Trends in Issuance of Criminal Summonses in New York City, … · 2020. 12. 14. · In 2014, the NYPD started issuing a moving violation (less severe violation), rather than a criminal

Trends in Issuance of Criminal Summonses in New York City, 2003–2019

Shannon Tomascak, M.A., Preeti Chauhan, Ph.D., and Allie Meizlish, J.D.

December 2020

Data Collaborative for Justice

Table of Contents

Introduction

What Is A Criminal Summons?

Key Findings

Policy Changes Impacting Criminal Summonses

The Criminal Summons Process

Summons Issuance and Outcomes, 2003-2019

Summons Outcomes: Pre- and Post-CJRA Implementation

Trends in Summons Issuance by Charge Type

A Closer Look at Marijuana Possession

Trends in Summons Issuance by Demographics

Trends in Warrant Issuance

Trends in Summons Dispositions

Precinct-Level Analyses

Conclusion

Appendix A: About the Data

Appendix B: Multiple Summons Issuance

Appendix C: Trends in Defective Summonses

Appendix D: List of Charge Codes

Appendix E: Precinct-Level Summonses and Warrants

Appendix F: Precinct-Level Summonses by Charge

Appendix G: Precinct-Level Summonses by Race/Ethnicity and Age

Endnotes

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The Data Collaborative for Justice (DCJ) at John Jay College of Criminal Justice houses a group of research initiatives that raise important questions and share critical research about the criminal legal system and its role in creating safe, just, and equitable communities. DCJ conducts data analysis and research on enforcement in the community, the adjudication of cases in the courts, and the use of confinement in jails and prisons. DCJ’s work has informed policy reforms, facilitated partnerships between researchers and government agencies across the country, spurred new scholarly research on lower-level enforcement, and has been cited extensively in the press. For more information about the Data Collaborative for Justice please visit: https://datacollaborativeforjustice.org/


Trends in Issuance of CriminalSummonses in New York City, 2003–2019

December 2020

1Data Collaborative for Justice

In this report, the Data Collaborative for Justice (DCJ) examines how criminal summons issuance and outcomes have changed in New York City from 2003 to 2019, adding six years of data to update our prior report, The Summons Report: Trends in Issuance and Dispositions of Summonses in New York City, 2003–2013.1 The reports builds on DCJ’s prior research by: (1) examining trends in criminal summons issuance and outcomes within the context of significant policy reforms including the implementation of the Criminal Justice Reform Act (CJRA) and changes in marijuana enforcement; (2) assessing trends in summonses by charge type, demographics, borough, warrant issuance, and dispositions; and (3) focusing on the most recent year of data (2019) to help the public and policymakers assess recent enforcement of criminal summonses and identify opportunities for further reform.

What Is A Criminal Summons?

A criminal summons is an appearance ticket issued for committing certain lower-level offenses. Criminal summonses can be issued for committing some non-fingerprintable offenses of the Administrative Code (AC), Penal Law (PL), Health Code (HC), Parks Rules and Regulations (PRR), and Vehicle and Traffic Law (VTL). These offenses include disorderly conduct, marijuana possession, and violations of transit authority rules such as turnstile jumping.

Summonses may be issued to an individual or a corporation by over 50 agencies, including the New York City Police Department, New York City Fire Department, Department of Taxation and Finance, Taxi and Limousine Commission, and Department of Environmental Conservation. From 2003 to 2019, the New York Police Department (NYPD) issued over 97% of all criminal summonses issued to individuals (See Appendix A: About the Data). In this report, DCJ included summonses issued to individuals by all agencies, with the exception of the precinct-level analyses which are limited to summonses issued by the NYPD.

A criminal summons instructs an individual to appear in criminal court at a specific date, time, and location. Dedicated criminal summons courts are located in four boroughs (Manhattan, Queens, Bronx, and Staten Island), as well as at Midtown Community Court in Manhattan and Red Hook Community Justice Center in Brooklyn.2 Criminal summonses can result in criminal convictions and penalties such as fines and, in community courts, community service. If an individual fails to appear in court on their appearance date, a warrant may be issued by the court for their arrest. Notably an individual can receive multiple criminal summonses during one summons incident (See Appendix B: Multiple Summons Issuance).

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Acknowledgements DCJ is grateful to Mayor's Office of Criminal Justice for support of the Criminal Justice Reform Act (CJRA) evaluation and this report. A special thanks to Brenda Velazquez, Shiri Wolf, and Amanda Harrison for their valuable feedback.

The New York City data are provided by the Office of Court Administration (OCA). The opinions, findings, and conclusions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and not those of OCA. OCA does not assume liability for its contents or use thereof. A special thanks to Chief Clerk Justin Barry, Senior IT Analyst Carolyn Cadoret, and Director of Court Research Karen Kane.

DCJ also thanks the members of the DCJ team for their help: Erica Bond, Kristyn Jones, Tao Lin, Olive Lu, Sarah Monaghan, Luke Scrivener, and Therese Todd.


Issuance: • Criminal summons issuance has declined dramatically: from 541,862 summonses in 2003

to 72,314 in 2019, an 87% decline.• In the 2.5 years after the Criminal Justice Reform Act (CJRA) was enacted, which

encouraged the use of a civil rather than a criminal summons for certain offenses, criminal summonses declined by 71% compared to the 2.5 years prior (214,258 criminal summonses after CJRA compared to 757,669 prior).

Charge Type: • Over the 17-year study period, public consumption of alcohol was generally the most

frequently issued criminal summons, though it decreased from 106,500 summonses in 2003 to 3,878 in 2019, a 96% decline.

• In 2019, marijuana possession was the most frequently issued criminal summons, increasing from 10,207 summonses in 2003 to 14,891 in 2019, a 46% increase.

Demographics:• In 2019, the three youngest age groups (16-17, 18-20, 21-24), were most likely to be issued

a criminal summons, most often for disorderly conduct and marijuana possession, relative to the other top summons charges.

• In 2019, Black people accounted for the largest proportion of the most commonly enforced summonses - marijuana possession (45.5%), violations of transit authority rules such as turnstile jumping (42.6%), disorderly conduct (42.0%), and public consumption of alcohol (41.2%).

Warrants:• From 2003 to 2019, 37% of summonses resulted in a warrant issued. During this time, a

total of 2,622,168 warrants were issued, almost 700,000 of these remain open. • The number of warrants issued decreased by 88%, from 192,117 warrants issued in 2003

to 23,454 warrants issued in 2019.• In 2019, the greatest number (4,229) and proportion (18%) of warrants issued were for

marijuana possession.

Dispositions: • From 2003 to 2019, 23% of summonses did not require a court appearance because the

summons was legally insufficient (17%) or defective (6%). • From 2003 to 2019, 20% of summonses were disposed as adjournment in contemplation

of dismissal (ACD), 21% as guilty, and 26% as dismissed in court.• In 2019, the most common disposition of criminal summonses was dismissed in court

(27%), followed by legally insufficient (23%), ACD (16%), and guilty (13%).• Legal insufficiency was the most common outcome for marijuana possession summonses

-- 43% were found legally insufficient.

Geography: • From 2003 to 2019, the Bronx and Manhattan had the highest rate of summons issuance

relative to the other boroughs. • In 2019, the most commonly enforced summonses -- public consumption of alcohol

(39.8%), violations of transit authority rules (39.7%), disorderly conduct (36.1%), and marijuana possession (33.5%) -- were issued in the Bronx.

• In 2019, two precincts in the Bronx, the 44th and 40th precincts, issued the largest number of criminal summonses and together accounted for 11% of all summonses issued.

KEY FINDINGS

#Data Collaborative for Justice

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Policy Changes Impacting Criminal Summonses

In recent years, a number of significant policy changes have impacted the declining rates of criminal summons enforcement documented in this report. These policing changes include the following:

• Criminal Justice Reform Act (CJRA). On June 13, 2017, New York City implemented the CJRA which gave law enforcement the option to issue civil summonses instead of criminal for the following five offenses:

• Public consumption of alcohol (AC 10-125 b); • Public urination (AC 16-118 6; HC 153.09); • Littering (AC 16-118 1a-b); • Unreasonable noise (AC 24-218); and • NYC Parks Rules and Regulations (all PRR codes).

The CJRA is intended to prevent negative outcomes that individuals may experience as a result of a criminal summons for these lower-level offenses, including an open warrant for failing to appear in criminal court and other potential collateral consequences related to housing, employment, and immigration. The CJRA also reduced the financial burdens associated with penalties by creating a new option where individuals found in-violation for a civil summons may complete community service in lieu of paying a fine. DCJ’s prior work has shown 87% of CJRA-eligible offenses were issued as civil summonses in the 18-months post-implementation.3 Further, enforcement of these offenses declined by 48% when combining criminal and civil summonses.

• Marijuana Enforcement. Marijuana posession summonses were the most commonly enforced criminal summonses in 2019 and actually increased over the study period. This is likely a reflection of reforms aimed at reducing custodial arrests for marijuana. For example, in November 2014, the New York City Police Department (NYPD) began issuing a criminal summons in lieu of a misdemeanor arrest for marijuana possession up to 25 grams, with some exceptions such as public burning.4 In September 2018, the NYPD extended the issuance of a criminal summons in lieu of a misdemeanor arrest to include public burning of marijuana, barring certain exclusions.5 In August 2019, New York State implemented legislation that, among other things, decriminalized small amounts of marijuana possession to a violation, punishable by a fine.6

• Riding a Bicycle on the Sidewalk (AC 19-176). In 2014, the NYPD started issuing a moving violation (less severe violation), rather than a criminal summons, for riding a bicycle on the sidewalk.7

• Transit Offenses. In March 2018, the NYPD began issuing a civil Transit Authority Bureau (TAB) summons in lieu of a criminal summons or an arrest for individuals who are observed violating a provision of the New York City Transit Rules of Conduct, such as turnstile jumping, within the New York City Transit System.8

• Open Warrants. In addition to reforms aimed at reducing criminal summonses in New York City, efforts have been made to reduce the warrants associated with criminal summonses. In July 2017, four out of five New York City District Attorneys announced that they were vacating and dismissing open summons warrants that dated back 10 years or more.9 These DAs (Bronx, Brooklyn, Manhattan, and Queens) dismissed approximately 644,500 summons cases total from their boroughs.10

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Summonses and 2020

This report covers trends in criminal summons enforcement in New York City from 2003 to 2019. In 2020, two significant events have the potential to influence summons issuance going forward: the COVID-19 pandemic and a new momentum surrounding the Black Lives Matter movement.

COVID-19 has impacted the lives of millions in New York City and around the globe. In response to the pandemic, enforcement and criminal legal practices have changed. First, police were called on to enforce the New York State Executive Order "PAUSE", which went into effect in March 2020. PAUSE, among other things, mandated that all non-essential businesses close and required individuals to "social distance." Mayor de Blasio also announced an emergency executive order in April 2020.11 Officers were told to enforce these rules and make arrests and issue summonses "as a last resort" to individuals violating the orders.12 Further, patterns of crime and enforcement may have shifted in response to the pandemic. NYPD crime statistics from June 2020 indicate that while overall arrests were down since the beginning of the pandemic, some types of violent crime (gun violence and murders) actually increased.13 This may increase police presence in parts of the city and thereby also increase summons enforcement. Alternatively, the increase in gun violence may shift priorities away from enforcement of lower-level offenses. Lastly, the operations of the courts and the processing of criminal summonses have been influenced by COVID-19. New York City criminal courts were open only for "essential" operations, which excluded appearances for criminal summonses.14 With the cease in operations for adjudicating criminal summonses, many cases remain open and are not yet disposed.

In 2020, there were a series of high-profile police killings of Black people including but not limited to the tragic deaths of Breonna Taylor in Louisville, KY, George Floyd in Minneapolis, MN, and Rayshard Brooks in Atlanta, GA. After these deaths, there were public demonstrations held in support of the Black Lives Matter movement and against police brutality across the country and in New York City. These protests have implications for summons enforcement in that police can issue criminal summonses for lower-level crimes related to disorderly conduct. In some cities, including New York City, Los Angeles, Dallas and Philadelphia, the police also arrested large numbers of protestors, many for lower-level offenses related to violations of local curfews, failure to disperse, or disorderly conduct.15

The impact of these two historical events on criminal summons enforcement is unknown. Future research on criminal summonses should examine the intersections of the criminal legal system in New York City, COVID-19, and police enforcement of protests. Researchers should also explore ways that the pandemic has affected enforcement practices, public safety, and the criminal court system. Ultimately, COVID-19 raises critical questions about whether and what kinds of lower-level enforcement make sense in a world in which a deadly disease is spreading rapidly. These questions are particularly important for Black and Latinx communities, many of which are already burdened by the economic and social costs imposed by higher rates of lower-level enforcement and are now contending with higher rates of COVID-19 infections.16



The Criminal Summons Process

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The criminal summons process occurs in multiple stages (Figure 1). First, agencies that issue criminal summonses send the summonses to a Central Receiving Unit. This unit checks for defects in summonses (i.e., no time or location indicated for appearance). A defective summons does not get docketed, and a letter is sent to the recipient of the summons indicating that they do not have to appear in court.

If the summons is not defective, it is scanned into the Summons Automated Management System (SAMS) for the borough courts or entered into Distributed Criminal Records and Information Management System (DCRIMS) for the community courts. After a summons is docketed, it is forwarded to the pertinent court. All courts then go through a review process called Summons All Purpose Part-Dismissed (SAP-D), where the Supervising Judge reviews the summons for legal sufficiency. Summonses may be determined to be legally insufficient if, for example, the charge details are incorrect or discrepant, or if there was insufficient information regarding the offense on the form. If the summons is found legally insufficient during the SAP-D process, the recipient of the summons is sent a letter indicating that the individual does not need to appear in court. All boroughs except for Staten Island and the two community courts began the SAP-D process in 2001 and thus engaged in this process during the whole study period. Midtown Community Court adopted the SAP-D process shortly after and Staten Island instituted SAP-D reviews in 2009.17 Red Hook Community Justice Center began this process in 2020.

A summons that survives these first two levels of review gets scheduled for an arraignment. At arraignment, the summons can be dismissed18 or be adjourned in contemplation of dismissal (ACD).19 An individual can plead guilty and be sentenced, usually for a fine. If the individual cannot pay the

Figure 1. The Criminal Summons Process Flow Chart



fine, a warrant or a civil judgment is ordered. In rare cases, an individual can also plead not guilty and a bench trial could be ordered. Other dispositions are infrequent and include but are not limited to acquittals and resentences.

When a warrant is ordered, it is usually for a failure to appear in court rather than for not paying a fine. After a warrant is ordered, it can remain open or be vacated. If vacated, the summons can result in one of the above dispositions including dismissal, ACD, or other.

In this report, due to data avilability, analyses of charge type, demographics, and dispositions are limited to docketed (non-defective summonses), except for sex.

Summons Issuance and Outcomes, 2003-2019

Figure 2 shows the number of criminal summonses issued in New York City from 2003 to 2019.20 The number of summonses issued increased from 541,862 summonses in 2003 to a peak of 590,061 summonses in 2006 and then dropped to 72,314 in 2019. From 2003 to 2019, the number of criminal summonses issued in New York City decreased by 87%.

The summons rate, which takes into account the population base, increased from 9,883 (per 100,000) in 2003 to a peak of 10,640 (per 100,000) in 2005 and then decreased to 1,233 (per 100,000) in 2019. From 2003 to 2019, the summons rate in New York City decreased 88%.

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Figure 2. Number and Rate (per 100,000) of Summonses Issued for New York City, 2003-2019

Data Source: The Office of Court AdministrationNote: The vertical dotted line in 2017 depicts when the CJRA went into effect.


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Figure 3. Summons Outcomes, 2003-2019 Figure 3 shows summons outcomes for the 7,046,019 summonses issued from 2003 to 2019. During this time, 23% of criminal summonses (about 1.6 million) did not require a court appearance and 67% had been disposed (about 4.7 million). This “other” category (10%; about 723,000) is primarily open warrants or cases that have yet to be disposed.

From 2003 to 2019, 17% of criminal summonses (1,226,274) did not require a court appearance because summonses were found to be legally insufficient, while 6% (391,450) of summonses were found to be defective (Figure 4). See Appendix C, Trends in Defective Summonses, for analyses on the reasons a summons has been found defective.

Figure 4. Summons Outcomes: Defective and Legally Insufficient, 2003-2019

Data Source: The Office of Court Administration


Disposed, n=4,704,421,

67%

No Court Appearance Required, n=1,617,724,

23%

Other, n=723,874,

10%



Figure 5 shows that from 2003 to 2019, 20% of summonses were disposed as ACD (1.4 million), 21% as guilty (1.5 million) and 26% (1.9 million) summonses were dismissed in court.

From 2003 to 2019, 37% of criminal summonses (2.6 million) resulted in a warrant, primarily for failure to appear. Further, as of April 2020, almost 700,000 (10%) of summonses issued over this 17-year period continue to have an open warrant.

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Figure 5. Summons Outcomes: Dispositions, 2003-2019

Figure 6. Summons Outcomes: Warrants, 2003-2019





Summons Outcomes: Pre- and Post-CJRA Implementation

In this section we examine the same outcomes as the above section for the 2.5 year time period pre-CJRA (June 13, 2014 – Dec 31, 2016) and post-CJRA (June 13, 2017 – Dec 31, 2019) implementation. This report focuses on CJRA given that it was the most significant legislation to impact the issuance of criminal summonses in New York City. The CJRA has changed both the nature of offenses entering the summons system and the types of individuals that continue to enter the criminal legal system because they did not qualify for a civil summons.21 Therefore, the post-CJRA group reflects a different set of offenses as well as a different group of individuals that are issued criminal summonses compared to the pre-CJRA group.

In the 2.5 years pre-CJRA there were 757,669 summonses issued, while in the 2.5 years post-CJRA, there were 214,258 summonses issued; a 72% decrease.

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Figure 7. Summons Outcomes, Pre-CJRA (June 13, 2014 – Dec 31, 2016) & Post-CJRA (June 13, 2017 – Dec 31, 2019)

Disposed, n=495,836,

65%No Court

Appearance Required, n=144,433,

19%

Other, n=117,400,

16%


58%No Court Appearance Required, n=56,727,

27%

Other, n=32,638,

15%


Pre-CJRA Post-CJRA



In the 2.5 years pre and post-CJRA, there was an 8% increase in the proportion of summonses that did not require a court appearance, though the total number of summonses that did not require a court appearance declined from 144,433 to 56,727 (Figure 8). Notably, there was a 4% increase in legally insufficient summonses and a 3% increase in defective summonses.

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Figure 8. Summons Outcomes: Defective and Legally Insufficient, Pre-CJRA (June 13, 2014 – Dec 31, 2016) & Post-CJRA (June 13, 2017 – Dec 31, 2019)

Disposed,n=495,836,

65%

Other, n=117,400,

16%

Legally Insufficient,

n=109,834, 15%

Defective, n=34,599,

5%

No Court Appearance Required, n=144,433,

19%


58%

Other,n=32,638,

15%

Legally Insufficient,

n=39,536,19%

Defective, n=17,191,

8%

No Court Appearance Required,n=56,727,

27%


Pre-CJRA

Post-CJRA



Figure 9 shows that the overall number of summons cases disposed declined from 495,836 pre-CJRA, to 124,893 post-CJRA. The number of dismissals in court declined from 143,355 summonses, pre-CJRA, to 56,449 summonses, post-CJRA. Proportionally, dismissals in court increased by 7%. Summonses that were disposed as ACD and guilty both declined as a number and proportion. ACD dispositions decreased from 156,169 to 38,414 and guilty dispositions declined from 196,312 to 30,030, a 3% and a 12% decrease, respectively.

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Figure 9. Summons Outcomes: Dispositions, Pre-CJRA (June 13, 2014 – Dec 31, 2016) & Post-CJRA (June 13, 2017 – Dec 31, 2019)


19%

Other,n=117,400,

16%

ACD, n=156,169,

21%

Dismissed in Court,

n=143,355, 19%

Guilty, n=196,312,

26%

Disposed,n=495,836,

65%


27%

Other, n=32,638,

15%

ACD,n=38,414,

18%

Dismissed in Court,n=56,449,

26%

Guilty,n=30,030,

14%

Disposed,n=124,893,

58%


Pre-CJRA

Post-CJRA



The number of warrants issued significantly declined from 316,994, in the 2.5 years pre-CJRA, to 74,055, in the 2.5 years post-CJRA (Figure 10) implementation. The percent of warrants issued pre- and post-CJRA declined by 7%. In the 2.5 years pre-and post-CJRA the proportion of warrants remaing open was similar. The proportion of warrants vacated declined in the 2.5 years post-CJRA, but this may be due to the warrant having less time to be vacated.

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Figure 10. Summons Outcomes: Warrants, Pre-CJRA (June 13, 2014 – Dec 31, 2016) & Post-CJRA (June 13, 2017 – Dec 31, 2019)


19%

No Warrant, n=296,242,

39%

Open Warrant, n=114,931,

15%

Vacated Warrant, n=202,063,

27%Warrant Issued,

n=316,994 42%


26%

No Warrant, n=83,476,

39%

Open Warrant, n=29,004,

14%

Vacated Warrant, n=45,051,

21%Warrant Issued,

n=74,055, 35%


Pre-CJRA

Post-CJRA



Trends in Summons Issuance by Charge Type

The next section examines summons issuance by charge type with a focus on major policy changes outlined in our introduction and delineated below.

See Appendix D for a full list of charge codes that fall under other administrative code offenses, other vehicle and traffic law offenses, and transit authority rules.

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Figure 11. Number of Criminal Summonses Issued by Charge Type, 2003-2019

Data Source: The Office of Court AdministrationNote: The first vertical dotted line in 2014 marks when riding a bicycle on the sidewalk was changed from a criminal summons to a moving violation. The second dotted vertical line in 2017 depicts when the CJRA went into effect.

Charge Definitions. In this report, we analyze the following charges because they were either impacted by policy shifts (CJRA, riding bicycle on the sidewalk, marijuana enforcement, transit authority rules) and/or were among the seven most prevalent summons charges in 2019.

• Public consumption of alcohol (AC 10-125 b);• Parks rules and regulations (all PRR codes);• Public urination (AC 16-118 6; HC 153.09); • Littering (AC 16-118 1a-b); • Unreasonable noise (AC 24-218);• Riding bicycle on the sidewalk (AC 19-176); • Marijuana possession (PL 221.05);• Disorderly conduct (all PL 240.20); • Other administrative code (AC) offenses (excludes AC 10-125, AC 16-118, AC 24-218);• Registration suspended (VTL 512);• Other vehicle and traffic law (VTL) offenses (excludes 512); and• Violations of transit authority rules (all TAR codes).



Figure 11 shows trends over time for 12 criminal summons charge categories. Public consumption of alcohol was the most frequent charge type for criminal summons issuance for the majority of the study period. Criminal summonses for public consumption of alcohol increased from around 106,500 summonses to a peak of almost 150,000 in 2010, and then dropped to 3,878 in 2019, a 96% decline from 2003 to 2019. Criminal summonses issued for other charges impacted by the CJRA (parks rules and regulations, public urination, littering, and unreasonable noise) began to decline around 2013 and significantly reduced to below 800 criminal summonses issued for each charge type in 2019. Summons issuance for riding a bicycle on the sidewalk increased from 11,569 summonses in 2003 to a peak of 31,021 in 2011 and then declined to 318 in 2019.

Criminal summonses for marijuana possession increased over the study period, from 10,207 in 2003 to 14,891 in 2019, and was the most common summons charge type in 2019, a 46% increase from 2003 to 2019). The second most prevalent charge was for other administrative code offenses, which declined from 91,248 summonses issued in 2003 to 8,659 in 2019. The third most prevalent charge in 2019 was disorderly conduct (8,121), which increased from 69,130 summonses in 2003 to a peak of 108,762 summonses in 2006 and then declined. Summonses for other vehicle and traffic law offenses dropped from 2003 (65,116) to 2006 (24,667) and then slowly declined to 2019 (5,540). Finally, summonses issued for registration suspended and violatons of transit authority rules saw a subtle but steady increase over the study period. Registration suspended increased from 2,781 summonses in 2003 to 5,017 summonses in 2019 and violations of transit authority rules summonses increased from 2,277 to 3,611.

Figure 12 displays the same 12 criminal summons charges as a proportion of all criminal summonses from 2003 to 2019. For most of the study period, public consumption of alcohol accounted for the highest proportion of summonses increasing from 20.8 percent of all criminal summonses in 2003 to a peak of 36.2 percent in 2015 and then declining to 5.8 percent in 2019.

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Figure 12. Proportion of Criminal Summons Charges for All Criminal Summons Issuance, 2003 to 2019

Data Source: The Office of Court AdministrationNote: The first vertical dotted line in 2014 marks when riding a bicycle on the sidewalk was changed from a criminal summons to a moving violation. The second dotted vertical line in 2017 depicts when the CJRA went into effect.


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Marijuana possession summonses increased from 2.0 percent of all criminal summonses in 2003 to 22.2 percent in 2019. Other administrative code offenses accounted for 17.8 percent of summonses in 2003 and then declined to 12.9 percent in 2019. Summonses for disorderly conduct increased from 13.5 percent of summonses in 2003 to a peak of 20.1 percent in 2007 and then declined to 12.1 percent in 2019. All other summons charge categories accounted for less than 10 percent of summonses in 2019, respectively.

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A Closer Look at Marijuana Possession

Figure 13. Enforcement for Marijuana Possession by Month: Criminal Summonses (PL 221.05) and Arrests (PL 221.10), 2014-2019

Data Source: The Office of Court Administration; New York State Division of Criminal Justice ServicesNote: The first dotted line, November 2014, depicts when the NYPD began issuing criminal summonses in lieu of arrests for marijuana possession up to 25 grams. The second dotted line, September 2018, identifies when criminal summonses for marijuana was extended to public burning, barring certain exclusions. The third dotted line, August 2019, marks when the New York State legislature decriminalized marijuana possession up to 2 ounces.

Figure 13 shows criminal summons issuance for marijuana possession (PL 221.05) and arrests for marijuana possession (PL 221.10) from 2014 to 2019. This figure plots changes in issuance of criminal summonses and arrests for marijuana possession by policy changes. In 2014, when there was a move to issue a criminal summons in lieu of an arrest except for public burning, summons issuance increased but arrests did not decline.

Criminal summonses for marijuana possession peaked in April 2017 and did not increase substantially when the NYPD changed its policy to extend issuance of criminal summonses to public burning. There was a steady decline in summons issuance after decriminalization in August 2019.

2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019



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Figure 14. Number and Rate (per 100,000) of Marijuana Possession Criminal Summonses by Borough, 2003-2019

Data Source: The Office of Court Administration; U.S. Census Bureau

Figure 14 shows that the number of criminal summonses issued for marijuana possession increased starting around 2009 for all of the boroughs; however, Queens, Manhattan, and Staten Island decreased in the most recent years. In 2018, the number of summonses issued for marijuana possession increased in the Bronx and Brooklyn.

In 2018, the summons issuance rate increased in the Bronx and Brooklyn, while Queens and Staten Island declined. Manhattan had a similar marijuana possession summons rate in 2018 and 2019.


Figure 15. Number and Rate (per 100,000) of Summonses Issued by Sex, 2003-2019


Trends in Summons Issuance by Demographics

Figure 15 shows that criminal summonses issued to males increased from 455,696 summonses in 2003 to a peak of 487,596 in 2005 and then declined to 56,100 summonses in 2019. Summons issuance to females remained relatively low compared to males. There were 53,077 summonses issued to females in 2003; this decreased to 8,519 in 2019. Taking into account the population base, the summons issuance rate decreased by 89% for males and by 85% for females from 2003 to 2019.

Table 1 displays the top seven criminal summons charges in 2019 by sex. Females were most likely to be issued a summons for disorderly conduct (19.8%) relative to the other top summons charges. Males, on the other hand, were most likely to be issued a summons for public consumption of alcohol (92.1%) relative to the other top charge categories.

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Table 1. Top Summons Charges by Sex in 2019

N Male Female

Marijuana possession (PL 221.05) 14,529 89.0 11.0

Other administrative code (AC) offenses 8,378 90.5 9.5

Disorderly conduct (all PL 240.20) 7,889 80.2 19.8

Other vehicle and traffic law (VTL) offenses 5,041 88.9 11.1

Registration suspended (VTL 512) 4,943 80.7 19.3

Public consumption of alcohol (AC 10-125) 3,767 92.1 7.9

Transit authority rules (TAR) 3,515 87.7 12.3




Figure 16 shows that the greatest number of criminal summonses were issued to 35-65 year-olds, while the lowest number were issued to 16-17 year-olds from 2003 to 2019. Additionally, the number of summonses issued to each age group converged in recent years.

When taking into account the population base, the three youngest age groups (16-17, 18-20, 21-24) had the highest summons issuance rates for the majority of the study period. All age groups had similar proportional declines in from 2003 to 2019; issuance rate declined by 89% for 16-17 year-olds, by 85% for 18-20 year-olds and 21-24 year-olds, by 86% for 25-34 year-olds, and by 89% for 35-65 year-olds.

Table 2 displays the top seven criminal summons charges in 2019 by age group. The three youngest age groups (16-17, 18-20, 21-24), were most likely to be issued a summons for disorderly conduct and marijuana possession relative to the other summons charges. Individuals aged 25-34 had

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Figure 16. Number and Rate (per 100,000) of Summonses Issued by Age Group, 2003-2019


Table 2. Top Summons Charges by Age Group in 2019

N 16-17 18-20 21-24 25-34 35-65

Marijuana possession (PL 221.05) 14,891 6.1 19.2 24.7 31.8 18.2

Other administrative code (AC) offenses 8,659 2.0 5.3 9.4 28.1 55.3

Disorderly conduct (all PL 240.20) 8,121 6.2 11.1 15.8 32.5 34.5

Other vehicle and traffic law (VTL) offenses 5,540 0.8 4.7 12.4 33.8 48.2

Registration suspended (VTL 512) 5,071 0.1 2.5 9.7 34.3 53.4

Public consumption of alcohol (AC 10-125) 3,878 0.5 3.1 8.6 29.0 58.8

Transit authority rules (TAR) 3,611 3.0 9.7 15.6 29.8 41.8




a higher proportion of summonses issued for vehicle and driving-related offenses – registration suspended and other vehicle and traffic law offenses – relative to the other top issued charges (more than 1/3). Close to 60% of summonses for public consumption of alcohol were issued to 35-65 year-olds, the greatest proportion for this age group relative to the other top issued charges.

Table 3 shows the number and proportion of criminal summonses issued by race and ethnicity in 2018 and 2019. In the years prior to 2018, there was a large proportion of missing values for race and ethnicity and therefore those years are not reported here.

In 2018, 43.7% of racial/ethnic data was missing which declined to 27.3% in 2019.22 For available data, in 2018 and 2019, a high proportion of summonses were issued to Black and Latinx people.

Table 4 presents the top seven criminal summons charges in 2019 by race and ethnicity. Almost half of all marijuana possession summonses were issued to Black people (45.5%). Over 40% of summonses issued for disorderly conduct, public consumption of alcohol, and violations of transit authority rules were issued to Black people. For Latinx people, summonses were most frequently issued for public consumption of alcohol (30.8%), and for White people, other vehicle and traffic law offenses were issued at a higher proportion (12.2%) relative to the other top summons charges.

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Table 3. Summons Issuance by Racial/Ethnic Group in 2018 and 2019

2018 2019

N % N %

Black 21,625 28.1 24,375 36.4

Latinx 13,469 17.5 15,946 23.8

White 5,364 7.0 5,386 8.0

Other 2,950 3.8 3,034 4.5

Missing 33,668 43.7 18,296 27.3

Total 77,076 100 67,037 100


Table 4. Top Summons Charges by Racial/Ethnic Group in 2019

N Black Latinx White Other Missing

Marijuana possession (PL 221.05) 14,891 45.5 28.0 4.8 2.6 19.1

Other administrative code (AC) offenses 8,659 38.2 21.2 9.9 7.7 22.9

Disorderly conduct (all PL 240.20) 8,121 42.0 24.6 7.4 2.9 23.1

Other vehicle and traffic law (VTL) offenses 5,540 27.0 21.4 12.2 6.9 32.5

Registration suspended (VTL 512) 5,071 27.5 20.2 8.1 7.6 36.6

Public consumption of alcohol (AC 10-125) 3,878 41.2 30.8 6.9 1.3 19.8

Transit authority rules (TAR) 3,611 42.6 25.7 10.6 1.7 19.4




Trends in Warrant Issuance

Figure 17 presents the number of warrants issued for criminal summonses that required a court appearance from 2003 to 2019. The trend lines for warrant issued and no warrant issued closely align throughout the study period and mirror the general decline in criminal summonses issued. In 2003, the number of warrants issued was 192,117 which increased to a peak of 222,571 in 2006 and then declined to 23,454 warrants in 2019, an 88% decrease from 2003 to 2019.

As a proportion, warrants issued was relatively stable over time. The proportion of warrants issued fluctuated between 45.5% and 53.5% of criminal summonses that required a court appearance. Most notably, in 2007, 2015, and 2016, more than half of criminal summonses issued resulted in a warrant.

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Figure 17. Number and Proportion of Warrants Issued for Criminal Summonses, 2003-2019




Figure 18 focuses on the status of warrants (open and vacated) from 2003 to 2019. The number of open warrants are lower for warrants issued in 2003 to 2006 (most likely due to district attorneys vacating warrants that are more than 10 years old in 2017). This number then increased to a peak of 69,032 open warrants for warrants issued in 2010. This number then decreased to 12,222 open warrants in 2019.

The proportion of open warrants from 2003 to 2006 is low, fluctuating between 5.5% and 5.8% of summonses issued during those years. This proportion then increased to a high of 23.7% of warrants issued in 2019. As a proportion, vacated warrants were higher between 2003 and 2006 (39.8% to 44.2%) and then declined over time to a low of 21.8% in 2019.

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Table 5. Charges with Most Warrants Issued in 2019

N %

Marijuana possession (PL 221.05) 4,229 18.0

Disorderly conduct (all PL 240.20) 2,984 12.7

Other administrative code (AC) offenses 2,500 10.7

Public consumption of alcohol (AC 10-125) 1,916 8.2

Other vehicle and traffic law (VTL) offenses 1,897 8.1

Transit authority rules (TAR) 1,824 7.8

Registration suspended (VTL 512) 1,814 7.7


Figure 18. Number and Proportion of Warrant Status, 2003-2019

Data Source: The Office of Court AdministrationNote: The vertical dotted line in 2017 marks the year the four district attorneys in New York vacated warrants that were 10 years or older (2007).


Table 5 displays the criminal summons charges most associated with warrant issuance in 2019. The greatest number and proportion of warrants were issued for marijuana possession (n=4,229, 18.0% of all warrants issued), followed by disorderly conduct (n=2,984, 12.7% of all warrants issued) in 2019.

Figure 19 presents the top seven criminal summons charges in 2019 and identifies the proportion of warrants issued for each charge. The highest proportion of warrants were issued for public consumption of alcohol in 2019, with 66.0% of criminal summonses for this charge being issued a warrant. The next most frequently issued warrant charge was for violations of transit authority rules, with 57.4% of these charges being issued a warrant in 2019.


22


Figure 19. Proportion of Warrants Issued for Top Summons Charges in 2019



Trends in Summons Dispositions

The following series of figures provides a further analysis of dispositions by disposition types.

Figure 20 shows the proportion of criminal summonses that were disposed of as guilty, adjournment in contemplation of dismissal (ACD), dismissed in court, and legally insufficient.23 In 2003, close to 40% of criminal summonses were dismissed in court, which decreased to 20.2% in 2016, and then increased during the post-CJRA time period to 26.8% and accounted for the highest proportion of dispositions in 2019. A different pattern occurred with guilty dispositions, which rose from 19.3% in 2003 to a peak of 28.7% in 2014, and then decreased to 12.6% of dispositions in 2019. ACD and legally insufficient (which occurs prior to an individual appearing in court) dispositions had relatively stable proportions over time, however, legally insufficient dispositions increased in the most recent years to account for the 2nd highest proportion of dispositions in 2019 (23.2%). ACD dispositions accounted for 16.1% of criminal summonses in 2019.

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Figure 20. Proportion of Summons Dispositions, 2003-2019




Figure 21 displays the proportion of dispositions by the top seven criminal summons charges in 2019. Vehicle-related charges – registration suspended and other vehicle and traffic law offenses – were most likely to have guilty dispositions relative to the other summons charges (18.8% and 31.0%, respectively). For ACD dispositions, violations of transit authority rules had the highest proportion disposed as ACD (22.3%) relative to the other charge categories. Finally, registration suspended had the highest proportion dismissed in court (33.1%).

A criminal summons that is disposed as legally insufficient is disposed prior to appearing in court, as this occurs during the SAP-D review process. The highest proportion of criminal summonses that were found to be legally insufficient were for marijuana possession (42.6%), relative to the other charge categories.

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Figure 21. Proportion of Dispositions for Top Summons Charges in 2019



Precinct-Level Analyses

The following section provides precinct-level maps reporting the proportion of criminal summonses issued, by charge, by warrants issued, and legally sufficient summonses within each New York Police Department (NYPD) precinct.24 The precincts are grouped into quintiles for proportion issued in 2019.25 These analyses only include summonses issued by the New York Police Department.

Figure 22 shows the proportion of criminal summonses that were issued by precinct in 2019. Criminal summons issuance varied widely across precincts in 2019 (see Appendix E). Two precincts in the Bronx, the 44th and the 40th precinct, accounted for almost 11% of all criminal summonses issued in 2019. There were 3,269 summonses issued in the 44th precinct (6.6% of summonses) and 2,087 summonses issued in the 40th precinct (4.2%).

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Figure 22. Proportion of All Summonses Issued (Including Defective) by Precinct in 2019




26

Figure 23. Proportion of Summonses Issued by Charge and by Precinct in 2019




Figure 23 presents the proportion of criminal summonses issued for each charge (i.e., marijuana possession, other administrative code offenses, disorderly conduct, registration suspended, other vehicle and law offenses, public consumption of alcohol, and violations of transit authority rules) by precinct in 2019.

Precincts in the Bronx most frequently issued marijuana possession summonses; they accounted for 34.6% of all criminal summones issued for marijuana possession in 2019. The top three precincts issuing summonses for marijuana possession in the Bronx were the 44th precinct (7.4%), the 42nd precinct (4.2%), and the 40th precinct (4.0%).

There was variability in where criminal summonses were issued for other administrative code offenses. The top three issuing precincts for other administrative code offenses were the 113th precinct (Queens), followed by the 70th and 63rd precincts (Brooklyn). Additionally, the 113th precinct accounted for a much higher proportion of summonses issued for other administrative code offenses (14.9%) relative to all other precincts.

The top three issuing precincts for disorderly conduct were in the Bronx; the 44th, 40th, and 52nd precincts. These precincts accounted for almost a quarter of all summonses issued for disorderly conduct in 2019 (n=1,500, 23.6%).

Summonses for other vehicle and traffic law offenses were commonly issued in Queens, the Bronx, and Brooklyn in 2019. The top three issuing precincts were the 75th, 40th, and 42nd precincts. These precincts accounted for 12.9% of all summonses issued for other vehicle and traffic law offenses.

Summonses for a registration suspended was frequently issued in the Bronx. The top three issuing precincts for registration suspended were the 47th, 44th, and 23rd precincts and they accounted for 23.6% of all summonses issued for registration suspended in 2019.

There was a greater variability in where summonses were issued for public consumption of alcohol, though a higher proportion were issued in the Bronx relative to the other boroughs. The top issuing precincts for public consumption were the 79th precinct (14.3%), followed by the 41st precinct (12.7%), and then the 44th precinct (9.1%).

Although the numbers for violations of transit authority rules were lower, there were a greater proportion of summonses issued in the Bronx and Staten Island. The top issuing precincts were the 40th, 46th, and 52nd precincts. The 40th precinct accounted for over 11% of summonses issued for violations of transit authority rules.

27


#

28

Figure 24. Proportion of Warrants by Precinct Summons was Issued in 2019


Figure 24 displays the proportion of warrants issued for criminal summonses by precinct in 2019 where appearance was required. The greatest proportion of warrants were issued for summonses in the Bronx and Brooklyn. The Bronx accounted for 32.2% of the warrants issued in 2019, Brooklyn accounted for 33.7%, Manhattan accounted for 17.0%, followed by Queens with 12.4%, and Staten Island with 4.7%. When looking at precincts specifically, the 44th precinct in the Bronx accounted for the highest proportion of warrants issued in 2019 (n=1,131, 6.8%).



Figure 25 shows the proportion of criminal summonses that were found to be legally insufficient in the SAP-D review process by precinct in 2019. Nearly half of the criminal summonses that were found legally insufficient in New York City in 2019 were issued in the Bronx (45.2%). The three precincts that issued the most legally insufficient summonses were the 44th precinct (n=1,195, 9.1%), 52nd precinct (n=732, 5.6%), and 40th precinct (n=679, 5.2%).

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Figure 25. Proportion of Summonses Found Legally Insufficient by Precint in 2019




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Conclusion

This report follows the steep decline of criminal summons issuance in New York City from 2003 to 2019. There was a dramatic decrease in the number of summonses issued, from 541,862 in 2003, to 72,314 summonses issued in 2019, an 87% decrease.

In looking closely at certain criminal justice legislative and policy reforms during this time period, this report illuminates some of the impact that these reforms have had on the overall issuance of criminal summonses. The introduction of the CJRA dramatically decreased criminal summons enforcement for CJRA charges, with a 72% decline in all criminal summonses issued from the 2.5 years pre- and post-CJRA. Marijuana policy changes have led to some increases in the issuance of marijuana summonses as well as some subsequent decreases, as intended by the changing legislative and policy reforms over time.

In 2019, marijuana possession was the most common charge for criminal summons issuance, and also led to the greatest number and proportion of warrants issued. The overall trend, however, shows a significant decrease in the issuance of warrants for criminal summonses from 2003 to 2019, an 88% decline.

When focusing on the demographic composition of individuals receiving criminal summonses in 2019, males and the three youngest age groups (16-17, 18-20, 21-24) were most likely to be issued a criminal summons, most often for disorderly conduct and marijuana possession, relative to the other top summons charges. Additionally, Black people accounted for the largest proportion of the most commonly enforced summonses -- marijuana possession (46%), violations of transit authority rules such as turnstile jumping (43%), disorderly conduct (42%), and public consumption of alcohol (41%).

We hope that the analyses in this report will serve as a useful guide for better understanding summons trends within the context of legislative and policy changes aimed at impacting summons issuance in New York City.

Questions for Future Research

• How do policy and legislative changes continue to impact summons enforcement for different summons charge types?

• How will COVID-19 impact the enforcement of these lower-level offenses? • How will the policing of protests in New York City in 2020 impact the issuance of summonses?• How have the most recent changes in marijuana policy at the end of 2019 impacted the

issuance of marijuana summonses in 2020? • How are other types of enforcement (i.e. arrests) for drug charges impacted by the marijuana

policy changes?• Why has the proportion of dismissals of summonses increased in recent years?



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Appendix A. About the Data

Criminal Summonses. The criminal summons data analyzed in this report was provided by the Office of Court Administration (OCA). The OCA summons data comes from three sources: (1) all defective summonses which includes year, sex, borough and reason for the defect; (2) all docketed summonses at one of the borough courts that are recorded in the Summons Automated Management System (SAMS); and (3) all docketed summonses at the two community courts that are recorded in the Distributed Criminal Records and Information Management System (DCRIMS). Both the SAMS and DCRIMS data includes variables on the summons issuance (date, charge, borough, and precinct), summons recipient (sex, age, and race/ethnicity), and summons outcomes (warrant status, disposition, and sentence). The warrant data indicate whether a warrant has been issued and vacated on a specific summons, and whether a warrant is currently open on that summons, as of the date we received the data (April, 2020). All analyses by charge type, demographic (except sex), and disposition exclude defective summonses.

This report focuses exclusively on criminal summonses issued to individuals, and therefore excludes the 6.8% of summonses that were issued to corporations over the study period. We also only look at individuals aged 16-65, excluding those above 65 (2.4%). We include summonses issued by all agencies in our analyses. However, we limit the precinct level analyses to summons issued by the NYPD. Additionally, the majority of this report provides analyses at the summons level. An individual may receive two or more summonses at separate times over the study period, and may therefore be included multiple times in this summons level analysis. Additionally, multiple summonses can be co-issued to the same individual for the same incident. All analyses focus on the summons level rather than the summmons incident.

U.S. Census New York City Population. For this analysis, we use narrow population estimates for New York City for all combinations of race/ethnicity (non-Hispanic Black, non-Hispanic White, Hispanic), sex (male and female), and individual year age groups (ages 16 to 65). These breakdowns are readily available in the decennial censuses from 2000 to 2010 because these censuses break down population counts by individual age cohorts and race/ethnicity and sex. For years 2011 onward, an alternative method for calculating census estimates was needed because the census data available from the 2011-2017 American Community Surveys does not give as narrow breakdowns as the previous decennial censuses. The narrowest breakdowns provided in the ACS are by sex and race/ethnicity and age groups—but not by individual age years.

Data Collaborative for Justice researchers developed a different approach to estimate these narrow population breakdowns for 2011-2017. We used Annual County Resident Population Estimates by Age, Sex, Race/Ethnicity, and Hispanic Origin (April 2010 to July 2017) from the National Historic Geographic Information System (NHGIS). We used this table to calculate the total number of people in a given group (sex, race/ethnicity, and age group) by year (2011-2017) and county. After these totals are calculated, we distributed the population to each census tract based on the proportions of each demographic group in the 2010 census.

Intercensal years (between the 2000 and 2010 censuses) and 2019 total population counts are calculated using linear interpolation.

Differences in Original Summons Report and the Current Report. A core difference between the original 2015 report and the 2020 replication is that the original report calculates rates for individuals aged 16-99, whereas the current report calculates numbers and rates for individuals aged 16-65.


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Appendix B. Multiple Summons Issuance

The following analyses look at multiple criminal summons issuance (more than one summons being issued) at summons incidents. The data can track up to 10 summonses issued per incident. These analyses do not include defective summonses.

Figure 26 shows the number of multiple summons incidents steadily declined over the study period from 81,581 incidents in 2003 to 3,907 in 2019. Further, the proportion of multiple summons incidents declined from 22.5% of all summons incidents in 2003 to 5.5% in 2016 and then increased to 7.0% of all summons incidents in 2019.


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Figure 26. Number and Proportion of Summons Incidents that Included Multiple Summonses, 2003-2019


Figure 27. Mean and Median of Multiple Summons Incidents, 2003-2019




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When examining summons events that had more than one summons issued, the average number of summonses issued was 2.8 in 2003, which increased to a high of 3.9 summonses in 2019. The median number of multiple summonses issued was 2 from 2003 to 2018 and then increased to 3 summonses in 2019.

Table 6. Most Frequently Issued Summonses During Incidents that Included Multiple Summonses in 2019

N %

Other administrative code (AC) offenses 2,446 22.4

Most frequently co-issued with other AC offenses

Safety requirements for transportation vehicles (TL 140 02) 2,309 21.1

Most frequently co-issued with safety requirements for transportation vehicle

Other vehicle and traffic law (VTL) offenses 1,305 11.9

Most frequently co-issued with registration suspended (VTL 512)

Disorderly conduct (all PL 240.20) 980 9.0

Most frequently co-issued with disorderly conduct charges

Other alcohol and beverage control (ABC) charges 703 6.4

Most frequently co-issued with other AC offenses

Registration suspended (VTL 512) 461 4.2

Most frequently co-issued with other VTL offenses

Environmental conservation law (ECL) charges 430 3.9

Most frequently co-issued with environmental conservation law charges



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Appendix C. Trends in Defective Summonses

Once criminal summonses are dropped off at the Central Receiving Unit, they are assessed for defectiveness. A summons may be found defective for a number of reasons, typically, if the summons was filled out incompletely, leaving out the date or time to appear in court. A summons that is found defective is not docketed. The next section focuses on summonses that were found defective and looks at the proportion overall and by reason.

The proportion of defective summonses fluctuated from 5.5% of all summonses in 2003 to a peak of 8.7% in 2018 and then declined to 7.3% of all summonses in 2019. As a number, defective summonses increased from 29,708 in 2003 to a peak of 36,971 in 2005 and then steadily declined to 5,277 in 2019.


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Figure 28. Proportion of Defective Summonses, 2003-2019




35

Figure 29 presents the proportion of defective criminal summonses by defective reason from 2003 to 2019. Summonses that were found to have the return date incorrect (Saturday, Sunday, or a holiday), original summons not on file, and jurisdiction/venue issues accounted for greater proportions of the reasons for defectiveness for the majority of the study period. Summonses that had the return date wrong accounted for 21.7% of defective summonses in 2003 and this increased to 57.4% in 2019 (the highest proportion of defective summonses in 2019). Summonses that were found defective due to original not on file accounted for 42.5% of defective summonses in 2003 and this reason declined to 9.4% in 2019. Summonses that were found defective due to jurisdiction/venue increased to the second highest proportion of defective summonses in 2019 (25.9%).

Figure 29. Proportion of Defective Summonsesby Reason, 2003-2019



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Appendix D. List of Charge Codes for Other Administrative Code Offenses, Other Vehicle and Traffic Law Offenses, and Violations of Transit Authority Rules in 2019 This list only includes charges with 30 or more summonses issued in 2019.


36

Other AC Offenses Other VTL Offenses Transit Authority RulesCharge N % Charge N % Charge N %AC 19-506 1,212 14.0 VTL 511 3,013 54.4 TAR 1050.4 2,634 72.9AC 10-111 1,112 12.8 VTL 1212 1,459 26.3 TAR 1050.7 651 18.0AC 15-223 777 9.0 VTL 509 184 3.3 TAR 1050.9 181 5.0AC 10-133 686 7.9 VTL 0375 105 1.9 TAR 1050.6 120 3.3AC 19-504 455 5.3 VTL 0401 87 1.6AC 19-507 444 5.1 VTL 0509 69 1.3

AC 10-131 344 4.0 VTL 0306 67 1.2AC 10-127 305 3.5 VTL 0319 65 1.2AC 10-136 295 3.4 VTL 401 51 0.9AC 20-254 280 3.2 VTL 375 46 0.8

AC 24-163 195 2.3 VTL 319 38 0.7AC 20-259 187 2.2 VTL 2253 34 0.6AC 11-809 166 1.9AC 24-236 159 1.8AC 24-227 147 1.7AC 20-453 142 1.6AC 16-122 120 1.4

AC 11-401 115 1.3AC 24-149 114 1.3AC 10-134 106 1.2AC 20-258 92 1.1AC 15-216 88 1.0AC 26-521 80 0.9AC 20-257 71 0.8AC 10-108 64 0.7AC 10-115 63 0.7AC 19-515 61 0.7AC 10-157 59 0.7AC 20-465 52 0.6AC 26-248 39 0.5AC 28-201 39 0.5AC 20-464 32 0.4

AC 24-229 32 0.4AC 17-307 31 0.4AC 24-237 31 0.4




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Appendix E. Number and Proportion of All Criminal Summonses Issued (Including Defective Summonses), Warrants Issued, and Legally Insufficient Summonses Issued by Precinct in 2019

All Summonses Warrants Issued Legally Insufficient Summonses

Precinct N % N % N %

Manhattan

1 400 0.8 134 0.8 54 0.4

5 775 1.6 216 1.3 170 1.3

6 281 0.6 72 0.4 118 0.9

7 631 1.3 197 1.2 128 1.0

9 345 0.7 102 0.6 91 0.7

10 78 0.2 24 0.1 25 0.2

13 747 1.5 196 1.2 191 1.5

14 308 0.6 77 0.5 30 0.2

17 161 0.3 44 0.3 21 0.2

18 86 0.2 15 0.1 7 0.1

19 174 0.4 73 0.4 15 0.1

20 45 0.1 19 0.1 7 0.1

22 64 0.1 19 0.1 4 0.0

23 839 1.7 254 1.5 300 2.3

24 120 0.2 50 0.3 25 0.2

25 831 1.7 281 1.7 326 2.5

26 253 0.5 110 0.7 64 0.5

28 669 1.4 248 1.5 232 1.8

30 270 0.6 87 0.5 71 0.5

32 558 1.1 236 1.4 98 0.8

33 316 0.6 141 0.9 79 0.6

34 762 1.6 229 1.4 188 1.4

The Bronx

40 2087 4.2 820 4.9 679 5.2

41 1390 2.8 493 3.0 599 4.6

42 1695 3.4 557 3.4 678 5.2

43 1016 2.1 306 1.8 362 2.8

44 3269 6.6 1131 6.8 1195 9.1

45 649 1.3 174 1.1 155 1.2

46 1442 2.9 487 2.9 491 3.7

47 1395 2.8 447 2.7 460 3.5

48 817 1.7 263 1.6 293 2.2

49 502 1.0 134 0.8 227 1.7

50 192 0.4 50 0.3 69 0.5

52 1624 3.3 495 3.0 732 5.6

Brooklyn

60 636 1.3 250 1.5 125 1.0

61 283 0.6 90 0.5 28 0.2

62 454 0.9 81 0.5 51 0.4

63 786 1.6 219 1.3 165 1.3

66 110 0.2 30 0.2 12 0.1

67 957 1.9 340 2.0 171 1.3




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All Summonses Warrants Issued Legally Insufficient Summonses

Precinct N % N % N %

Brooklyn

68 534 1.1 147 0.9 67 0.5

69 608 1.2 212 1.3 119 0.9

70 1368 2.8 396 2.4 412 3.1

71 1011 2.1 373 2.2 235 1.8

72 60 0.1 23 0.1 9 0.1

73 874 1.8 438 2.6 175 1.3

75 1358 2.8 573 3.5 243 1.9

76 98 0.2 50 0.3 4 0.0

77 1075 2.2 498 3.0 118 0.9

78 142 0.3 80 0.5 16 0.1

79 1498 3.0 821 4.9 229 1.7

81 396 0.8 182 1.1 77 0.6

83 387 0.8 145 0.9 92 0.7

84 452 0.9 206 1.2 71 0.5

88 353 0.7 154 0.9 59 0.5

90 635 1.3 221 1.3 109 0.8

94 215 0.4 76 0.5 24 0.2

Queens 669 1.4 248 1.5 232 1.8

100 182 0.4 57 0.3 30 0.2

101 220 0.5 81 0.5 57 0.4

102 274 0.6 60 0.4 53 0.4

103 941 1.9 326 2.0 277 2.1

104 333 0.7 104 0.6 50 0.4

105 535 1.1 146 0.9 132 1.0

106 318 0.7 62 0.4 93 0.7

107 164 0.3 36 0.2 60 0.5

108 333 0.7 66 0.4 82 0.6

109 346 0.7 67 0.4 55 0.4

110 845 1.7 197 1.2 193 1.5

111 143 0.3 22 0.1 21 0.2

112 85 0.2 19 0.1 22 0.2

113 1964 4.0 520 3.1 522 4.0

114 695 1.4 189 1.1 156 1.2

115 771 1.6 104 0.6 277 2.1

Staten Island 1624 3.3 495 3.0 732 5.6

120 1074 2.2 474 2.9 140 1.1

121 516 1.1 203 1.2 68 0.5

122 289 0.6 83 0.5 30 0.2

123 167 0.3 28 0.2 17 0.1




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Appendix F. Number and Proportion of Criminal Summonses Issued by Charge by Precinct in 2019

Marijuana Possesion

Other AC Offenses

Disorderly Conduct

Other VTL Offenses

Registration Suspended

Public Consumption

Transit Authority Rules

Precinct N % N % N % N % N % N % N %

Manhattan

1 18 0.1 48 0.7 31 0.5 36 1.5 1 0.0 2 0.1 94 3.0

5 120 0.9 81 1.2 105 1.7 47 1.9 61 2.2 7 0.2 63 2.0

6 99 0.7 29 0.4 23 0.4 9 0.4 0 0.0 14 0.4 32 1.0

7 121 0.9 51 0.7 73 1.2 60 2.4 1 0.0 10 0.3 28 0.9

9 133 1.0 9 0.1 46 0.7 6 0.2 2 0.1 17 0.5 42 1.4

10 15 0.1 2 0.0 9 0.1 5 0.2 2 0.1 1 0.0 11 0.4

13 155 1.1 135 1.9 106 1.7 8 0.3 2 0.1 17 0.5 158 5.1

14 23 0.2 37 0.5 70 1.1 7 0.3 3 0.1 5 0.2 103 3.3

17 20 0.2 14 0.2 32 0.5 10 0.4 5 0.2 2 0.1 12 0.4

18 10 0.1 23 0.3 12 0.2 1 0.0 0 0.0 1 0.0 30 1.0

19 5 0.0 10 0.1 9 0.1 19 0.8 9 0.3 1 0.0 85 2.7

20 9 0.1 6 0.1 6 0.1 0 0.0 1 0.0 4 0.1 8 0.3

22 42 0.3 6 0.1 2 0.0 2 0.1 0 0.0 1 0.0 1 0.0

23 306 2.2 54 0.8 104 1.6 30 1.2 197 7.0 41 1.2 32 1.0

24 33 0.2 10 0.1 8 0.1 2 0.1 0 0.0 5 0.2 44 1.4

25 334 2.4 40 0.6 104 1.6 52 2.1 38 1.4 37 1.1 64 2.1

26 86 0.6 13 0.2 16 0.3 10 0.4 23 0.8 0 0.0 74 2.4

28 186 1.4 39 0.6 125 2.0 11 0.4 3 0.1 53 1.6 106 3.4

30 70 0.5 21 0.3 38 0.6 28 1.1 3 0.1 9 0.3 36 1.2

32 291 2.1 29 0.4 132 2.1 5 0.2 14 0.5 10 0.3 15 0.5

33 153 1.1 15 0.2 40 0.6 7 0.3 28 1.0 8 0.2 22 0.7

34 179 1.3 146 2.1 96 1.5 73 2.9 54 1.9 13 0.4 27 0.9

The Bronx

40 542 4.0 140 2.0 378 5.9 99 4.0 41 1.5 183 5.5 355 11.4

41 309 2.3 73 1.0 174 2.7 23 0.9 28 1.0 422 12.7 155 5.0

42 573 4.2 177 2.5 186 2.9 92 3.7 99 3.5 215 6.5 68 2.2

43 352 2.6 91 1.3 173 2.7 20 0.8 12 0.4 44 1.3 64 2.1

44 1011 7.4 231 3.3 778 12.2 90 3.6 210 7.5 303 9.1 173 5.6

45 205 1.5 88 1.3 43 0.7 61 2.5 22 0.8 13 0.4 28 0.9

46 514 3.8 154 2.2 191 3.0 63 2.5 46 1.6 24 0.7 198 6.4

47 340 2.5 242 3.4 165 2.6 72 2.9 254 9.1 32 1.0 112 3.6

48 265 1.9 127 1.8 157 2.5 16 0.6 77 2.8 64 1.9 31 1.0

49 177 1.3 63 0.9 42 0.7 34 1.4 26 0.9 22 0.7 38 1.2

50 73 0.5 11 0.2 34 0.5 16 0.6 27 1.0 8 0.2 1 0.0

52 379 2.8 151 2.1 344 5.4 60 2.4 29 1.0 162 4.9 189 6.1

Brooklyn

60 223 1.6 87 1.2 88 1.4 23 0.9 32 1.1 37 1.1 49 1.6

61 54 0.4 71 1.0 9 0.1 34 1.4 16 0.6 3 0.1 6 0.2

62 33 0.2 115 1.6 42 0.7 44 1.8 9 0.3 3 0.1 10 0.3

63 155 1.1 296 4.2 35 0.6 53 2.1 80 2.9 2 0.1 0 0.0

66 10 0.1 12 0.2 6 0.1 13 0.5 1 0.0 2 0.1 4 0.1

67 354 2.6 174 2.5 115 1.8 49 2.0 23 0.8 56 1.7 2 0.1




40

Marijuana Possesion

Other AC Offenses

Disorderly Conduct

Other VTL Offenses

Registration Suspended

Public Consumption

Transit Authority Rules

Precinct N % N % N % N % N % N % N %

Brooklyn

68 35 0.3 239 3.4 21 0.3 21 0.8 143 5.1 25 0.8 3 0.1

69 253 1.8 103 1.5 46 0.7 58 2.3 80 2.9 11 0.3 4 0.1

70 346 2.5 370 5.2 100 1.6 71 2.9 96 3.4 61 1.8 10 0.3

71 368 2.7 191 2.7 186 2.9 24 1.0 8 0.3 66 2.0 10 0.3

72 12 0.1 5 0.1 9 0.1 4 0.2 3 0.1 2 0.1 11 0.4

73 210 1.5 96 1.4 226 3.6 44 1.8 9 0.3 55 1.7 23 0.7

75 412 3.0 91 1.3 202 3.2 130 5.2 32 1.1 126 3.8 21 0.7

76 10 0.1 3 0.0 2 0.0 37 1.5 35 1.3 3 0.1 1 0.0

77 538 3.9 85 1.2 115 1.8 46 1.9 35 1.3 66 2.0 13 0.4

78 16 0.1 4 0.1 30 0.5 4 0.2 0 0.0 4 0.1 12 0.4

79 357 2.6 65 0.9 163 2.6 52 2.1 55 2.0 475 14.3 31 1.0

81 150 1.1 39 0.6 49 0.8 16 0.6 4 0.1 31 0.9 20 0.6

83 114 0.8 51 0.7 72 1.1 13 0.5 6 0.2 17 0.5 9 0.3

84 105 0.8 30 0.4 145 2.3 45 1.8 5 0.2 8 0.2 49 1.6

88 189 1.4 12 0.2 40 0.6 9 0.4 5 0.2 30 0.9 18 0.6

90 221 1.6 35 0.5 94 1.5 20 0.8 4 0.1 44 1.3 24 0.8

94 79 0.6 21 0.3 25 0.4 15 0.6 8 0.3 6 0.2 3 0.1

Queens

100 41 0.3 20 0.3 16 0.3 37 1.5 12 0.4 4 0.1 12 0.4

101 48 0.4 52 0.7 36 0.6 1 0.0 20 0.7 13 0.4 12 0.4

102 34 0.3 63 0.9 25 0.4 21 0.8 42 1.5 6 0.2 0 0.0

103 177 1.3 220 3.1 107 1.7 32 1.3 6 0.2 31 0.9 9 0.3

104 206 1.5 22 0.3 12 0.2 12 0.5 3 0.1 3 0.1 7 0.2

105 180 1.3 81 1.2 32 0.5 70 2.8 51 1.8 9 0.3 0 0.0

106 35 0.3 57 0.8 38 0.6 23 0.9 10 0.4 8 0.2 15 0.5

107 68 0.5 22 0.3 11 0.2 6 0.2 1 0.0 1 0.0 7 0.2

108 38 0.3 65 0.9 11 0.2 62 2.5 39 1.4 9 0.3 3 0.1

109 46 0.3 61 0.9 9 0.1 53 2.1 23 0.8 0 0.0 2 0.1

110 155 1.1 222 3.1 63 1.0 29 1.2 83 3.0 7 0.2 11 0.4

111 68 0.5 12 0.2 8 0.1 5 0.2 10 0.4 1 0.0 0 0.0

112 47 0.3 11 0.2 5 0.1 5 0.2 1 0.0 1 0.0 0 0.0

113 351 2.6 1051 14.9 36 0.6 58 2.3 107 3.8 67 2.0 0 0.0

114 126 0.9 126 1.8 86 1.4 73 2.9 127 4.5 19 0.6 1 0.0

115 223 1.6 179 2.5 28 0.4 28 1.1 34 1.2 3 0.1 10 0.3

Staten Island

120 236 1.7 130 1.8 101 1.6 22 0.9 131 4.7 237 7.1 85 2.7

121 79 0.6 55 0.8 40 0.6 19 0.8 57 2.0 12 0.4 83 2.7

122 69 0.5 34 0.5 15 0.2 28 1.1 36 1.3 19 0.6 13 0.4

123 100 0.7 15 0.2 10 0.2 4 0.2 0 0.0 1 0.0 5 0.2




41

Appendix G. Proportion of Criminal Summonses Issued by Race/Ethnicity and Age Group by Precinct in 2019

Race/Ethnicity Age Group

Black Hispanic White Other Missing 16-17 18-20 21-24 25-34 35-65

Precinct % % % % % % % % % %

Manhattan

1 24.5 7.8 10.0 5.0 52.8 0.5 3.2 6.8 30.8 58.8

5 20.4 14.2 8.5 14.1 42.8 5.0 6.3 10.5 25.9 52.3

6 29.9 15.3 22.1 6.4 26.3 1.4 6.4 16.7 26.3 49.1

7 18.4 17.1 5.1 5.9 53.6 5.2 5.5 13.6 30.3 45.3

9 25.5 30.4 14.8 3.8 25.5 4.1 11.3 17.7 24.1 42.9

10 51.3 15.4 12.8 1.3 19.2 0.0 5.1 11.5 21.8 61.5

13 32.4 19.9 15.9 7.8 24.0 2.3 5.6 11.6 23.8 56.6

14 25.6 13.3 24.4 6.8 29.9 0.3 3.9 12.7 29.5 53.6

17 20.5 8.7 23.0 1.9 46.0 1.2 8.7 13.7 19.9 56.5

18 22.1 18.6 19.8 7.0 32.6 0.0 2.3 24.4 43.0 30.2

19 24.7 23.6 12.6 4.6 34.5 2.3 4.6 13.8 19.5 59.8

20 28.9 8.9 15.6 0.0 46.7 6.7 17.8 15.6 22.2 37.8

22 17.2 34.4 21.9 1.6 25.0 10.9 25.0 12.5 25.0 26.6

23 38.7 32.5 3.0 5.6 20.1 5.0 11.8 14.9 31.5 36.8

24 42.5 31.7 3.3 2.5 20.0 9.2 10.8 17.5 17.5 45.0

25 45.0 24.4 3.7 2.6 24.2 2.4 7.5 12.5 30.4 47.2

26 43.1 28.1 4.0 2.0 22.9 3.6 14.6 19.4 28.1 34.4

28 62.5 12.1 6.4 0.7 18.2 5.1 10.3 15.4 29.1 40.1

30 33.3 30.7 4.1 1.9 30.0 7.4 5.2 13.7 31.5 42.2

32 60.8 15.2 3.9 3.2 16.8 5.6 11.8 17.0 33.0 32.6

33 27.2 53.8 3.5 0.9 14.6 5.1 7.9 16.8 34.5 35.8

34 9.4 66.1 2.6 0.5 21.3 1.8 11.3 14.4 32.4 40.0

The Bronx

40 38.4 40.5 2.5 1.0 17.6 5.4 11.6 16.5 28.6 37.9

41 31.3 47.2 1.0 0.8 19.7 2.4 11.7 17.2 33.8 35.0

42 46.8 32.7 0.9 0.6 19.0 3.5 12.2 17.1 30.3 37.0

43 36.4 36.6 1.4 2.8 22.8 5.2 14.6 15.7 29.9 34.5

44 38.1 40.3 1.5 0.8 19.4 3.1 11.4 17.8 32.9 34.8

45 25.0 36.1 12.0 2.0 25.0 3.9 12.3 16.5 29.0 38.4

46 37.7 44.2 2.1 1.3 14.6 3.6 14.4 19.6 29.8 32.7

47 61.2 16.2 2.3 1.4 18.9 4.0 9.1 18.1 31.4 37.4

48 36.8 39.7 4.0 1.2 18.2 5.5 13.3 15.3 27.9 37.9

49 32.1 30.1 8.2 5.8 23.9 5.2 11.0 20.7 29.1 34.1

50 18.8 43.2 12.0 3.1 22.9 2.6 15.6 16.1 33.3 32.3

52 20.8 52.1 3.5 2.4 21.2 5.7 13.4 15.9 32.6 32.4

Brooklyn

60 38.5 19.8 14.8 5.8 21.1 5.7 16.7 14.6 32.5 30.5

61 13.8 12.0 31.4 11.0 31.8 6.4 15.9 16.6 19.4 41.7

62 4.0 30.4 23.1 7.9 34.6 5.5 8.1 7.5 26.2 52.6

63 67.0 2.5 5.9 1.3 23.3 3.7 9.0 11.6 24.3 51.4

66 8.2 21.8 13.6 29.1 27.3 1.8 10.9 10.9 21.8 54.5

67 75.3 3.1 1.0 1.0 19.4 4.3 12.2 16.6 23.0 43.9




42

Race/Ethnicity Age Group

Black Hispanic White Other Missing 16-17 18-20 21-24 25-34 35-65

Precinct % % % % % % % % % %

Brooklyn

68 8.4 28.5 30.9 14.6 17.6 1.7 6.2 12.2 29.8 50.2

69 72.9 5.6 1.3 2.5 17.8 5.4 18.1 22.2 29.8 24.5

70 56.3 9.2 7.2 4.5 22.8 4.5 9.5 14.9 22.7 48.5

71 70.5 5.1 3.7 1.1 19.6 8.1 12.0 14.4 29.4 36.1

72 23.3 31.7 6.7 3.3 35.0 1.7 6.7 23.3 33.3 35.0

73 65.2 10.3 1.5 0.5 22.5 5.0 11.9 15.2 31.6 36.3

75 38.7 23.6 2.2 3.5 31.9 5.1 12.7 17.0 30.1 35.1

76 33.7 10.2 14.3 8.2 33.7 4.1 4.1 16.3 29.6 45.9

77 68.7 7.7 2.7 1.7 19.2 3.5 9.5 15.9 35.6 35.4

78 24.6 19.7 9.2 2.1 44.4 0.7 2.1 19.0 33.8 44.4

79 57.1 14.8 4.9 1.1 22.2 3.9 8.3 12.5 26.8 48.5

81 66.7 9.8 1.8 1.8 19.9 9.1 18.2 17.4 27.5 27.8

83 23.5 47.8 6.5 1.8 20.4 4.4 13.7 21.7 31.0 29.2

84 44.0 12.6 6.9 3.8 32.7 6.2 12.8 14.2 30.1 36.7

88 64.9 12.2 4.2 3.1 15.6 4.8 10.2 19.0 36.3 29.7

90 33.4 36.2 8.3 2.8 19.2 5.2 14.6 18.4 34.6 27.1

94 22.3 34.4 16.3 5.6 21.4 4.2 12.6 15.3 28.4 39.5

Queens

100 39.6 16.5 15.4 17.6 11.0 4.4 14.3 14.3 23.6 43.4

101 65.5 16.4 4.1 1.4 12.7 8.2 10.0 11.4 27.3 43.2

102 8.4 25.5 2.6 38.3 25.2 4.0 9.5 11.7 27.4 47.4

103 44.5 18.2 1.9 8.3 27.1 3.5 6.7 9.5 23.2 57.2

104 14.1 49.8 17.7 3.6 14.7 7.8 21.9 20.4 27.6 22.2

105 65.4 7.9 2.1 12.9 11.8 5.6 11.8 20.7 28.4 33.5

106 20.4 15.7 6.9 39.3 17.6 3.8 6.3 17.0 27.7 45.3

107 30.5 21.3 14.6 9.8 23.8 14.0 19.5 16.5 25.6 24.4

108 14.4 35.1 10.5 11.7 28.2 1.2 7.2 8.7 34.5 48.3

109 6.4 12.4 8.4 25.7 47.1 0.9 5.5 2.9 29.8 61.0

110 5.1 69.9 3.0 8.3 13.7 3.0 11.1 12.1 28.2 45.7

111 23.1 16.8 22.4 22.4 15.4 10.5 25.9 17.5 26.6 19.6

112 14.1 24.7 22.4 10.6 28.2 12.9 17.6 17.6 25.9 25.9

113 79.8 4.1 0.7 3.4 12.0 2.5 8.0 11.2 28.1 50.2

114 26.0 27.3 14.1 12.8 19.7 1.4 7.1 15.4 31.9 44.2

115 4.8 76.4 2.6 5.8 10.4 1.2 7.4 14.3 27.9 49.3

Staten Island

120 38.3 20.6 10.4 2.9 27.8 4.0 10.1 14.0 28.1 43.8

121 31.0 33.1 14.0 3.9 18.0 8.3 16.3 13.6 30.4 31.4

122 13.5 8.3 46.7 6.9 24.6 3.5 13.1 24.6 27.0 31.8

123 7.2 14.4 59.3 6.0 13.2 7.2 24.0 21.6 21.6 25.7



Endnotes1 Chauhan, P., Welsh, M., Fera, A.G., & Balazon, E., with an introduction by Jeremy Travis. (2015, April). The summons report: Trends in issuance and dispositions of summonses in New York City, 2003–2013. Report presented to the Citizens Crime Commission. New York, NY.2 Midtown Community Court processes summonses issued in the 10th, 14th, 18th, and 20th police precincts; Red Hook Community Justice Center processes summonses issued in the 72nd, 76th, and 78th precincts. Manhattan processes summonses issued in Manhattan and Brooklyn. 3 Tomascak, S., Grimsely, E., Mulligan, K., & Chauhan, P. (2020). Evaluating the impact of New York City’s Criminal Justice Reform Act: Summons issuance and outcomes in the 18 months after implementation. Data Collaborative for Justice, New York, NY. 4 NYC Mayor’s Office. (2014, Nov 10). Mayor de Blasio, police commissioner Bratton announce change in marijuana policy. https://www1.nyc.gov/office-of-the-mayor/news/511-14/transcript-mayor-de-blasiopolicecommissioner-bratton-change-marijuana-policy 5 The New York Times. (2018, June 19). New York City will end marijuana arrests for most people. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/06/19/nyregion/nypd-marijuana-arrests-new-york-city.html6 S.B. 6579A, Assemb. Reg. Sess. (N.Y. 2019).7 New York Police Department. (2015). Broken windows and quality-of-life-policing in New York City. http://www.nyc.gov/html/nypd/downloads/pdf/analysis_and_planning/qol.pdf8 New York Police Department Patrol Guide 209-39. (2019, March 18). https://www.nyc.gov/assets/nypd/downloads/pdf/analysis_and_planning/patrol_guide/209-39-transit.pdf9 Brooklyn District Attorney’s Office. (2017, July 26). Bronx, Brooklyn, Manhattan and Queens district attorneys announce unprecedented dismissal of early 700,000 open summons warrants. http://www.brooklynda.org/2017/07/27/bronx-brooklyn-manhattan-and-queens-district-attorneys-announce-unprecedented-dismissal-of-nearly-700000-open-summons-warrants/10 Manhattan District Attorney’s Office. (2017, August 9). District attorney Vance dismissed 240,000 summons cases. https://www.manhattanda.org/district-attorney-vance-dismisses-240000-summons-cases/11 The City of New York, Office of the Mayor. (2020, April 24). Emergency executive order no. 109. https://www1.nyc.gov/assets/home/downloads/pdf/executive-orders/2020/eeo-109.pdf12 Plitt, A. (2020, Apr 7). New York issues a 'pause' on nonessential services and gatherings. Here's what that means. https://ny.curbed.com/2020/3/20/21187022/coronavirus-new-york-shutdown-shelter-in-place13 New York Police Department. (2020, July 6). NYPD accounces citywide crime statistics for June 2020. https://www1.nyc.gov/site/nypd/news/pr0706/nypd-citywide-crime-statistics-june-202014 New York State Unified Court System. Coronavirus and the New York State courts. https://www.nycourts.gov/index.shtml15 Snow, A. (2020, June 4). TAP tally: Arrests at widespread US protests hit 10,000. Associated Press News. https://apnews.com/article/bb2404f9b13c8b53b94c73f818f6a0b716 Artiga, S., Garfield, R., & Orgera, K. (2020, April 7). Communities of color at higher risk for health and economic challenges due to COVID-19. Kaiser Family Foundation. https://www.kff.org/coronavirus-covid-19/issue-brief/communities-of-color-at-higher-risk-for-health-and-economic-challenges-due-to-covid-19/17 In our analyses, Staten Island is missing data on summonses that were dismissed as legally insufficient in SAP-D process from 2012 to 2015.18 Summonses that are dismissed in court may also be dismissed as legally insufficient in court. Approximately 16% of dismissals in court are dismissed as legally insufficient in court over our study period.19 An ACD disposition requires that the individual avoids additional contact with the criminal justice system for a set amount of time, typically six months, and then the case is ultimately dismissed. ACDs can also be offered with additional conditions, such as completing community service.

43


20 This number reflects the number of summonses issued rather than the number of individuals who received summonses in a given year. Multiple summonses can be issued at a summons incident. Additionally, these analyses include defective summonses, which are the only summonses that are not docketed.21 There are certain exclusionary criteria that allow an officer to issue a criminal summons for CJRA offenses. These criteria include: (1) the individual having an open warrant, (2) the individual having three or more unanswered civil summonses in the last eight years, (3) the individual having two or more felony arrests in the past two years, (4) the individual being on parole or probation, (5) the issuing officer articulating a legitimate law enforcement reason to issue a criminal summons (which is approved by a supervisor), or (6) the CJRA summons is being co-issued with a summons for another charge that requires an appearance in criminal court.22 NYPD historic summons data also has missing racial/ethnic data (27.4% in 2018 and 40.5% in 2019), however, there is significantly less missing racial/ethnic data on the NYPD Reports and Dashboard Criminal Summons Data (4.2% in 2018 and 1.4% in 2019). NYC Open Data: NYPD Criminal Court Summons (Historic). https://data.cityofnewyork.us/Public-Safety/NYPD-Criminal-Court-Summons-Historic-/sv2w-rv3k; New York City Police Department Reports and Dashboards: Criminal Summons Reports. https://www1.nyc.gov/site/nypd/stats/reports-analysis/c-summons.page23 Other dispositions are not graphed and accounted for less than 1% of summons dispositions from 2003 to 2019.24 Please see Appendix E, F, and G for precinct tables and additional precinct analyses by race/ethnicity and age.25 Each of the precinct figures has different endpoints due to the variability among precincts. We kept the same first four quintiles for each of the figures, as this is where the majority of the precincts fell into and had a different range for the final quintile, as this is where the outliers fell.

44

Documents

Trends in Issuance of Criminal Summonses in New York City, … · 2020. 12. 14. · In 2014, the NYPD started issuing a moving violation (less severe violation), rather than a criminal