forum for MemberStates to build mutual trust and to resolve issuesthrough peaceful dialogue. The guiding principles ofdemocracy, respect for human rights and the right ofpeoples to self-determination must, in conformity withthe principles of justice and international law, continueto underpin our collective aspirations. This will requireour concerted action in this new millennium.

The Republic of the Marshall Islands applaudsand commends the unprecedented efforts made by theleaders of the People’s Democratic Republic of Koreaand the Republic of Korea, who have engaged in adialogue that may help chart a course towards lastingpeace in that peninsula. I wish to state also that theGovernment of the Republic of the Marshall Islandsencourages the leaders of Israel and Palestine to seizethe historic opportunity that is within reach topeacefully conclude a framework agreement towardslasting peace in the Middle East. I wish to commendthe efforts of the United States of America in thisregard.

The immutable law of change makes it necessaryfor the United Nations to continue to critically examineits performance and structures in search of practicaland timely solutions. This it must certainly do, because

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the current political landscape is vastly different fromthe one that prevailed 50 years ago. It is characterizedby a more than threefold increase in the number ofnations with membership in the United Nations, and bya heightened spirit of generosity and desire on the partof civil society and corporations to become more activeplayers in the process of change. It is imperative,therefore, that those elements and structures which areantiquated, those which have ceased to promote thewelfare of nations and those which no longer ministerto the needs of a continually changing humanity beswept away and relegated to the pages of history.

A more comprehensive review and restructuringof the Security Council, in line with the spirit ofachieving a broader base for decision-making throughconsensus and confidence-building, is clearly longoverdue. Other critical issues in the reform processdeserve further examination, with a view to restoringthat body’s dignity and legitimacy and strengtheningthe confidence and trust of the internationalcommunity. Enlarging both the permanent and non-permanent categories while ensuring an equitablegeographical distribution seems to be the way forward.

The Republic of the Marshall Islands remainscommitted to supporting the efforts by the Secretary-General and others to reform and streamline themandates and activities of the United Nations and itsother organizations and agencies. While thepeacekeeping and general fund scales seem to beoutdated, the process of reform must take seriously intoaccount the limited responsibility and capacity of smallisland developing States such as the Marshall Islands tosustain their obligation in both categories. Also, nowthat this Organization stands at 189 Member States, 14of them from the Pacific Region, the reconfiguration ofour electoral grouping should be an additional matter tobe placed on the table. It may be a complex one, butthrough our collective inspiration it can be anachievable goal, to be considered without further delay.

The Republic of the Marshall Islands is keen tofurther develop its ongoing active role and cooperationwith the United Nations specialized agencies andprogrammes. In the view of the Marshall Islands, thosebodies’ efforts to make their operational activities moreeffective and responsive to the special needs of smallisland developing States will undoubtedly play a keyrole in the new millennium. The expansion of theResident Coordinator programme — which brings itcloser to home, where it belongs — is a case in point.

While the human rights achievements recorded inthe 50 years since the proclamation of the UniversalDeclaration of Human Rights must be acknowledged,there is a sense that much remains to be done beforethe world can truly claim that the Declaration hasbecome a common standard of achievement. TheMillennium Summit is a significant acknowledgementof the need for all States to work together, in a spirit ofunity and cooperation, to ensure that the fruits ofglobal development are shared and made moreequitable and just for the benefit of humanity at large.

Within the mandate of its Charter to promoteeconomic and social progress, peace and security, andsustainable development and prosperity, the UnitedNations is the only fully representative Organizationcapable of harmonizing our collective aspirations for apeaceful, stable and prosperous global village. TheRepublic of the Marshall Islands endorses Secretary-General Kofi Annan’s report, “We the peoples: the roleof the United Nations in the twenty-first century”.

At the turn of the century, achievements havebeen realized, and this trend should be encouraged. Yetwe are living under many threats. Acts of terrorism donot recognize national boundaries, and infectiousdiseases such as HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosisare poised to spread quickly throughout the world. Ourdecisive and collective response is therefore more thanever required. In many developing countries, povertyand the deprivation of basic human rights, especially asconcerns women and children, seem directly linked to,and escalate, crime.

We must also strive to eliminate weapons of massdestruction, especially nuclear weapons. Theuniversality of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation ofNuclear Weapons (NPT) and the ComprehensiveNuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) is a major concern.

Trafficking in drugs and small arms represents aconsiderable challenge and a major threat for smallislands such as the Republic of the Marshall Islands,because of its geographic isolation and the fact that itlacks the required resources and capability to combatthese phenomena. Our collective effort towards thecreation of an effective global response to address allof these threats is urgently required.

We realize that global environmental degradationis of our own creation. The issue of global warming isa real threat to all, particularly to the Marshall Islandsand to all small island developing States. There is no

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doubt that the survival of populations and cultures is atstake.

The Marshall Islands has already lost metres ofusable and habitable land due to climate change andsea-level rise, and the rate of loss is increasing. This isa matter of life and death. Implementing the legallybinding commitments agreed in the Kyoto Protocol isthe only significant step forward on the path ofensuring effective global action to combat climatechange. There will be a terrible tragedy unless there isinternational cooperation. How will displacedpopulations — whatever the reasons for their beingdisplaced — be able to enjoy and sustain their basichuman rights for generations to come? Will theircultures and livelihoods be able to survive for thebenefit of future generations?

Education and health are of paramountimportance to every country in the world. Education isthe key to the progress of any nation. We mustcollectively strive to ensure that an educatedpopulation makes up a healthy and prosperous society.I am pleased to report that the Government of theRepublic of the Marshall Islands has taken some boldsteps, by allocating the greatest amount of its limitedresources towards the improvement of its educationand health systems. I take this opportunity to appeal forthe interest and support of the international communityin joining us in this endeavour. I am particularlypleased to convey the deep appreciation of theGovernment of the Republic of the Marshall Islands tothe Government of Italy for its generous support forour efforts to implement the Barbados Programme ofAction. The first phase of the Marshall Islands solarenergy project would not have been implementedwithout its support, through the United Nations TrustFund for New and Renewable Sources of Energy. Theinterest in and support of the international communityfor the implementation of the other phases of theproject would be highly appreciated.

The Marshall Islands National Nutrition andChildren’s Council has been very active since itsinception. In addition to establishing task forces onfood and nutrition, suicide prevention, substance abuse,neglect and disability, it made another significantcontribution with the agriculture, food and nutritionpolicy, as the Marshall Islands strives to meet itsobligations under the Convention on the Rights of theChild. Existing policies specifically aimed at the rightsof the child are under review as we consider making

the Convention a part of the Republic of the MarshallIslands legal system. A representative Commission onSustainable Development has been established with themandate of ensuring that the Barbados Programme ofAction is implemented in all its aspects. Otherlegislation to curb illegal financial transactions willsoon be introduced in the Parliament’s current session.

These are some of the efforts being made by theRepublic of the Marshall Islands as it strives to meet itstreaty obligations and enhance the life of every citizenof the country. We cannot do it alone, and we appealonce again to the international community for support.

Let us have a United Nations that will meet thechallenges of the twenty-first century.

The Acting President: We have heard the lastspeaker in the general debate for this meeting.

I shall now call on those representatives whowish to speak in exercise of the right of reply. May Iremind members that statements in exercise of the rightof reply are limited to 10 minutes for the firstintervention and to five minutes for the second andshould be made by delegations from their seats.

Mr. Al-Otaibi (Kuwait) (spoke in Arabic): Mydelegation listened carefully to the statement of theForeign Minister of Iraq. We would like to brieflyclarify the following points.

First, the Foreign Minister of Iraq accusedKuwait of providing logistical support to United Statesand United Kingdom aircraft committing aggressionagainst Iraq. Such accusations are inaccurate, althoughwe have often heard them from Iraq. They fall withinthe “misinformation campaign” undertaken for someweeks now by Iraq against Kuwait, thus increasingtension and instability in the region.

Secondly, the presence of foreign troops inKuwait is governed by defence and securityagreements signed bilaterally by Kuwait with the fivepermanent members of the Security Council topreserve its security and stability. Kuwait signed themas a result of the brutal Iraqi invasion — a flagrantviolation of the United Nations Charter and ofinternational law.

Thirdly, we wish to stress that Kuwait had nothosted any foreign forces before 2 August 1990. Wehad a principled and well-known position on thatsubject; however, the Iraqi invasion, as well as

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continuous Iraqi threats and the lack of peacefulintentions on the part of the Iraqi regime, made itnecessary for Kuwait to take such steps for theimplementation of Security Council resolutions by Iraqand to preserve Kuwait’s security and peace in theregion.

Fourthly, as for the Iraqi Foreign Minister’s claimthat Iraq has fulfilled its commitments under relevantSecurity Council resolutions, we stated previously thatcertain principal commitments remain to be fulfilled byIraq — mainly, freeing Kuwaiti prisoners of war, thereturn of stolen Kuwaiti property and the elimination ofIraq’s weapons of mass destruction. The internationalcommunity, which is represented by the SecurityCouncil, recognizes that many international andregional organizations unanimously agree that the Iraqiregime has yet to fulfil its obligations in order thatsanctions against the long-suffering Iraqi people belifted. We call on Iraq to implement all SecurityCouncil resolutions so that it can resume its placeamong the family of Arab and world States and so thatthis vital part of the world may regain its security andstability.

Mr. Eldon (United Kingdom): I would like torespond briefly to the remarks made today by theSecretary of State and Vice-Minister for ForeignAffairs of Argentina concerning the Falkland Islands.

The British Government does not accept theSecretary of State’s remarks about sovereignty. Wehave no doubt about Britain’s sovereignty over theFalkland Islands and the other British dependencies inthe South Atlantic. Moreover, we have a duty torespect the right of self-determination of the people ofthe Falkland Islands, who have made clear their wish toremain British. The elected representatives of theislanders expressed their views clearly when theyvisited the United Nations for the debate in theCommittee of 24 on 11 July this year. They asked theCommittee to recognize that they, like any otherdemocratic people, should be allowed to exercise theright of self-determination. As the democratic voice ofthe Falklands Islands people, they reiterated their viewthat they did not want to be part of Argentina.

Despite our differences with Argentina on thesubject of sovereignty, we continue to strengthen ourbilateral relations — including this year throughmeetings between Prime Minister Blair and Presidentde la Rúa and between our Foreign Ministers — and to

build on the agreement signed last year on practicalarrangements on matters of common interest in theSouth Atlantic. We are confident that our relations willcontinue to flourish in that spirit of cooperation andmutual interest.

Mr. Al-Humaimidi (Iraq) (spoke in Arabic): Thestatement made by the Foreign Minister of Iraq clearlyoutlined the manifestations and elements of the Anglo-American aggression against Iraq and the Kuwaiti rolein that aggression. Kuwait bears the same legalresponsibility as the United States, the UnitedKingdom, Saudi Arabia and Turkey.

We have not threatened Kuwait in our lateststatements. Iraq does not threaten. What we did wasinform the international community of Kuwait’sinvolvement in daily aggression against Iraq and itsattempts to harm our interests.

The no-fly zones represent an illegitimate use offorce against an independent State and a breach of theUnited Nations Charter and international law. Theofficial spokesman of the United Nations has statedthat the no-fly zones are the result of a unilateraldecision unrelated to the United Nations. A formerSecretary-General of the United Nations has also statedthat the no-fly zones have no basis in Security Councilresolutions. The majority of permanent members of theSecurity Council consider the imposition of no-flyzones to be an illegitimate use of force. Kuwait’s legalresponsibility arising from its involvement in this dailyaggression against Iraq is therefore clear andirrefutable. United States and United Kingdom aircrafttake off daily from Kuwait, as reflected in the reportsof the Special Commission.

The representative of Kuwait once again raisedthe issue of the missing, with the aim of politicizingthis humanitarian issue. I would stress yet again thatIraq is holding no prisoners and has not interest indoing so. There are, however, missing Kuwaiti, Iraqiand other nationals. The efforts of the TripartiteCommission and the International Committee of theRed Cross to find these missing are being hampered bythe insistence of the United States and the UnitedKingdom on being allowed to participate in theactivities of these agencies and to politicize them,although those two countries have no missingnationals.

The representative of Kuwait raised the issue ofIraq’s implementation of the Security Council’s

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resolutions. Iraq has fulfilled its obligations underthose resolutions and the Security Council must nowfulfil its own in return.

Mr. Cullen (Argentina) (spoke in Spanish): TheArgentine Republic, having listened to the statementmade in reply by the representative of the UnitedKingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, wishesto reaffirm the ideas put forth in the statement made inthe general debate this afternoon by Secretary of Stateand Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs EnriqueCandioti.

Mr. Al-Otaibi (Kuwait) (spoke in Arabic): At theoutset, I apologize for seeking to speak for a secondtime, though briefly.

I should like to reaffirm our denial of theallegations made by the representative of Iraq. As tothe threats made against Kuwait, which he denied, Iraqhas been waging a campaign for several weeks, as Ihave mentioned, to increase instability and tension inthe region. Most notable have been the accusations andthreats made by an Iraqi official on the anniversary ofthe Iraqi invasion. Letters have been sent to theSecretary-General and issued as formal documents.The most recent threat was that made by the Iraqi OilMinister, who accused Kuwait of sabotaging Iraqi oilinstallations. We in turn have sent letters to thePresident of the Security Council and to the Secretary-General that have also been issued as officialdocuments.

As for Kuwaiti prisoners, what the Iraqirepresentative said is not new. All we ask is that Iraqfulfil its obligations under Security Council resolutions686 (1991), 687 (1991) and 1284 (1999) and cooperatewith the International Committee of the Red Cross. Letme recall that Iraq has been boycotting its meetingssince December 1998. Iraq also refuses to cooperatewith the Secretary-General’s high-level coordinatorpursuant to paragraph 14 of resolution 1284 (1999).

Finally, the Iraqi representative has repeatedlydeclared that all of Iraq’s obligations have beendischarged. What of its obligations under resolution1284 (1999)? Iraq continues to refuse to implementthat resolution.

Mr. Al-Humaimidi (Iraq) (spoke in Arabic): Iapologize for asking for the floor again.

I repeat that Iraq has not waged such a campaign.We have pointed out the daily Kuwaiti and Saudiaggression against Iraq since 1991 and the attemptsthat have been made to sabotage our interests. Onceagain, the representative of Kuwait raised the issue ofmissing Kuwaiti nationals and I have responded to it.He also raised the issue of Iraq’s implementation ofSecurity Council 1284 (1999). I believe he did so at thebehest of his masters.

The meeting rose at 7.30 p.m.