Tomasz_Gralak_Impacts_of_steppe Peoples on the Polish Territories

8/19/2019 Tomasz_Gralak_Impacts_of_steppe Peoples on the Polish Territories

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ROLA GŁÓWNYCH CENTRÓW KULTUROWYCH W KSZTAŁTOWANIU OBLICZA KULTUROWEGO EUROPY ŚRODKOWEJWE WCZESNYCH OKRESACH EPOKI ŻELAZA, Biskupin – Wrocław 2010

Tomasz GralakInstytu Archeologii Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego

Impacts of steppe peoples on the Polish

territories: model analysis on the exampleof so-called influences of the Huns

In the European history, the Hunnish episode is a unique exampleof a steppe people, who suddenly appeared and whose activities have been rela-tively well attested by written sources. That gives a chance of comparison toarchaeological data and of creating model of actions, which are usually describedby an ambiguous term „influences”. The chronological analysis enables also thetemporal diversification of the process. So, the three-phase division of the influ-

ences has been proposed. The first phase is destroying the previous structuresby the appearance of the new people. The second phase covers direct influences.Effects of the collapse of the Huns make the third phase. From such perspective,not only artefacts related to the Huns have been defined as „influences”, butalso numerous phenomena and elements of other cultures, which appearanceon the Polish territories was a result of the activity of the Huns.

Appearance of the Huns in 375 started the Migration Period in Europe. Theiractivity became the ultimate cause of many political and cultural phenomena.They were supposed to be led through the Don River, viewed then as the bound-ary between Europe and Asia, by a doe, chased by them while hunting (Jordanes123-125). The story has been supposed to become from old songs, handed downtraditions of the people of the Huns (Tyszkiewicz 2004, 55). The story is anexample of a myth presenting the divine granting of lands. The doe is a guidethere. But it also indicates the role for the Huns to play – the role of hunters,whose military tactics resemble hunting (Eliade 2002, 131-132). Apart from thelegend, a more prosaic cause of their migration is known: as a result of climat-ic changes, they sought adequate areas for grazing of their herds. Such phe-nomenon occurred cyclically in the Central Asia and caused great ethnic migra-tions (Moszyński 1925, 19-23). In the course of their migration, the Huns were

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attacking tribes living on their way. This way, they caused the so-called avalancheof peoples, which St. Ambrosius presented laconically: the Huns attacked theAlans, the Alans attacked the Gots, the Gots attacked the Taifals and the Sar-

matians (Ambrosius, Expositio, X: 10). Jordanes added peoples conquered by theHuns before their attack on the Alans: „Alpidzuros, Alcildzuros, Itimaros, Tun-carsos et Bioscos” (Getica 126). As a result of the events, „a new and terriblerumour arose among the tribes of the north: over the whole region whichextends from the country of the Marcomanni and Quadi to Pontus, barbarianhosts composed of different distant nations, which had suddenly been drivenby force from their own country, was now, with all their families, wanderingabout in different directions on the banks of the river Hister [the Danube – TG]”Ammianus Marcellinus (XXXI, 4, 2).

The phenomenon is reflected in archaeology and is defined as the so-called

post-Cherniakhov horizon, dated back to the D1 phase of the Migration Period(Tejral 1986; 1987; 1988). In general, typical finds of the Cherniakhov culture,identified with the Gots, as well as characteristic elements of the culture of theSarmatians and probably of other nomads, have been occurred in wide areas onthe Danube. That horizon is also noticeable in the area of southern Poland. Thatconcerns the area occupied by the population of the Przeworsk culture, withinwhich cultural disintegration and local diversification was developing. Metal andceramic artefacts, as well as funeral rites, are indicators of the processes. Someisolated finds of the Danube or the Pontic features occurs in the whole area of thePrzeworsk culture. But, a distinct concentration of them can be only seen in Sile-sia and western Little Poland.

Elements of the Cherniakhov horizon are the most clearly visible within theso-called Dobrodzień group or in its direct neighbourhood. The group occupiedthe region of the boundaries between Upper Silesia and Little Poland (Szydłowski1977a, map 1). In the Dobrodzień group, there are no clear chronological indi-cators earlier than the D1 phase (Godłowski 1989, 26-27). A layered funeral riteis one of the essential characteristic of the group. In the Przeworsk culture, therite appeared already in the the late-Roman period. Its origin has been unani-mously linked with the Dacian culture (Godłowski 1969, 122-125; Szydłows-ki 1977a, 74-78; Kokowski 2007, 152-153). The layered burials can be foundin 3 different variants. The first one consists of a homogeneous cremation layermixed with artefacts from a funeral pyre, the second one – of clusters of cre-mation resembling individual burials. The third variant consists of burials filledwith burnt remains and resembling ditch objects. It has been pointed that thesimilar division into 3 variants took place in the late-Roman period in theCarpathian Tumuli culture (Błażejewski 1998, 128-129).

In the habitus of the Dobrodzień culture, many elements of the southern andthe south-eastern origin have appeared. They have been also sporadically foundin other areas occupied by the Przeworsk culture, yet they have been nowherefound in a comparable concentration.



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Fig. 1. 1, 4, 9, 12 Szczedrzyk, district Opole; 2 Valea Strimba, Romania; 3 Ockov, Slovakia;5 Sîntana de Mureş, Romania, grave 63; 6 Dobrodzień Rędzina, district Olesko; 7 Żabieniec,

district Kłobuck; 8 Kostelec na Hanè, Moravia; 10 Opatów, district Kłobuck; 11, Zamorskoje,the Crimea, grave 21; 13 Olsztyn, district Częstochowa. 1, 6, 13 after Szydłowski 1974;

9, 10, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12 after Tejral 1986

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Fibulas of the A 158 type (Almgren 1923) characterized by the length of 8-9 cm,are characteristic of the last phase of the Przeworsk culture (Fig 1:12). They canbe found mainly in the area of the so-called Dobrodzień group. They have numer-

ous stylistic analogies with decorated forms made from silver from the area in themiddle course of the Danube river (Szydłowski 1977a, 45; 1977b, 119, Fig. 14).The fibulas of that type are characteristic of the post-Cherniakhov horizon in thearea on the Danube river, where they belongs to artefacts of the interregionalcharacter (Tejral 1986, 210).

On burial grounds in Dobrodzień, district Olesno and in Olsztyn, districtCzęstochowa, rhomboid plates, being fittings of wooden bucket, have beenfound. They were dated back to the D phase (Szydłowski 1984, 79, table VIII:y,XII I). That have been indicated that wooden stave bucket came from the habi-tus of the La Tène culture (Szydłowski 1977a, 25). Fittings in the form of the

rhomboid plates have been found in the earlier phase, in Wrocław – Zakrzów.Such ornamental motif has numerous analogies in the area of the Pannonia andthe Dacia Provinces and in the adjacent area of Barbaricum (Protase 1976, 66-67,Figs. 21-22).

In the Dobrodzień group, buckles with a thickened frame have been found.Among them, two pieces have got circular, discoid, decorated ferrules (fig. 1:13).They come from Dobrodzień – Rędzina and Olsztyn (Szydłowski 1974, tableXCVII:m, CLXXII:y). They have analogies with artefacts from Smolinin Moravia, Belgrad in Serbia, Tiszaladány and Szabadbattyán in Hungary. In gen-eral, in the Carpathian Basin, they have been linked with the post-Cherniakhovhorizon from the D1 phase (Tejral 1986, 200, Figs. 8:15-16, 22).

In the wide areas on the Danube river, buckles with a big, thickened, circu-lar frame and with massive spike also have got analogies. They have been foundin great numbers in the area of the Dobrodzień group (Fig. 1:7-8). They havebeen also dated to the D1 phase and linked with the post-Cherniakhov horizon(Tejral 1986, 209, Figs. 6:2, 24, 7:7, 8:9, 9:1, 17, 10:2, 6, 8, 10, 12, 18, 20, 21,11:5, 12:8, map 1). Buckles with tetragonal ferrules (among them also those withthe thickened, circular frame), coming from Olsztyn and Dobrodzień, also havegot analogies in the area on the Danube river (Fig. 1:4-5). They have been alsolinked with the post-Cherniakhov horizon. It has been indicated that forerun-ners of the form were found in the area of the Cherniakhov culture (Tejral 1986,209, Figs. 6:24, 7:12, 8:9, 9:9, 14, 10:11, 12, 12:7, 8, 12, map 2). A buckle foundin Opatów, district Kłobuck with a circle ferrule has analogies in the area onthe Danube river. Such kind of artefacts have been also linked with the post --Cherniakhov horizon dated to the D1 phase (Tejral 1986, 209, Figs. 6:26, 7:4,5, 8:2, 15, 16, 10:2, 12:4).

Lingulate ferrules of belt’s tips, made from bronze, are the next type of arte-facts which have analogies with the South. They have been found in the largestnumbers on burial grounds of the Dobrodzień type. Seven pieces come fromOlsztyn and one from Szczedrzyk, district Opole (Fig. 1:9-10). Apart from that,



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they have also come from the Przeworsk culture, from Mirków, district Wrocław,Opatów, Skrzydłów, district Radomsko, Ojców, district Cracow and Żabieniec,district Częstochowa. It has been indicated that the forms had their genesis in the

south (Szydłowski 1977a, 42; 1977b, 115-116, Fig. 13). They have been found in theDanube area (Fig. 1:11) in the D1 phase,where they has been linked with the post--Cherniakhov horizon. They have been assumed to derive from the Sarmatian cul-tures of the Pontic area (Tejral 1986, 210, Figs. 6:5, 8:18, map 1; 2000, 22).

A belt’s end with a tip in the circular form (Szydłowski 1974, Table VIIId),known from the burial ground in Szczedrzyk, has the closest analogy witha piece from a treasure from Valea Strimba in Romania (Fig. 1:1-2). It can belinked with the post-Cherniakhov horizon and be dated to the D1 phase (Tejral1986, 203, Figs. 8:4, 10, 22).

On the burial ground in Dobrodzień, an ornament in the form of bronze

ring decorated with wart-like knobs. It has got its analogies in the Danube area(Fig. 1:3, 6), where analogous decorations has been dated to the Migration Per-iod (Godłowski 1977, 49, Table II:3; Szydłowski 1977a, 52). It has been indi-cated that they derived even from the La Tène culture and that they occurredtogether with the post-Cherniakhov horizon, linked with the D1 phase. Therevival of the forms can be connected with the Sarmatian cultures in the Ponticarea (Tejral 1986, 197, 203, 210-211).

Some unknown earlier types of weaponry also come from the area occupiedby the Dobrodzień group. In general, the sets of weaponry have been classifiedas the 8th group of graves with weaponry in the Przeworsk culture. In the Danubearea, the group has analogies in sets from the beginning of the Migration Period

in the area of the upper Tisza river (Godłowski 1994, 173-174).From Dobrodzień (Pfüzenreiter 1937, Table IX:5) and Leśnica, district Lubliniec

(Kostrzewski 1938, 73, Fig. 14), finds of iron axes have come (Fig. 2:1, 2). Thenearest analogies of them have been found on the burial ground in ŻernikiWielkie (Fig. 5:1, 2). The forms have been classified as the Leśnica type (Kiefer-ling 1994, 339). Despite the presence of numerous axes of different kinds in thearea of the Luboszyce culture (Kieferling 1994, 356), the possibility, that this kindof weaponry has also been connected with the Pontic and the Danube area, cannot be ruled out. For similar artefacts have come from the late sites of the Sîn-tana de Mureş group (Fig. 5:3) in Romania (Marinescu, Gaiu 1989, 143, Fig.5B:2).

In the area of the burial ground in Dobromierz, two swords have been found.They are of the XI type by M. Biborski. They are the forms that had not previ-ously occurred in the Przeworsk culture (Biborski 1978, 92, 94, 148, Fig. 53 ab).However, they have got analogies in the neighbouring areas, especially in theDanube area (Godłowski 1992, 85).

On the burial ground in Dobromierz, a shield boss (umbo), with a flange bentto the inside and with a highly cupolaed, vertically faceted bowl, has been found.Also some fragments of one or two more bosses have been found (Fig. 2:1-2).



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Two fragments of a similar shield boss come from the burial ground in Olsztyn(Szydłowski 1974, Table XCIII, CLXVII/f, CLXV/s; 1977, 33). In general, thefinds can be dated to the D phase. They have analogies with the Sarmatian sitesin Ujhartyán in Hungary and in Kerch on the Crimea (Godłowski 1977, 72; Szy-dłowski 1977a, 33). Two next pieces come from the house no. 10 in Mušovin Moravia (Fig. 3:3-4) (Tejral 1988, 230, Fig. 5:1-2). In general, they are datedto the D1 phase, and their appearance in Central Europe has been linked withthe post-Cherniakhov horizon (Tejral 1986, 210, Figs. 20, 21, 7:17, 8:23, 9:22,10:26, 12:12, 15:1-2, Map 1).

In the Dobrodzień group, many small iron pistons with a bar-like hilt (Fig. 3:5-8)have been found. It has not been undoubtedly resolved for what use they wereintended. However, they could be javelins’ butts. They have been found on burialgrounds in Dobrodzień – Rędzina, Olsztyn, Opatów and Żabieniec (Szydłowski1977b, 103, Figs. 2a-h, 3). In the Danube area (Fig. 3:9-11), they have been linkedwith the post-Cherniakhov horizon, although they could be also a little earlier.They could originate from the Pontic area and reach the Central Europe witha populational and cultural wave caused by the pressure of the Huns (Tejral 1986,200, 205, 207, 210, Figs. 8:19, 10:16-17, 11:11, 12:19).

A big, biconical bead made from greenish glass, found in the vicinityof a sword on the burial ground in Dobrodzień – Rędzina, is the artefact, whichdirectly indicates influences of the Huns. The bead is a so-called sword amulet(Szydłowski 1974, Table CII/ k; 1977a, 28, 54). Such artefacts are a character-istic part of the kit of the Hunnish weapon (Werner 1956, 33-35, 123).

Influences from the South and the East are also visible in pottery produc-tion. Different forms of thin-walled cups, imitating objects made from glass,appeared. They could have their origins in the Cherniakhov culture and in theCarpathian Basin (Rodzińska-Nowak 2005, 268, Fig. 1:4-12). The similarforms are known from the Sarmatian culture from the area of eastern Hungary.

Fig. 2. 1 Dobrodzień, district Olesko; 2 Leśnica, district Lubliniec. 1, 2 after Kieferling 1994

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Fig. 3. 1, 2, 5 Dobrodzień-Rędzina, district Olesko, 3, 4 Mušov, Moravia, 6 Olsztyn, districtCzęstochowa, 7 Żabiniec, district Kłobuck, 8 Opatów, district Kłobuck, 9 Bratei, Romania,

10 Kostelec na Hanè, Moravia, grave 169, 11 Brno-Obřany, Moravia. Scale: 3, 4 circa 1: 2. 1, 2after Szydłowski 1974, 3-4 after Tejral 1988, 5-8 after Szydłowski 1977b, 9-11 after Tejral 1986

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They were probably made under the influence of glass vessels, perhaps of thetypes E 189 and E 196 (Godłowski 1977, 172, 120, Fig. 13d). A funnel -like cupwith the surface shaped by cutting of roundnesses is also a characteristic object.

The cup, dated to the D phase, comes from the burial ground in Dobrodzień– Rędzina (Fig. 4:6). Analogies with the cup can be found in the late-Sarmatianculture in the upper Tisza basin (Dobrzańska 1980, 120-121, Fig. 13:l).

A fragment of an elbow-shaped handle with a duct inside, broken off a jug,comes from the burial ground in Szczedrzyk. A continuation of such construc-tion from the Przeworsk culture from the early Roman period among hand-craf-ted vessels has been indicated (Dobrzańska 1980, 122-124, Fig. 15c). On the oth-er hand, such jugs are supposed to derive from the Pontic area, from where theyreached the Carpathian Basin in the D phase, together with the wave of Sar-matian and Hunnish elements. The most important difference lies in the shape

of the handle – it is bent at the right angle (Madyda-Legutko, Tunia 1993, 62-64,84, Table XIXa, XXa; Madyda-Legutko 1996, 82, Table XXIII: 1-3).A small jug with a low-placed corner point of the body, which gently turns

into the neck, has been also found. The jug is dated to the D phase and comesfrom the burial ground in Dobrodzień – Rędzina. It has the closest analogy witha vessel discovered in an inhumation grave from Dambořice, district Hodoninin Moravia. Similar forms also come from the Cherniakhov culture (Dobrzań-ska 1980, 124, Fig. 15d). It has been pointed out that the appearance of suchtype of jugs, and such form of vessels in general, is connected with influencesfrom the Danube area or from the eastern Carpathians, which got through thearea of Moravia (Szydłowski 1977a, 63).

Apart from that, fragments of a jug thrown on the wheel, with a strip at thebase of the neck, have been found on a settlement in Opatów, the site no. 6,the cluster no. 55/56. The vessel has the features of the Murga type, whichoccurred in the Carpathian Basin from the second half of the 4th century to themiddle of the 5th century (Tempelmann-Mączyńska 1983, 193, Fig. 14c). A jugbelonging to the same type comes also from Nowa Wieś Królewska, districtOpole (Godłowski 1977, 173, Fig. 2). The closest analogies with that form comefrom Murga, kom. Tolna, Csongrád – Kenderföldek in Hungary and Oradeain Romania. By reason of that, they can be treated as imports (Dobrzańska1980, 138).

Some vessels being imitations of wooden buckets have been also classified.They occur mainly on burial grounds and settlements of the Dobrodzień groupin Dobrodzień – Rędzina, Kościeliska, district Olesko, Zakrzów, districtKrapkowice, Szczedrzyk and Leśnica, district Strzelce Opolskie (Fig. 4:3-4). Thevessels are dated to the D phase. Analogical forms have been found in theCherniakhov culture and Sîntana de Mureş group, in the greatest numbers in thearea of Moldova and Romania (Szydłowski 1984, 111-113, Figs. 5-8, 26; 1977b,119-124, Figs. 15-17; Dobrzańska 1980, 125-126, Fig. 16d-e; Ionită 2005, 169,Fig. 4).



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In the group of hand-crafted vessels, an untypical form, coming from the bur-ial ground in Dobrodzień – Rędzina, has been distinguished (Fig. 4:5). It wasa storeyed vessel, being distinguished by the carefully smoothed surface (Szy-dłowski 1974, CXLIVf). The only analogies with that vessel are known from theCarpathian Basin (Szydłowski 1977a, 72-73), for example from burial groundsin Tîrgşor (Diaconu 1965, Table CXXXIII:1), Olteni (Mitrea, Preda 1966, Fig.159:4).

Fig. 4. 1-2 Szczedrzyk, district Opole; 3-6 Dobrodzień-Rędzina, district Olesko.1-2 after Godłowski 1977; 3-6 after Szydłowski 1977b

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On hand-crafted vessels, relief ornament in the form of conical or roundedknobs also occurs (Fig. 4:1-2). The knobs are found on pot-like vessels and, firstof all, on small cups. The knobs were placed on the corner point or in the upper

part of vessels (Godłowski 1977, 163, Table XXXVII:11, 14, XXXVIII:1). In thePrzeworsk culture, vessels ornamented in this manner appeared in Igołomia,in the B2 phase at the earliest. They have analogies with pottery of the Carpiand of the Getae – Dacians from the area of Muntenia, where they are dated tothe 2nd – the 3rd centuries (Dobrzańska 1990, part 2, 59, fig. 19, Table XVII: 2-3).

Some changes in tectonics of vessels also took place. From the C1b phase,deep bowl-like forms with ruff-like rims has been appearing. The burial groundsof the Dobrodzień type are the area of concentration of their appearance. Theruff-like rims are known from the Greek pottery from towns in the Black Seaarea, then they appeared in the Dacian cultures. Since the 1st century A.D., the

corresponding bowl-like vessels appeared in the culture of Roman provinces(Dobrzańska 1980, 98-103, Figs. 3d-g, 4a-f, map 1; 1990, 37).To sum up, the area of the Dobrodzień group is characterized by appearance

of numerous and diverse elements originating in the Carpathian Basin and thePontic area. In general, most of them connect are connected with the so-calledpost-Cherniakhov horizon. On account of migrations common in that period,and on account of a sudden increase of elements from the Danube area, one canassume that influx of a new population, at least partial, took place. The fact,that in the D phase, the Dobrodzień group’s settlement took up the earlier unin-habited areas, also proves that. That were the eastern area of Upper Silesia, co-vered by barren, light, sandy soil (Godłowski 1985, 119). The site on the Birów

Hill in Podzamcze, district Zawiercie (Muzolf 1994, 281-284) is an exampleof a new form of settlement, unknown earlier in the Przeworsk culture. It wassituated in the place of natural defensive values and it can be treated as a kindof refuge (Mączyńska 1998, 31). Among ceramic vessels, a large number of formsreferring to the Sarmatian culture from the Tisza basin attracts attention. Importedvessels of the Murga type are the direct proof of connections with the potteryof the area of the Carpathian Basin. A significant part of metal artefacts alsohave the Sarmatian origin. That implies, together with numerous elements of theSîntana de Mureş culture and the funeral rite connected with the Dacian cul-ture, the initial area of the newcomers’ supposed migration. That could be areaon the Tisza river, where the aforementioned cultures came into contact witheach other.

A concentration of Pontic elements and elements from the area on theDanube is distinct also in Lower Silesia. That mainly applies to the burial groundin Żerniki Wielkie. In general, the site is dated to the D1 phase and connectedwith the post-Cherniakhov horizon (Tejral 1986, 203; Gralak 2008, 361-374).That burial ground has analogies in south-eastern Europe. It especially refers toa group of small burial grounds from Transylvania: Fintinele – „Rît”, Archiud,Budeşti, Ocinţa „Pe Dric”, which are also connected with that horizon. Analogies



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Fig. 5. 1 Żerniki Wielkie, district Wrocław, grave 52; 2 Żerniki Wielkie, grave 46; 3 Fintinele– „Rît”, Romania, grave 8; 4 Żerniki Wielkie, grave 16; 5 Żerniki Wielkie, grave 12; 6 ŻernikiWielkie, grave 48; 7 Żerniki Wielkie, grave 7; 8 Żerniki Wielkie, grave 37; 9 Fintinele – „Rît”,

grave 4. Scale: 1, 2 circa 1: 3; 3, 8, 9 circa 1: 2, 4-6 circa 1: 1, 7 circa 2: 3. 1-2,4-8 after Zotz 1935; 3, 9 after Mărinescu, Găiu 1989

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can be drawn in fibulas with a tucked foot, buckles and the forms of funeral rite.The greatest number of similarities can be found on the burial ground in Fin-tinele – „Rît” (Tejral 1992, 242-243, Fig. 9:2, 4-9, 11, 12; 2000, 6-8). The burialground refers to the Sîntana de Mureş group, although it differs from the groupin a set of original features, which also occurs in Żerniki Wielkie. The funeralrite consisted in graves with skeletons lying supine along the N-S axis, witha head turned to the south (Marinescu, Gaiu 1989, 143). The similar arrange-

Fig. 6. 1 Żerniki Wielkie, district Wrocław, grave 22; 2 Żerniki Wielkie, grave 49; 3 ŻernikiWielkie, grave 29/III; 4-5 Bratei, Romania; 6 Żerniki Wielkie, grave 8; 7 Żerniki Wielkie, grave 7;8 Fîntinele „Rit”, Romania, grave 3; 9 Fîntinele „Rit”, grave 2; 10 Gródek nad Bugiem, grave 116;11 Leţcani, grave 9. Scale: 1-3, 6, 8, 9 circa 1: 2; 7 circa 2: 3. 1-3, 6-7 after Zotz 1935; 4, 5 afterTejral 1986; 8, 9 after Mărinescu, Găiu 1989; 10 after Kokowski 1993b; 11 after Bloşiu 1975

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ment of burials took place in Żerniki in graves no. 7, 17, 18, 29I. In the Cher-niakhov culture, such arrangement of skeletons has been described as an ele-ment of the Sarmatian origin (Magomiedow 2001, 41). In Fintinele – „Rît”,a battle axe as a grave good has been also found (Fig. 5:3), similar objects werediscovered on other burial grounds in Transylvania – Tîrgşor and Ciumbrund(Marinescu, Gaiu 1989, 143, Fig. 5B:2). In Żerniki, they were found in gravesno. 46, 52 (Fig. 5:1-2), (Zotz 1935, Figs. 19, 23:6). It has been pointed out that

Fig. 7. 1, 6 Żerniki Wielkie, district Wrocław, grave 7; 2, 5 Fintinele – „Rît”, Romania,grave 1; 3 Żerniki Wielkie, grave 43; 4 Żerniki Wielkie, grave 14; 8 Żerniki Wielkie,

grave 25; 8, 9 Żerniki Wielkie, grave 23; 10 Fintinele – „Rît”, grave 11.Scale: 2-5, 8, 9-10 circa 1: 2; 1,6 circa 2: 3. 1, 4, 6-11 after Zotz 1935; 2, 5, 10

after Mărinescu, Găiu 1989

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the kind of weapon could appear in the Sarmatian population of the Chernia-khov culture under the influence of nomads from the foreland of the Caucasus(Magomiedow 2004, 306). Apart from that, that burial ground is distinguished

by appearance of one-piece fibulas with a rhombic foot (Marinescu, Gaiu 1989,139, 143, Figs. 3A:1-2, 3B:2) (Fig. 68-9), which have analogy with an objectfrom the grave no. 7 from Żerniki (Zotz 1935, Fig. 4:2; Tejral 1992, 242-243)(Fig. 6:7). The exceptionally close similarity has been noticed between two fibu-las from the grave no. 2. There are marks of two lines on tape-shaped bows of thefibulas, which have an analogy with the fibula from Żerniki in the form of twolines made by a punch. Similar fibulas have been also found in the Sîntana deMureş group (Kokowski 1993b, 24, Fig. 106e-f; 1995, 55-56), and their originsshould be linked with that group. However, these forms are distinguished bya longer spring and by a tetragonal protrusion on the end of the foot (Fig. 6:11).

Appearance of amber eight-shaped pendants is also a specific feature of the burialground in Fintinele – „Rît” (Marinescu, Gaiu 1989, 143, Figs. 6B:4, 8B:1) (Fig.7:10). In Żerniki, corresponding ornaments have been found in the graves no. 14and 22 (Zotz 1935, Figs. 6:1, 22:3) (Fig. 7:9). In the grave no. 1 from Fintinele(Marinescu, Gaiu 1989, Fig. 2A:11-12), and in the grave no. 14 from Żerniki(Zotz 1935, Fig. 6:2) (Fig. 7:4-5), similarly fashioned wire rings with ends over-lapping each other have been found. Bronze pendants with plaited ends andamber beads strung on them have come from the graves no. 7 and 43 (Zotz 1935,62-63, 79, Figs. 4:3, 6, 16:1) (Fig. 7:1, 3). Since the late-Roman period, orna-ments of such construction were clearly concentrated in the area of the Wiel-bark culture and of the Sîntana de Mureş group. It should be stressed that amber

beads are known only from the Masłomęcz group from Gródek nad Bugiem(Kokowski 1995, 54), from the Cherniakhov culture from Romanove Seło(Magomiedov 2001, 71-72, Fig. 75:2) and from the burial ground in Fintinele– „Rît” (Marinescu, Gaiu 1989, 127, Fig. 2A:14-15) (Fig. 7:2). Iron knives, beinggrave goods, are also known from the both burial grounds. In Żerniki, they werefound in graves no. 7, 9, 12, 16, 30, 37, 48 (Zotz 1935, Figs. 7:8, 13:11, 10:7, 7:7,20:6, 15:5, 6:7), and in Fintinele in graves 1, 4, 6, 8 (Marinescu, Gaiu 1989, 142,Fig. 2B:1) (Fig. 5:7-9). Such objects are sporadically found on burial grounds fromthe Gothic culture. They are known from the Wielbark culture, although notfrom all areas of its settlement. However, they have been found in greater num-bers in the Lower Danube area and in the Pontic area (Kokowski 1995, 58, Fig. 78,Map 60). They have been also discovered on burial grounds of the Cherniakhovculture (Magomiedov 2001, 83, Fig. 76). But they are the most characteristicof the burial grounds of the Sîntana de Mureş group from the area of Romaniaand Moldova (Diaconu 1965, 88; 1969, 386, Fig. 14; Preda 1966, Figs. 14:6, 87:4,158:12; Bloşiu 1975, 222; Marinescu, Gaiu 1989, 142).

Apart from the connections with that specific site, a set of characteristic fea-tures of the Cherniakhov and the Sîntana de Mureş cultures has been discove -red in Żerniki. To a considerable degree, that concerns the funeral rite. 17 skele-



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tons, lying along the N-S axis, on their left or right sides, with tucked legs, havebeen excavated. 8 of them were lying with heads pointing to the south and therest of them to the opposite direction (Zotz 1935, 113-115; Błażejewski 1998,

120). They have analogies with burial grounds of the Cherniakhov culture andof the Sîntana de Mureş group from the area of Romania in Spanţow, Izworul,Alte Necropole (Mitrea, Preda 1966, Figs. 59, 189, 200, 236:1, 240). In gen-eral, however, such arrangement occurs relatively rarely – it constitutes 9,8%of inhumation graves (Magomiedow 2001, 27). But it is characteristic arrange-ment of the aforementioned group of the Transylvanian burial grounds, whereirregular arrangement of the bodies, with heads pointing to the north, are alsofrequent (Tejral 2000, 8). The burial ground in Fintinele, however, constitutesthe exception.

In Żerniki, skeletons lying supine along the N-S axis, with a head turned to

the north, with smaller or bigger deviations, has been discovered in 12 graves.Such arrangement constitutes about 80% of inhumation graves of the Cher-niakhov culture (Magomiedow 2001, 27). In the graves no. 9 and 51, skeletonswere lying with crossed legs (Zotz 1935, Fig. 35, Table. IX) (Fig. 9:1). Such posi-tion of a body has been known from the Sarmatian culture, it is especially chara-cteristic of the Alans (Sulimirski 1979, 126, Fig. 44). Skeletons with crossed legshave been also discovered in the graves no. 14, 28 and 34 on the burial groundof the Sîntana de Mureş group in Leţcani jud. Iaşi (Bloşiu 1975, Figs. 13:1, 24:7,29:1) (Fig. 9:2). It seems that the origins of such rites in the Masłomęcz groupshould be linked with that environment. They have been found in Masłomęczin the grave no. 44 and in Gródek nad Bugiem in the grave no. 58. On the lat-

ter site, in the grave no. 19, a skeleton lying supine was characterized by mixedfeet bones, which indicated that they could have been originally crossed(Kokowski 1986, Fig. 2d; 1993a, 20-21, 43-44; 1993b, Figs. 13A, 45A).

5 burial holes oriented, with smaller or bigger deviations, to the west -eastline have been also discovered in Żerniki (Zotz, 1935, Fig. 45). In the Cher-niakhov culture and in the Sîntana de Mureş group, such arrangement has beenthe most often noticed in the Black Sea area and in Central Ukraine(Magomiedow 2001, 27). It has been linked with the post-Scythian population(Magomiedow 2001, 42). In the grave no. 19, four individuals were buried. Theywere lying in two pairs along the line NW-SE. The heads of each of the pair weretouching each other and the legs were lying in the opposite directions. Remainsof a fifth individual has been preserved in fragments (Zotz 1935, 70, Table IV,Fig. 46). The person was probably laid in the grave at the latest (Fig. 10). Col-lective graves have their analogies with funeral rites of the Cherniakhov culturein the Black Sea area. It is assumed that funeral rites of the late-Scythian popu-lation had survived in this area. Collective graves with skeletons lying along theline W-E were characteristic of the population (Magomiedow 2001, 42, 183).It should be also pointed out that on the northern coast of the Black Sea, wherethe largest number of elements connected with that tradition has been discovered,



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Fig. 8. 1 Żerniki Wielkie, district Wrocław, grave 40; 2 Żerniki Wielkie, grave 38; 3 ŻernikiWielkie, grave 7; 4 Żerniki Wielkie, grave 14; 5 Żerniki Wielkie, grave 17; 6 Żerniki Wielkie,

grave 31; 7 Żerniki Wielkie, grave 12; 8 Żerniki Wielkie, grave 30; 9 Żerniki Wielkie, grave 48;10 Leţcani, Romania, grave 34; 11-12 Oziernoje II, the Crimea; 13 Tepé Malajdok, Hungary;

14 Leţcani, grave 4; 15 Kostelec na Hanè, Moravia, grave 378; 16 Valea Strimba, Romania;17 Bratei, Romania; 18 Fîntinele „Rit”, Romania, grave 1. Scale: 1-2, 4-9, 18 circa 1: 2;

3 circa 2: 3. 1-9 after Zotz 1935; 10, 14 after Bloşiu 1975; 18 after Mărinescu, Găiu 1989;11-13, 15-17 after Tejral 1986

0 5 cm

12-14, 16-18

21 3 4

5

6

7

8

9 10 11

12

13 16

181514

17



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a small amount of pottery in the graves is characteristic, as well as a generalabsence of the ritual of cremation. It is worth noting that both of the featurescan be observed in Żerniki (Magomiedow 2004, 305).

The grave no. 21, with two individuals lying supine (Zotz 1935, Table V),has got an analogy with the grave no. 69 from Tîrgşor in Muntenia (Diaconu1965, 56, Table LXXXI). Cases of decapitation known from the graves no. 11and 51 (Zotz 1935, Fig. 36, Table 9) have got an analogy with a grave from a burialground in Izvorul in Muntenia (Mitrea, Preda 1966, Fig. 198). In the case of thegrave no. 39, skull bones were covered by a big stone (Zotz 1935, Table VIII).Such construction can be considered as a grave stele or, which is more proba-ble, as a stone crushing the body for the ritual reasons. Such rituals has beenalso known from the area of the Cherniakhov culture (Błażejewski 1998, 134).In the graves no. 40 and 45, mixed skeleton bones have been discovered, which

implies reopening of the burial holes (Zotz 1935, Figs. 42, 43; Pazda 1980, 191;Błażejewski 1998, 122). Such phenomenon has been known from the Cherniakhovculture, yet especially from the area of the Sîntana de Mureş group (Kokowski1995, 60; Magomiedow 2001, 29). Such rituals have analogies with the folk cul-ture of the early-modern Europe. Removal of bones from a grave was the essenceof the ritual. After some time – three, five or seven years, the bones were wrappedin linen and placed temporarily in the „sacred corner”. In general, the customof ritual reopening of graves in the modern era occurred among Slavic andFinnish peoples (Eliade 1995, 27), which indicates the Eastern European originsof the ritual.

The hole no. 1, containing one ceramic vessel only, can also have connec-

tions with the Cherniakhov culture. The hole, at first dated to the early MiddleAges (Zotz 1935, Fig. 45), has been assumed to date back to the Migration Period(Boege 1938, 46, Fig. 1:1). It has been pointed out that the hole could be des-tined for making offerings. Similar holes have been discovered on the burialgrounds of the Cherniakhov culture (Błażejewski 1998, 172, Figs. 20-21;Magomiedow 2001, 37).

A crossbow-shaped fibula with a lengthened spring and a tucked foot, comingfrom the grave no. 8 , has also got the largest number of analogies with the Cher-niakhov culture and the Sîntana de Mureş group (Fig. 6:6) (Zotz 1935, 9, Fig. 5:2;Kokowski 1993b, 81-82).

Among moveable artefacts, many forms having connections with the Danubearea and the Pontic area have been discovered. Belt buckles (Fig. 8) has beenlinked with the sets from the Carpathian Basin, dated to the period of the post--Cherniakhov horizon. It concerns the forms of buckles with an oval, thickenedbow with oval or circular ferrules (Zotz 1935, Figs. 6:3, 6, 8:2, 7:1, 18:9, 20, 5;Tejral 1992, 242, Figs. 4-8; 2000, 22, Figs. 2:1, 13). Small iron pistons with a bar--like hilt, aforementioned while describing the Dobrodzień group, seem to havesimilar connections. In Żerniki Wielkie, four such artefacts have been discovered(Fig. 54-6). They come from the graves no. 12, 16, 35, 48 (Zotz 1935, Figs. 10:6,



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20:7, 7:3, 6:9). In addition, a strongly corroded sword (Zotz 1935, Fig. 17), pro -bably of the XI type, has been found in the grave no. 39. It has got its analogieson the burial ground in Dobrodzień and it was a new form of weapon at that

time (Biborski 1978, 92-94, 162).Iron fibulas of the A 158 type (Fig. 6:1-3) have been found on the burial

ground in Żerniki. In the D1 phase, as it was mentioned in the context of theDobrodzień group, such artefacts underwent elongating and then had numerousstylistic references in the middle Danube area (Szydłowski 1977a, 45; 1977b,119, Fig. 14). Fibulas of that type are also characteristic of the post-Cherniakhovhorizon in that area (Fig. 6:4-5), where they were of an interregional character(Tejral 1986, 210). In Żerniki, they were up to a little over 7 centimetres longand they come from the graves no. 22, 28/II, 2, 46, 49 (Zotz 1935, Figs. 22:5,23:1-2, 24:2).

In the grave no. 16, 30, 35, 43, 46 (Zotz 1935, Figs. 20:4, 15:4, 7:2, 16:4,23:3), iron rings have been found. They could be used for belt fastening. In gene -ral, they have been derived from the Sarmatian cultures (Madyda 1977, 379-380).So their presence also indicates cultural connections with the Danube area. Theyhave been also known from the Cherniakhov culture and Sîntana de Mureşgroup (Magomiedow 2001, 69, Fig. 73:8-9).

Finding of a circle bone pendant from the grave no. 25 (Zotz 1935, 72, Fig.14:1) (Fig. 7:7) is worthy noticing. Similar kind of artefacts has been known fromthe Scytho-Sarmatian culture and the Cherniakhov culture (Rogatko 1994, 346).A bone pendant from the grave no. 7 (Zotz 1935, 62, Fig. 4:5) is also interesting.It is characterized by an irregular, hammer-like shape (Fig. 7:6). Two identical

objects are known. The first has been found in the Elbe region, on a burialground in Pritzier in the grave no. 635, the second in the Sîntana de Mureş groupin Miorcani, Moldova, in the grave no. 78 (Rogatko 1994, 347).

And an artefacts from the grave no. 9 from the burial ground in Żerniki hasbeen linked directly with influences of the Huns. That is a glass bead being theso-called sword amulet (Zotz 1935, 64-66, Fig. 13:4) (Fig. 7:8).

Probably a similar burial ground was in Grodzieszowice, district Oława. It isassumed that there were originally about 40 inhumation graves there, from whichonly two were excavated methodically. In the both cases, the skeletons were liedon the side in crouched position along the N-S axis, with the heads pointingthe south (Jahn 1926, 233-238). So, the form of the burial is corresponding tograves on the burial ground in Żerniki. Inhumation graves, by reason of lackof other burial grounds, seem to be dominant in the area on the Bystrzyca andthe Oława Rivers (Pazda 1980, 190). Another burial of that type comes fromthe area of Upper Silesia, from Kietrz, district Głubczyce, from the graveno. 1704. The skeleton was lying on the right side, with the head pointing thesouth. On that burial ground, inhumation graves had been already known sincethe late Roman period, although they had been oriented differently at that time(Gedl 1988, 157-160, 192, Figs. 34-35). So it seems that the fact can prove genetic



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connections with the burials from Lower Silesia. In the grave from Kietrz,17 amber beads, among them cubo-octaedric beads and eight-shaped pendants,have been found. The latter prove the connections with the Gothic culture, in the

broad sense of the term (Kokowski 1995, 58). Apart from that, on the burialground in Kietrz, the site no. 11, and in Szonów, district Głubczyce, fragmentsof cups in a form resembling artefacts known from the Dobrodzień group havebeen found (Godłowski 1973, 285, 292, Table VII:1-2).

To sum up, very close connections with the area on the Lower Danube andthe Pontic area are seen on the burial ground in Żerniki. Most of the southernelements can be linked with the post-Cherniakhov horizon. It seems that theconnections were mainly caused by migrations of populations from the areaof the Carpathian Basin. The migrations were caused by the Huns’ activity. Takinginto account the diversity of the southern cultural elements, admixture of popu-

lation coming from those areas can be assumed. However, it should be stressedthat the process was not analogous with the process in the Dobrodzień group.The influx of other groups of immigrants could be possible. First of all, dia-metrically different funeral rites, as well as different connections of other forms

Fig. 9. 1 Żerniki Wielkie, district Wrocław, grave 9, 2 Leţcani, Romania grave 34.Scale: 1 circa 1: 20. 1 after Zotz 1935; 2 after Bloşiu 1975

0 60 cm

1 2



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Fig. 10. Żerniki Wielkie, district Wrocław, grave 19

0 1 m

N



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of artefacts, indicate that possibility. While most of the elements in theDobrodzień group are related to the area on the Tisza river and the Sarmatianculture, artefacts in Żerniki has got more eastern connections, which can be

linked with the circle of the Gothic cultures.In the context of relatively precise chronology and of cultural connections

with the group of the burial grounds in Transylvania, an attempt of correlationwith historical events seems to be justified. The fall the Visigoths under the ruleof Athanaric on the Lower Danube, in the confrontation with the Huns, tookplace in 376. A part of the population crossed the Roman border, the rest of itgot dispersed. After expelling of an undetermined section of the Sarmatians,a group loyal to Athanaric settled in Caucaland, which has been located in Tran-sylvania (Ammianus Marcellinus XXXI, 4, 7, 12, Wolfram 2003, 91-93). Onaccount of the location and the chronology, linking of the group with the burial

grounds of the Fintinele type seems to be very probable. Taking account of simi-larities in the material culture, the identification of the population using the burialground in Żerniki with one of the Gothic groups escaping from the Huns alsoseems to be justified. The funeral rite also implies that representatives of the Sar-matian and the late-Scythian population were also part of the group.

Apart from wide areas with close connections with the Danube area, isolatedsites with such features have been also found in other areas of the Przeworskculture. In Ługi, district Góra, a burial of a horseman buried with a horse havebeen discovered (Petersen 1932, 158-161). He was probably laid in a chamberformed by a boarding from hand-worked wooden planks. A set of iron buckles,which together with an iron curb and a bronze bit composed remains of a set

of horse tack, was placed in the grave as grave goods. A long fibula of the A 158type (Szydłowski 1977a, 45; 1977b, 119) has been also found in the grave, aswell as two iron belt buckles and an iron spur of the VI-VIII groups by Godłow-ski (1977, 89-90). Weaponry consisted of a tip of a spear and a long two-edgedsword classified as the XI type. As it was mentioned, such weapon is known fromthe D1 phase and has got analogies in the Danube area. Interestingly, they havebeen discovered in the area of Silesia (Biborski 1978, 92-94, Fig. 52), that is in thearea where artefacts linked with the post-Cherniakhov horizon have been found.In the analysed grave, a set of ceramic vessels, an iron bucket’s fitting and a frag-ment of a glass cup ornamented with cut ovals. The form of the grave has notgot any analogies in the Przeworsk culture, while it has been linked with thecircle of the Hunnish and the Sarmatian cultures. Such burials were found in thearea by the Caspian Sea, the Pontic area and the area on the Tisza and the DanubeRivers. From the latter region, such rite could spread to Central Europe (Pazda1980, 228-229, 236, 239). It has been pointed out that the burial has a veryclose analogy with a burial of the Sarmatian type from Újhartján in the Hun-gary. The grave has been linked with the post-Cherniakhov horizon (Tejral 1986,203; 1987, 24). Also the glass cup with the cut surface can be linked with thesouth-eastern direction. It has analogies with sites of the declining Cherniakhov



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culture from Ukraine, Romania and Scandinavia (Tejral 1992, 241; Magomiedow2001, 64-65, Fig. 66:1-3). In the context of the location of the burial in Ługi,a small concentration of findings from the Migration Period in the boundaries

between Silesia and Great Poland should be stressed. It concerns the sites loca -ted in the Góra and the Barycz settlement concentrations, described by S. Pazda.Pieces of pottery with features of the Dobrodzień group was found, amongothers, in the latter (Pazda 1980, 229-232). In addition, another sword of theXI type have been found a little farer to the north, in Borów, district Kościan(Biborski 1978, 92-94, 146, Fig. 54c).

In the Migration Period, a new kind of pottery thrown on the wheel, of theDanube origins, occurred in Lower Silesia. Considering the imprecise chronolo-gy, it is difficult to connect it with exact historical events. Yet it is possible thatthe knowledge of the pottery thrown on the wheel was brought by the popu-

lation escaping from the Huns (Domański 2005, 253-266). Changes in settle-ment occurring at that time also need to be stressed. In the area around Brzeg,in the area that earlier were unpopulated, a new settlement occurred. The settle-ment was connected with iron metallurgy. The production system, recorded onthe excavated sites, seems not to be genetically related with earlier findings of thattype in Silesia, and it was most probably brought from the outside (Pazda 1994,170-173).

The horizon of the Pontic or the Lower Danube findings is visible to a muchlesser degree in the Wielbark culture. In that case, the phenomenon has beenalso interpreted as the reflection of the wave of flights from the Huns (Kokow -ski 2007, 193-195). Such findings concentrate in southern Poland, in the area

at the mouth of the Vistula River and, to a lesser degree, in the Warmia Regionand in southern Mazovia. In the grave no. 12 from the site on the catholic ceme-tery in Pruszcz Gdański, a female skeleton of the anthropological type from thearea of the Black Sea has been found. The skeleton was equipped with two fibu-las of the VI group, typical of the Cherniakhov culture and the Sîntana de Mureşgroup. And an iron knife has been found in the grave no. 8 (Pietrzak, Rożnow-ski 1996, 194-195, 198, Figs. 3-4), what is characteristic of the Sîntana de Mureşgroup (Kokowski 1995, 57-58, Fig. 78, Map 60). On burial grounds near Elbląg,in Stary Targ, district Sztum (Heym 1939, 2-4), Rakowiec, district Malbork(Heym 1939, 5-12) and Bornice, district Iława (Heym 1939, 12-16), cremationburials dominated and the form of vessels, which imitated vases known fromthe Cherniakhov culture and the Sîntana de Mureş group, have been found. Thetype of graves and the grave goods are similar to findings from the so-called Etu-lia group from Central and Southern Moldova (Kokowski 2007, 194). On thenext burial ground in Kozłówko, district Nidzica, a considerable amountof pieces of pottery thrown on the wheel, what was a novelty in the Wielbarkculture, as well as glass cups ornamented with cut ovals, have been found (Hey-deck 1892). The next finding comes from Bogucin, district Płońsk. There, pen-dants, made from a bronze wire plaited in the shape of the figure of eight with



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glass beads strung on them, as well as a lightly bent, tongue-shaped belt tip,resembling a bird’s beak, and two thickened buckles have been found in a burialunder a destroyed tumulus (Biernat 1955, 210-212, Figs. 5-6). The niche grave

no. 116 from Gródek nad Bugiem has been also linked with that horizon. Suchform of burial is connected with the Sarmatian tradition (Kokowski 1995, 56).In the grave, two fibulas with rhombic feet were placed (Kokowski 1993b, Fig.106) (Fig. 6:10). In the area of the Wielbark culture, the next fibula of that typeis known from a tumulus in Pielgrzymowo, district Nidzica (Bohnsack 1938, 22,Fig. 10; Kokowski 1995, 56). They differ from the aforementioned fibulas fromŻerniki and Fintinele in a tetragonal jut on the end of the feet and in a tape--shaped bow with a ridge lengthwise.

Findings linked with the post-Cherniakhov horizon can be described as thebeginning of the Huns’ influences in the Polish lands. One of the consequences

of the phenomenon was probably counting the local population among the ava-lanche of peoples, mentioned at the beginning. In the beginning, it was theescape region for different population groups. The situation changed around theturn of the old and new era. The Huns, during the reign of Uldin, were activemainly in the Danube area, partly collaborating with the Romans (Tyszkiewicz2004, 104-105). A large-scale expedition, strengthening the hegemony of theHuns, is dated to the years 400-405 (Bóna 1991, 19-20, 198, Fig. 69; Kokow-ski 2005, 482). It caused another wave of flights in panic, which this timeaffected the present-day Polish lands. That probably caused serious depopula-tion, which is archaeologically reflected in a small amount of artefacts dated tothe D2 phase (Godłowski 1985, 154). Granting that the Vandals were at least

a part of the population of the Przeworsk culture (Olędzki 1997, 81-90), thedepopulation of the Polish lands was connected with migrations of that tribe.In 402, the Vandals and the Alans broke through the limes on the Danube andattacked Italy (Claudius Claudianius, O wojnie z Gotami, 363, 414-415; Strzel-czyk 1992, 80). However, it is unclear whether the information did not concernthe faction of the tribe inhabiting the Carpathian Basin. In 405, multi-ethnic,indefinite „Gothic peoples” under the leadership of Radagais moved in the samedirection (Strzelczyk 1992, 81; Wilczyński 2001, 367-370). Both of the attackswere repelled, in spite of the fact that, especially in the latter case, the invaderswere in very large numbers and were led by the charismatic leader. It is worthnoting that the Huns gave the significant support for the Empire being in thedefence (Tyszkiewicz 2004, 104-105). It undoubtedly indicates that the Rada-gais’s activities were the reaction to a military pressure of nomads as far backas in the area of Barbaricum. It is probable that the pressure was connected withenlarging of their dominion. It is possible that the next action was coordinatedwith the latter one. In the same year, the Suebi, the Silingi and the Hasdingi(Strzelczyk 1992, 81, 84), for the reason of earlier experiences in unsuccessfulattacking of Italy, decided to break through the limes in the Rhine area and toattack Gaul. In the New Year’s Eve at the turn of the years 405 and 406, they



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crossed the frozen Rhine. In the case of that expedition, the participation of theSilingi, who are supposed to have lived in Silesia (Olędzki 1997, 81-90, Map 1),proves that the population of the Polish lands participated in that migration. That

has been already pointed out in literature (Godłowski 1985, 154; 1989, 28).The migration of those tribes ends the early phase (D1) of the Migration

Period. In general, the phase consisted in the flight from the Huns. The seriousdepopulation of large area of Barbaricum enabled the Huns to enlarge theirdominion much easier. That empire, named „El” in the Turkish – Mongolianlanguages (Tyszkiewicz 2004, 31-32), had been formed since the beginningof the Huns’ presence in Europe and reached its apogee during the reign of Atti-la in the middle of the 5th century. Subdued peoples were forced to participatein military actions undertaken by the Huns, yet they were allowed to retain theirown political structure. That is a characteristic feature of nomads’ organization

of rule (Tyszkiewicz 2004, 76, 87). It should be stressed that the subduedpeoples also benefited from the Huns’ military victories. In the Polish lands,that phenomenon is archaeologically reflected in findings of elements of theHunnish material culture. Not numerous artefacts can be directly linked withthe Huns, and they have been found on sites of different cultural units. The distri-bution and the character of those artefacts indicate some regionalization anddifferent specificity of the contacts.

The area of the Carpathian Foothills in the eastern part of Little Poland is thenearest region to the area of the Carpathian Basin occupied by the ethnic Huns.A settlement in that area is associated with migrations of the population of thePrzeworsk culture, and partly linked with the northern-Carpathian group from

Slovakia (Madyda-Legutko 1996, 97-98). The first artefact of the Hunnish typecomes from Mymoń, district Sanok. That was an iron bit with sidepieces. Thebit has exact analogies with artefacts of the Huns from the Carpathian Basin.In contrast with artefacts from rich graves, is was not made from noble metals.So, it can be assumed that the bit was a property of a warrior from the middleclass (Cabalska 1966, 59-61, Fig. 1). Another finding was a treasure from a settle-ment in Świlcza, district Rzeszów. It consisted of silver fibulas, fragments of sil-ver pendants, bracelets and 10 denarius coins from the times of Hadrian to Com-modus. A golden earring of the Hunnish type and an identical earring madefrom bronze were also a part of the treasure (Godłowski 1981a, 131;Gruszczyńska 1984, 113-122, Photos 3-7). Jugs with rectangular handles witha duct inside, found in Rytro and in Moszczenica Wyżna, can be also linked withthe culture of nomads. Such vessels are, however, characteristic first of all of theSarmatian cultures (Madyda-Legutko, Tunia 1993, 62-64, 84, Table XIXa, XXa;Madyda-Legutko 1996, 82, Table XXIII:1-3). Findings of golden coins from theBeskids area can be also interpreted as the element connected with the Hun-nish culture. The coins were exacted as a tribute. Solidi issued by Valentinian IIIcome from Prusiek, district Sanok, the site no. 1, by Marcian – from Sławęcin,district Jasło, the site no. 1, and an imitation of the solidus of Theodosius II was



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found in Tarnów, district Tarnów (Godłowski 1995, 162; Madyda-Legutko 1996,109). Two swords of the spatha type, pulled out from the Dunajec Riverin Ostrów and in Isep, can be possibly linked with the Hunnish influences

(Biborski 1995, 13-14). They could reach the Polish lands with the nomads fromthe Carpathian Basin (Godłowski 1981a, 89).

Burials of representatives of the Huns are the most spectacular findings con-nected with them. Two such burials have been found in Little Poland. A per-son with a deformed skull was buried in the grave from Przemęczany, districtProszowice (Wawrzeniecki 1912, 50-51). It is assumed that the custom derivedfrom the area of Central Asia (Werner 1956, Map 9; Dąbrowski 1981, 282).A one-edged sword of the sax type was a part of grave goods in the grave. Suchkind of weapon is also linked with the nomads’ culture (Werner 1956, 43-46;Godłowski 1981a, 89, 132). A golden earring, characteristic of the Huns, was

also found in the grave (Werner 1956, 24-25, Fig. 10; Godłowski 1981a, 131).The burial from Jakuszowice, district Kazimierza Wielka was characterizedby richer grave goods (Nosek 1959, Table 15:1-5; Godłowski 1995, 155-156,Figs. 1-4). A man with a horse was probably buried in the grave. A sword of thespatha type, as well as an amber pendant and a golden sheath were found in thegrave. Both the ornamentation and the type of the sword are linked with theculture of the Huns from the Carpathian Basin (Werner 1956, 43-46; Godłow-ski 1981a, 89). A golden plate, used as a fitting of a reflex bow, has been alsodiscovered there. Such artefacts are typical of nomads of that time. An artefactfrom the Hunnish grave from Pecsüzög in Hungary (Harmatta 1951, 107, 148)is the closest analogy. A set of ornaments and parts of harnesses decorated in the

Sösdala – Untersiebenbrunn style, as well as golden buckles decorated in thepolychrome style have been also found there (Godłowski 1981a, 131). Such typeof harnesses derived from the area of the Pontic steppes and the Sarmatian cul-tures from there (Lászlo 1951, 95-96). Also in Jakuszowice, but on the site no. 2,which was a settlement of the Przeworsk culture, a fragment of a jug with a handlebent at the right angle and with a duct inside the handle has been found onthe secondary deposit. Such kind of of vessels has been linked with the Ponticarea. In the D2 phase, they occurred in the Carpathian Basin together with theinflow of the east-Hunnish and Sarmatian elements (Madyda-Legutko 1996, 82,Note 53). So it is possible that the form reached the area of Jakuszowice withthe elements of material culture of the nomads, which were found in the grave.A treasure of 11 solidi issued by Theodosius II and Valentinian III from Witów,district Proszowice, is also connected with the same culture. It is related to thesame type of findings from the Carpathian Basin, which were the remainsof spoils and tributes flowing into the area of the Attila’s state (Godłowski 1985,116-117; 1995, 162). A tremissis issued by Valentinian III from Szczurowa, dis-trict Brzesko, could reach the area in a similar way (Kunisz 1985, 217, 265;Madyda-Legutko 1996, 109). All those artefacts have been found in the areaof a settlement concentration of the Przeworsk culture from the D phase,



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settling the area of loess soil in the Cracow – Miechów region (Godłowski 1985,116, Map 9).

In the area of Lower Silesia, artefacts linked with the Huns have been found

in the Bystrzyca – Oława region of the settlement concentration of the populationof the Przeworsk culture (Pazda 1980, Map 8; Godłowski 1985, 120, Map 9).A burial from Jędrzychowice, district Strzelin, is the most famous finding (Krause1904, 46-50, Figs. 1-11). A woman was probably buried there. A golden diademset with almandines, reused as a belt ornament, as well as golden and gilded buckleswere the part of grave goods. A bronze goblet and a cauldron of the Jędrzychowicetype were also found there (Godłowski 1981a, 131; Dąbrowski 1981, 382). Suchartefacts come from the region of Central Asia, they have been found in the widearea of the south-Russian steppes and in the Danube area (Werner 1956, 57-61,Map 5). And a solid of Valentinian III found in Górzec, district Strzelin, can be

recognized as an evidence of tributes (Konik 1965, 56).The next finding of the Hunnish origins comes from Upper Silesia and wasfound outside Poland, in Benešov near Opawa in the area of the Czech Repub-lic. It was a fragment of a bronze cauldron of the Central-Asian type, partiallymelted in a fire (Raschke 1940, 114-119). That can be an evidence of the Hun-nish funeral rites, which consisted in burning and destroying different objectsand then in leaving them on the surface. The finding belongs to the settlementconcentration of the Przeworsk culture from the Głubczycka Upland, whichextended as far as there (Godłowski 1985, 119, Map 9).

There is one more specific category of sites, grouped in the area of the boun -daries between Little Poland and Upper Silesia, which can be possibly linked

with the Huns’ activity. Those findings are dated to the D phase and come fromcaves in Ojców and Mników, district Cracow in the area of the Cracow-Często-chowa Jurassic Upland. They are interpreted as remains of the population whosheltered in the caves from the Hunnish invasion. In a cave in Kroczyce, districtZawiercie, about 40 human skeletons have been found. They can be remainsof a massacre that took place there. It has been pointed out, however, that thefinding can be linked with a religious rite of that time (Godłowski 1985, 118).A rock shelter under the Krucza Rock in Kostkowice, district Zawiercie, as wellas the Jasna Strzegowska Cave and a shelter on the Biśnik Hill near Smoleń, dis-trict Zawiercie (Muzolf 1994, 284), should be also numbered among the groupof such kind of sites. Dating of those sites has been an open question – whetherthey are the evidence of disturbances from the beginning of the D1 phase, con-nected with the inflow of a new population, or they should be linked with thelater, direct activity of the Huns.

To sum up, the three main regions are noticeable, where the Hunnish arte-facts can be found: Silesia, northern Little Poland and south-eastern LittlePoland. They probably correspond to the areas of the Huns’ penetration. In thecase of the first two regions, the findings from Jakuszowice and Jędrzychowicecorrespond to the horizon of similar burials from the 4th–5th centuries from



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the wide areas from Kazakhstan to Western Europe (Werner 1956, Map 8).They contain elements of material culture of the upper classes of the nomads(Godłowski 1981a, 131). In addition, the reflex bow from Jakuszowice, with

the golden plate fixed on it, has been assumed to be a badge of authority in thenomads’ society of that time (Lászlo 1951, 96). So, those burials can indicatethe direct control of the Huns in the form of either the Huns’ representativesor their German or Sarmatian allies (Harmatta 1951, 148). That is also impliedby the location of the findings inside the settlement concentrations of the Prze-worsk culture, which probably determined the area controlled by the Huns.The finding from Benešov proves that the similar situation could also take placeinside the Głubczyce settlement concentration. In the case of Jakuszowice, ithas been pointed out that the settlement neighbouring the grave was a politi-cal and economic centre of the area controlled by the Huns (Godłowski 1995,

161). Egalitarian character of the findings from the region of south-eastern partof Little Poland seems to be the reflection of using of communications routesrunning through the Carpathian passes. It is also indicated by the dispersionof the coins findings on the south part of the Carpathian Mountains, whichimplies that way of their inflow to the north (Gąssowska 1979, 46). On thisaccount, that area seems to have had close connections with the south in theMigration Period. Of course, also the possibility of political connections with theHuns can’t be ruled out (Madyda-Legutko, Tunia 1993, 85). It can be merely pre-sumed that the connections were held differently, which is implied by the lack of richburials. However, the lack can result from the current level of know ledge only.

Other findings linked with the Huns were found in the area of the bounda-

ries between Little Poland and Upper Silesia. They are the cave findings and theycan be evidence of a threat or a direct military action. That implies that the areahad a different political status. Apart from the area occupied by the populationof the Przeworsk culture, no artefacts have been found, which can be directlylinked with the Huns. However, several findings indicating their influences havebeen discovered. In the Lublin region and in the adjacent part of western Volhy-nia, several collective findings have been discovered. In the area of Poland, itwas a treasure from Zamość (Sulimirski, 1966, 119-121, Figs. 1-4). It correspondsto a wider horizon of treasures of the Zamość – Kačin – Coşovieni type. Theyhave been found from the area of Volhynia to the area on the Lower Danube.They are dated to the D2 phase, so they can be linked with the Hunnish expan-sion after the fall of the Cherniakhov culture, in the times of the Attila’s state(Tejral 1986, 194, 213; 1987, 36, 38; 1988, 237). So, in the Lublin region andin the adjacent Volhynia region, the Hunnish invasion, or disturbances connectedwith their activity, probably took place (Sulimirski 1966, 156-161, Fig. 15, Map VIII).That was probably the main reason for the collapse of the population of theWielbark culture in that area.

Numerous findings of Byzantine solidi in the area of Pomerania indicate a dif-ferent kind of contacts. They have been found in particularly large numbers



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in the Vistula Delta and in the area near Elbląg. The similar phenomenon,although on a smaller scale, has been also noticed in the Dębczyno groupin Western Pomerania (Ciołek 2003, Map 1). Apart from that, it is characteris-

tic of the whole area of the south-western Baltic Sea (Iluk 1998, 52, Maps 1-2,Tables 1-2). In Pomerania, in contrast with Scandinavia, large treasures of soli-di ending with editions no later than the middle of the 5th century have beenfound. Such phenomenon has been also observed in the Black Sea and theDanube area. That implies closer connections between those regions. The massinflow of solidi to Pomerania begins with the coins issued by Arcadius (395-408)and Honorius (395-423), and ends in the beginning of the 6th century with theissues of Anastasius I (491-518). Because the coins were not worn out, it hasbeen assumed that they were in circulation for a short time and crossed theRoman borders soon after issuing (Iluk 1998, 54). They reached the Baltic area

from the Carpathian Basin, where they had been found as a result of contactsof a political nature – spoils, tributes, pays etc. It is pointed out that the Ostro-gothi were the main deliverers and go-betweens of the inflow of the solidi tothe Baltic area (Iluk 1998, 53-56; Ciołek 2003, 176). In the first half of the 5thcentury, in the period of existence of El in the Carpathian Basin, the activityof the Huns and of German tribes allied with them, and maintaining connec-tions with their homelands in the north, was, however, the essential factor(Godłowski 1981b, 100-103, Fig. 24). The coins issued by Theodosius II andValentinian III, mainly from the issues from the years 430 and 443, were foundin the largest numbers. They come from tributes paid to Attila, when the Ostro-gothi were his allies (Iluk 1998, 55). Cartographic analysis show that the coins

came mainly from the Tisza basin by the trade routes from Carnuntum andBrigetio through the Carpathian Mountains to the Vistula valley. From westernEurope, the coins reached the Elbe near Magdeburg, from where they were car-ried along the river to the north (Gąssowska 1979, 52).

The exceptional concentration of the solidi in the area of the Gdańsk Bay,of the Vistula Delta and of the Elbląg region, probably was a result of the locali-zation, which enabled easy communication with many regions. However, it is therelict settlement of the Wielbark culture, from which different groups of theGothic population came, that was the primary cause of that phenomenon(Wołągiewicz 1981, 91-102; 1995, 125-148). That settlement certainly facili-tated contacts with the Ostrogothi from the Danube area. According to Jordanes,the region of the mouth of the Visula was inhabited by the Gepids and, in lateantiquity, by the multi-ethnic Vidivarii (Jordanes, Getica, 36, 96). Earlier inhabi-tants of that region, who had not participated in the migration to the Danubearea, were probably a part of the latter (Strzelczyk 1984, 392-393). It also seems,that the Gepids could have close ties of different kinds with their primal home-land. The aforementioned direction of the inflow of the coins and the absoluteend of the process, which followed the defeat of the tribe and the migrationof the Langobards from Pannonia to Italy, can also imply that (Godłowski 1981b,



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112). Taking into consideration the dependence of the Gepids on the Huns in theCarpathian Basin (Mączyńska 1996, 105), it can be assumed that a certain kindof dependence concerned also the part of the tribe which stayed in Pomerania.

Possibly the same situation took place in the case of the Ostrogothi.In the Dębczyno group, two horizons of an inflow of golden coins have been

distinguished. The older one ended with solidi of Valentinian III (425-455), thelater – with solidi of Anastasius I (491-518). The first one chronologically cor-responds to the special activity of the Huns, while the second – to the furtheractivity of the Ostrogothi, the Rugii and the Heruli, and then to the return of theHeruli to the Baltic region (Machajewski 1984, 76, 80). It has been pointed outthat the coins could reach the area through the Carpathian passes or along theElbe and the sea shores (Gąssowska 1979, 52). Possibly, in the case of theDębczyno group, the analogous mechanism to the Lower Vistula area took place.

The Rugii are supposed to have come from that part of Pomerania (Wołągiewicz1981, 91-102; 1995, 125-148). In the Danube area, they were dependent on theHuns (Mączyńska 1996, 105). So, the inflow of the solidi could result from con-tacts with the part of the population which stayed in the old homeland. In thatcase, a certain kind of dependence of the Rugii, who did not participate in themigrations, on the Huns is also possible.

The supposition about political connections of the Ostrogothi, the Gepids andthe Rugii living in the Baltic region has been confirmed by an account by Priscus,saying that the Attila’s dominion extended „as far as islands on the Ocean”(Priscus, Fragment 8), (Godłowski 1985, 155). That information has been the sub-ject of much controversy among historians. Anyway, H. Łowmiański assumes that

the account can testify to the actual extent of the power of the Huns (Łowmiański1963, 269). L. A. Tyszkiewicz has been also inclined to the same interpretation(Tyszkiewicz 2004, 132). It should be stressed, however, that the lack of rich gravesand of any other artefacts linked with the Huns can indicate that the Baltic regioncame under a different kind of dependence than Silesia and Little Poland.

To sum up, the D2 period was the next phase of relationships of populationsfrom the Polish lands with the Huns. The wave of mass escapes was followedby a certain kind of stabilization. There are some noticeable remains of militaryactions, although their range was limited. And the rich Hunnish graves indicatethe affiliation to the El. The Baltic area was also within the orbit of the El’s influ-ences. Participation in military actions of the Huns was the main requirementof the dependence. On account of that, the further outflow of the populationof the Przeworsk culture to the south could take place thanks to the coopera-tion with the Huns. Findings of the solidi indicate that the population proba-bly took advantage of the Huns’ successes, too.

The effects of the collapse of the Huns’ empire can be assumed to be the thirdphase of their influences. The empire collapsed after the death of Attila and theBattle of Nedao in 454/455, which ended the period of the Huns’ domination(Tyszkiewicz 2004, 164-165). The change in the composition of forces caused



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further ethnic migrations in the area of Barbaricum. In the Danube area, itcaused fights between the members of the former Hunnish El and a new waveof barbarians flowed into the borders of the Roman Empire. The fall of the Western

Roman Empire and proclaiming Odoacer, from the tribe of the Scirii, the kingwere the culmination of the process (Wolfram 2002, 220, 299-308).

In the Polish area, a sudden decline of the settlement in the Beskids regiontook place in that period. The charred remains has been found on the settle-ment in Rytro, and the settlement in Świlcza was suddenly abandoned. Thoseevents were chronologically and, probably, causally connected with the fall of theHuns. The analogous phenomenon occurred also in the northern-Carpathiangroup in the area of Slovakia (Madyda-Legutko, Tunia 1993, 85; Madyda--Legutko 1996, 110). The aforementioned treasure from Świlcza has been linkedwith the same processes. It is connected with similar findings from the area

of the Carpathian Basin (Godłowski 1989, 33).In the second half of the 5th and in the beginning of the 6th century, nume-rous spectacular collective findings have been discovered in Central Poland(Mączyńska 1999, 29-30), inside the relict settlement concentration of the po -pulation of the Przeworsk culture (Godłowski 1985, 125). Among them, thereare treasures found in Konarzew, district Łęczyca (Petersen 1939, 74-76, Figs.109-110; 1940), Siedlikowo, district Ostrzeszów (Petersen 1944, 77-80, Fig. 3)and Zagórzyn, district Kalisz (Petersen 1933). A treasure from Koźminek, dis-trict Pleszew, can be possibly counted among that group of findings (Petersen1944, 81-82, Table XII:2-3). Despite the fact that the latest fibula from the treasu-re comes from the D1 phase (Tejral 1987, 23-24), the possibility that it was

deposited a bit later cannot be ruled out, because of big chronological differencesamong various artefacts from the treasure. It seems that all those treasures shouldbe interpreted as evidences of the new wave of disturbances.

The change of the situation enabled also the dynamic development of theSlavs’ expansion. It corresponded to the chronology of the earliest Slavic findingsfrom the area of Poland (mainly from Little Poland, Silesia and Mazovia), whichare dated to the 2nd half of the 5th century (Parczewski 1988, 106, Fig. 21). It can-not be ruled out that at least some of the treasures from Central Poland werehidden from the Slavs. It also should be stressed that the Slavs, or the Antes tobe precise, were the most probably incorporated into the Hunnish El alreadyin the Pontic area. The context of an account by Jordanes (247), about the fightsbetween them and Winitar, the ruler of the Ostrogothi, proves that explicitly(Tyszkiewicz 2004, 86-87). On the other hand, Priscus reported that Byzantineemissaries had been given millet to eat and a drink called medos to drink duringtheir expedition to the Attila’s court (Fragment 8). And, according to Jordanes,the feast held at the Attila’s funeral was called strava (Jordanes, 258). The mostprobably, both words are Slavonic, although the matter has been open to dis-cussion (Tyszkiewicz 1992, 118-122; 2004, 127). That implies physical presenceof the people’s representatives. Consumption of millet can also indicate their



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presence, because millet was grown by them on a large scale then (Moszyński1962, 97, 221). Additionally, the aforementioned Byzantine emissaries were ledacross the Danube and other rivers in boats made of a hollowed tree trunk.

In Central and Eastern Europe, such boats were made mainly by the Slavs(Tyszkiewicz 2007, 24-25). So, the possibility, that the earliest beginnings of theSlavs’ expansion can be linked with their participation in the Hunnish El, can-not be ruled out. There is no doubt, however, that devastation and depopula-tion of large areas in Central and Eastern Europe enabled the Slavic tribes toinhabit new territories easily and quickly.

To recapitulate, a question can be put whether all the knowledge of the Hunscan be useful for analysis of other nomadic peoples’ activity. Since the presen-ted model of the three-stage analysis considerably broaden the scope of recog-nizable influences of nomads. In the case of the 1st phase, with reference to the

Cimmerians, an account about their appearance in Europe has been preserved.A young man in the course of hunting of does was supposed to be the first tocross the Don River (Procopii Caesariensis, De Bellis VII, 5). The plot of the mythis almost identical to the Hunnish tale (Tyszkiewicz 2004, 54; 2007, 14). Thatindicates the similar ideology and, in consequence, the similar behaviour of thosepopulations. The 1st phase of the Scythian tribes, that is their appearance on theBlack Sea, caused displacement and escape of the Cimmerians. That has beenobserved in Central and Eastern Europe in the form of numerous artefacts in theso-called pre-Scythian type (Bukowski 1979a, 192-195; Chochorowski 1999,312-331, Fig. 366). So, on account of the causes and the course, that phenome -non was analogous to the post-Cherniakhov horizon. The 2nd phase – direct

Scythian influences, has been distinguished by a number of artefacts’ findingsconnected with that people (Bukowski 1979b, 195-205, Figs. 108-109; Cho-chorowski 1999, 325, Fig. 376). It also seems that nomadic peoples were forcedto create a structure of the El type because of a chronic shortage of vegetablefood, which was supplemented by exploiting or plundering of neighbours(Moszyński 1953, 31-32). An account by Herodotus about the division of thepeople into the Royal Scythians, the Nomad Scythians, the Scythian Ploughmenand the Scythian Farmers (Herodotus, IV 17-20) implies that the Scythians hada similar organization. In addition, the Scythians asked neighbouring tribes formilitary support before the Persian attack, and they partly got it (Herodotus IV99-103, IV 117-121). In the case of the Sarmatians’ appearance, the 1st phaseis very clear. That period is, at the same time, the 3rd phase for the Scythian tribes.In the 4th century, in the Eurasian steppe region, an economic crisis and politicaldisturbances took place as a result of climatic changes. Successive groups of nomadswere forced to migration by drying pastures. In the Pontic area, the process inten-sified in the 270s and the 260s BC. As a result of the process, the Scythian cul-ture collapsed and the Sarmatians took their place (Chochorowski 1999, 333).After the date, the inflow of a new population from the north-east – the Bas-tarnae and the Scirii, the main bearers of the Poienesti – Lukashevka culture,



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was also possible. Their presence were noticed by ancient sources in the years239-229 BC (Dąbrowska 1988a, 74-76). Those disturbances and the breakdownof the previous structures allowed them to occupy the western borders of the

previous Scythian areas. In that context, close relationships between the Sar-matians and the Bastarnae are worthy noticing. Those relationships manifestedthemselves in mixed marriages, which were reported by Tacitus (Germania 46).As a result of the same processes, the Przeworsk culture (Dąbrowska 1988b, 84-104) and the Zarubintsy culture came into being in the most part of the areasoccupied earlier by the Pomeranian culture and the Milograd culture. The lat-ter culture expanded partly into the areas previously occupied by the Scythianculture (Maksimow 1972, 117-118). So, it was obviously not only displacingof one nomads by the others, but also the process which caused cultural changesin the huge areas.

To sum up, this very cursory survey of the nomads’ history in the Pontic areashows that the three-stage model of influences describes their activity accurately.It seems that the steppe peoples were determined to such behaviour by geo-graphical conditions and the type of economy. In general, it should be stressedthat influences of nomads had to be very strong, although they concerned ratherpolitical and settlement structures than material culture, manifested in artefacts.Looking from that perspective, it seems that the nomads acted as one of the maincatalyst for cultural changes in prehistory of Eastern and Central Europe.

Translated by Aneta Ziółkowska

Abbreviations

AAASH – Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scienciarum Hungaricae, Budapest. A. Polski – Archeologia Polski, Warsaw – Wrocław.FPP – Folia Praehistorica Posnaniensia.MSROA – Materiały i Sprawozdania Rzeszowskiego Ośrodka Archeologicznego, Rzeszów.MSiW – Materiały Starożytne i Wczesnośredniowieczne, Warsaw.Pom. Ant . – Pomorania Antiqua, GdańskPrzeg. Arch. – Przegląd Archeologiczny, Wrocław.PZP – Prahistoria Ziem Polskich, Warsaw – Wrocław.Schlesiens Vorzeit…, NF – Schlesiens Vorzeit in Bild und Schrift, Neue Folge, Breslau.

WA – Wiadomości Archeologiczne.WN – Wiadomości Numizmatyczne, Warsaw.ZNUJ – Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, Cracow.

Source texts

Ambrosius Expositio Evangeli secundum Lucam 10: 10, [in:] Corpus Scriptorum Eclesiasticorum 34, 4.Ammianus Marcellinus, Dzieje rzymskie, Księgi XXVI–XXXI , vol. 2, Przełożył, wstępem i przypi-

sami opatrzył Ignacy Lewandowski. Warsaw 2002.



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Herodot, Dzieje, Z języka greckiego przełożył i opracował Seweryn Hammer, Warsaw 1959. Jordanes, O pochodzeniu i czynach Gotów, [in:] E. Zwolski, Kasjodor i Jordanes. Historia gocka,

czyli scytyjska Europa, Lublin 1984.

Klaudiusz Klaudianus, O II Konsulacie Fl. Stylichona i O wojnie z Gotami, tłumaczenie Bożena Olej-niczak, Warsaw 2003.Priscus, Fragment 8, [in:] A. Krawczuk, Upadek Rzymu, Księga wojen, Wrocław – Warsaw – Cra-

cow – Gdańsk, 1978.Procopii Caesariensis, De Bellis, [in:] Procopii Caesariensis, Opera omnia, vol. 1, Leipzig 1962.

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Documents

Tomasz_Gralak_Impacts_of_steppe Peoples on the Polish Territories