of television, real individuals engage in description, discussion, and com-mentary about important public matters. In press conferences, for example,politicians as well as representatives of voluntary associations make state-ments, challenge public statements which have been made by others, andrespond to questions. These represent examples of public spheres orga-nized for the benefit of the media. In other instances, news media organizepublic spheres of their own, usually consisting of a media personality, a fewpoliticians, some representatives from voluntary associations, and otherprivate citizens. Television programs like ABC’s Nightline and CNN’s LarryKing Live do this on a daily basis. Their topics change nightly, and are typi-cally shaped by what is currently of public concern. For example, duringthe 1992 civil uprisings in Los Angeles, Ted Koppel organized one episodeof Nightline as a discussion with gang members in Los Angeles; anotherepisode was filmed on location at the First African Methodist EpiscopalChurch, as a discussion with black politicians, community leaders, and citi-zens. In these instances, the news media provided a forum for private indi-viduals to discuss matters of common concern, and broadcast thesediscussions to between ten and twenty million viewers.

Without doubt these news media form imperfect public spheres, becausethey tend to provide only partial access, which is organized in structurally-predictable ways.11 But this criticism should not be overstated. Empirically,all public spheres provide limited access, and as such all public spheres areimperfect. But the news media are in principle open to anyone. News editorsare continuously trying to expand the space of media participation,through letters to the editor, man-on-the-street interviews, and the like.12

The introduction of phone-in segments to television and radio news pro-grams represents a further attempt at expanding participatory access.13

Even talk shows can be seen as a method of expanding participation inmedia spaces of deliberation, despite the fact that they do not look any-thing like the processes of rational consensus formation idealized byHabermas.14 Try as they might, politicians are unable to maintain anythingapproaching total control of media publicity.15 The reason for this is thatjournalistic routines are known well enough so that citizens, associations,and leaders of social movements can package their activities in ways whichwill be more likely to be seen as news. The same is true of the increasinglynumerous bands of roving videographers, ensuring that the news will besufficiently open and porous so as to constitute a public sphere in whichmany can aspire to participate.16

In addition to creating public spaces for discussing matters of commonconcern, news media shape other publics in significant ways. News mediaprovide a common stock of information and culture, which private citizens

Race, media, and multiple publics 23