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Thorvaldur Gylfason
LESSONS FROM NORWAY AND ICELAND
IMF-Middle East Center for Economics and Finance (CEF)
Course on Macroeconomic Management in Natural Resource-Rich Countries
Kuwait City, Kuwait, 6-17 January 2013
OVERVIEW1. From rags to riches2. Norway and Iceland3. Digression on Iceland4. Norway and oil5. Norway’s sovereign wealth fund6. Natural resources and human
rights
FROM RAGS TO RICHES I When it separated from Sweden in
1905, Norway was one of Europe’s poorest countriesFinland and Iceland were poorer, but caught
up In 2005, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, and
Sweden formed an economic cluster with per capita GDP (at ppp) between $32K to $35K, compared with $42K in Norway and the US
Did natural resource wealth (timber, hydropower, oil and gas) catapult Norway from rags to riches?No, not really, human resources did
1
FROM RAGS TO RICHES II Poor countries nearly always catch up
Finland and Iceland caught up with Denmark and Sweden without natural resources offering a decisive advantage
True, Finland had timber and Iceland had fishBut they always had timber and fish!
Educated labor enabled Finland and Iceland to exploit their natural resources and catch upHuman capital came first, natural resource
wealth was secondaryLikewise, Ireland caught up with the UK
without a natural resource advantage
FROM RAGS TO RICHES III Norway always had its natural resource
wealth Educated labor made the resource
wealth exploitable The decisive factor was the people
Consider Congo: Lots of natural resources, but few human resources
Recall Putin on Russia: Rich country, poor people
Even so, natural resource wealth may explain why Norway is richer than the rest of the Nordic countries
NORWAY AND OTHER NORDICS: PER CAPITA GDP 1980-2010 (PPP)
1980
1982
1984
1986
1988
1990
1992
1994
1996
1998
2000
2002
2004
2006
2008
2010
0
10000
20000
30000
40000
50000
60000
70000
Danmörk
Finnland
Ísland
Noregur
Svíþjóð
Denmark
Finland
Iceland
Norway
Sweden
NORWAY AND ICELAND 1980-2010
Per capita GNI at PPP (current international
dollars)Labor force with
secondary education (%)
2
0
10,000
20,000
30,000
40,000
50,000
60,000
70,000
IcelandNorway
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Iceland
NorwayCost of inflation
NORWAY AND ICELAND 1980-2010
Real Per Capita GDP (at 2000 prices) Life expectancy (years)
0
5,000
10,000
15,000
20,000
25,000
30,000
35,000
40,000
45,000
Iceland
Norway
68
70
72
74
76
78
80
82
84
Iceland
Norway
Cost of inflation
NORWAY AND ICELAND1980-2010
Tertiary school enrolment (%)
Fertility (births per woman)
0
1
2
3
4
5
Iceland
Norway
1971
1975
1979
1983
1987
1991
1995
1999
2003
2007
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
Iceland
Norway
NORWAY AND ICELAND1980-2010
Labor force with tertiary education (%)
Fertility (births per woman)
0
1
2
3
4
5
Iceland
Norway
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
Iceland
Norway
ICELAND: GINI INDEX OF INEQUALITY 1993-2008
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
Nordics, including Norway, cluster around 25 to 27
Increased inequality
as a sign of pending
crisis
With Switzerland, Norway and Iceland were, until recently, the sole European nations with no intention of joining the EU• Iceland applied for membership in 2009• Norway remains opposed to joining
Switzerland is a special case• Joined the UN only a few years ago
Norway and Iceland have grown apart• Norway’s ppp-adjusted per capita GNI is
$57K compared with Iceland’s $28K• Switzerland has $50K while US has $47K
MORE ON NORWAY AND ICELAND
Figures
refer to
2010
NORWAY AND ICELAND: GNI PER PERSON 1980-2010
GNI per person (USD, PPP)
GNI per person (USD, PPP)
0
10000
20000
30000
40000
50000
60000
70000
Denmark
Finland
Iceland
Norway
Sweden
0
10000
20000
30000
40000
50000
60000
70000
Iceland
Norway
Switzerland
United States
DIFFERENT POLICIES Both are rich, but in different
ways Norway has been well managed
Low inflation, stable growth, low unemployment, no external debt, efficient oil-wealth management
Iceland has been less well managedHigh inflation, uneven growth, low
unemployment, high external debt, overfishing, controversial fisheries management, financial crash in 2008 requiring IMF emergency assistance
Norway Small fisheries sector
1% of GNP and employment Regionally important
Huge oil sector Oil wealth: 50%-250% of GNP Oil revenue:
25% of GNP and investment 33% of budget revenue 50% of export earnings
NATURAL RESOURCES
Iceland Large fisheries sector
11% of GDP in 2011 Up from 6% in 2007 Downward trend until 2008 Sharp reversal due to depreciation
of currency in crash of 2008 26% of exports of goods and services
in 2011 Downward trend for decades
5% of employment
NATURAL RESOURCES
EXPORTS 1960-2010 (% OF GDP)Long stagnant
exports Unique among
industrial countries
Norway’s oil exports crowded out nonoil exports
Iceland’s exports Equivalent to
about a third of GNP from, yes, 1870-2008
Shot up after crash of 2008
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Iceland
Norway
Rejected EU membership twice• 1972 and 1994
Political leadership wished to join EU• In 1994, all major political parties
and interest organizations advocated membership
But the people said No! Strong objections from rural
areas• Fishing and farming communities
along the coast, especially up north
NORWAY: BACKGROUND
No referendum was held Until 2008 crash, political leadership
did not want to join• Even if polls indicated public support
for membership Still, strong objections from rural
areas• Fishing and farming communities
around the coast are overrepresented in political arena
Since 2008 crash, political leadership wants to join• Referendum is promised, but now public
opinion has turned against membership
ICELAND: BACKGROUND
Persistent overvaluation and volatility of currency• Rural subsidies distort real exchange
rate• High inflation leads to real
appreciation Sluggish exports and FDI Lack of interest in full participation
in European integration Natural wealth: Fishy blessing?
• Free catch quotas gave lots of money plus political power to boat owners
ICELAND’S DUTCH DISEASE SYMPTOMS 3
ICELAND STORY I Restricted access to fishing grounds in
1984 made catch quotas valuable, creating wealth
By international law, and later also Icelandic law, this wealth belongs to the people
Even so, politicians decided to give quotas to boat owners gratis based on catch experience 1981-83Boat owners drafted the legislation
themselves This was ruled discriminatory and
unconstitutional by Supreme Court in 1998 and by UNHRC in 2007Violation of ICCPR as well as of human rights
ICELAND STORY II Valuable common property catch quotas were
handed out free of charge to vessel owners from 1984 onward
Quotas became freely transferable by law in 1990, so many quota holder sold out and made a killing
Those who had objected to fishing fees accruing to the state or to the people had no objection to fees accruing to boat owners If the banks paid politicians, as documented by the
parliament’s SIC report, how about boat owners? Fishing fees accruing to the state were introduced
into law in 2002, but they were only nominal
EFFICIENCY AND FAIRNESS Good fisheries management must be both
efficient and fairEfficiency means maximizing revenue from
fisheries and minimizing cost by allowing efficient (i.e., low-cost) operators to buy quotas from inefficient (i.e., high-cost) ones
Fairness means that, to insure equality, everyone must have a seat at the same table
Hence, free transferability of quotas is acceptable only if the initial allocation of quotas is fair If not, universal principle of equality is violated, a
principle enshrined in binding international legal agreements as well as in national constitutions and laws
Herein lies the fatal flaw in the Icelandic system
SERIOUS CONSEQUENCES In Iceland, free allocation of fishing
quotas created a small class of rich boat owners who, through their wealth and political clout, changed the balance of power In politics, it is “suicide” to rise against
themBoat owners now own what used to be the
largest newspaper, and use it to fight against reform of the quota system
They used fishing quotas as collateral in bank deals with serious consequences No one should ever be allowed to use other
people’s property as collateral Illegal for foreigners to own Icelandic catch quotas
NORWAY AND OIL
Per Capita GNI at PPP Democracy
10
-4
-10
5
13
12
1980
1983
1986
1989
1992
1995
1998
2001
2004
2007
0
10000
20000
30000
40000
50000
60000
70000
Norway
Algeria
Saudi Arabia
-12
-10
-8
-6
-4
-2
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
Norway
Algeria
Saudi Arabia
4
NORWAY AND OIL
Real Per Capita GDP Democracy
10
-6
-10
7
25
29
0
5000
10000
15000
20000
25000
30000
35000
40000
45000NorwayAlgeriaSaudi Arabia
-12
-10
-8
-6
-4
-2
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
NorwayAlgeriaSaudi Arabia
NORWAY AND OIL
Education (secondary, %) Fertility
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
Norway
Algeria
Saudi Arabia
1995
1997
1999
2001
2003
2005
2007
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Norway
AlgeriaLabor force
with secondary
education
NORWAY AND OIL
Corruption Fertility
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
Norway
Algeria
Saudi Arabia
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
Norway Algeria Saudi Arabia
More
corr
up
tion
NORWAY’S TEN OIL COMMANDMENTS Commandments include a commitment to
National supervision and control of all operations on the Norwegian Continental Shelf
Development of new industries based on petroleum
Respect for existing industrial activities and the protection of nature and the environment
Ban against flaring of exploitable gas Except during brief periods of testing
State involvement at all appropriate levels, contributing to a coordination of Norwegian interests in Norway’s petroleum industry
Commandments underpin transparent ways in which Norway’s oil wealth has been allocated to its oil fund, now called pension fund
NORWAY’S SOVEREIGN WEALTH FUND: FROM PRODUCTION TO POLICY I 1969: First oil field discovered in Norway 1971: Production starts 1973-75: Ministries of Finance and Industry
sponsor analytical work on Dutch disease issues, size of reserves, likely lifecycles of fields, and environmental concerns Not much on long-run spending needs
1983: Tempo Committee Government should put its oil revenues in a
fund and spend only the real return on the assets accumulated in the fund
Decouple oil revenues from public spending Be patient and extract oil slowly to shield
domestic economy
5
1988: Steigum Committee Government spending should depend on the
permanent income of total oil wealth comprising the financial fund plus the value of oil and gas reserves in the ground
Calculation of total oil wealth requires the prediction of an optimal depletion path given expected oil and gas prices, technology, and interest rates
Unlike Tempo Committee, Steigum Committee argued for setting up an oil fund, stressing that the fund and the value of oil and gas reserves in the ground be viewed as part of the same portfolio
NORWAY’S SOVEREIGN WEALTH FUND: FROM PRODUCTION TO POLICY II
1990: The Government Petroleum Fund is established
2001: Implementation of 4% ruleFour percent of the value of the Fund at the
end of the previous year is allowed to be extracted from the Fund and to be used to fund the general government deficit Real rate of return on the Fund is estimated to
be 4% per year Idea here is to preserve the principal, and spend
the interest income
NORWAY’S SOVEREIGN WEALTH FUND: FROM PRODUCTION TO POLICY III
2006: GPF Global is part of the Central Bank, and manages the surplus wealth from the petroleum income (taxes and licenses) Aim is to counter the decline of expected
petroleum income and to smooth the disrupting effects of highly fluctuating oil prices
2006: Pension reform Pensions are no longer indexed to wage growth
but indexed to the average of wage growth and inflation (typically less)
The lifetime value of the pension is a fixed amount calculated around age 60, and is based on expected average life expectancy for 60-year olds
NORWAY’S SOVEREIGN WEALTH FUND: FROM PRODUCTION TO POLICY IV
Return on investments
State Budget
A $480BN FUND WITH A LINK TO FISCAL POLICY
Fiscal policy guideline
(over time spend Fund real return, estimated at 4%)
All revenues
Fund
Expenditures
Petroleum revenues
Transfer to finance non-oil
deficitKey characteristics
Gives the Fund high risk-bearing capacity
Very long investment horizon (perm. fund)
No claims for large and swift withdrawals
No direct link to liabilities
Stortinget
Min. of Finance
Norges Bank
Parliament – “Ultimate owner”• Political support on main policy
choices in management of Fund
Ministry of Finance – “Formal owner”
• Set benchmark asset allocation + risk limits
• Monitor and evaluate operational mgmt.
• Define responsible investment practices
Central Bank – “Operational manager”
• Separate asset management entity (NBIM)
• Implement benchmark asset allocation
• Actively manage portfolio within risk limits to achieve excess return
• Control and report risk• Exercise the Fund’s ownership rights
PENSION FUND GLOBAL GOVERNANCE STRUCTURE
NORWAY: LARGE AND VOLATILE OIL REVENUES SPLIT BETWEEN DOMESTIC SPENDING AND OIL FUND SAVINGS
Gov’t oil revenues and non-oil budget deficit (% of trend GDP)
Accumulated oil revenues, domestic use and fund savings
(NOK bn)
1975
1982
1989
1996
2003
2010
2017
2024
2031
2038
2045
2052
2059
0
5
10
15
20
25
Oil revenues
1975
1978
1981
1984
1987
1990
1993
1996
1999
2002
2005
2008
0
500
1,000
1,500
2,000
2,500
3,000
3,500
Oil revenues accumOil fund valueOil fund deposits accumUse of oil rev accum
NORWEGIAN MODEL IS THE RESULT OF A LEARNING PROCESS Norway experienced a period of boom
and bust in its oil revenues before setting up the Petroleum Fund
Oil revenues were used to support the expansion of public services and employment, not infrastructure as the country had already reached a high level of industrialization
The whole approach was gradual (Steigum, Tempo committees) Institutions were carefully calibratedDemocracy was key
NORWAY: OIL REVENUES SUPPORTED EXPANSION OF PUBLIC SERVICES AND EMPLOYMENT 1970-90
General government spending (% of non-oil GDP)
General government employment (% of total)
1970
1971
1972
1973
1974
1975
1976
1977
1978
1979
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
0
10
20
30
40
0
10
20
30
40
Employed persons
Hours worked
1970
1973
1976
1979
1982
1985
1988
1991
1994
1997
2000
2003
2006
2009
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Total spend-ing
Consump-tion
WE ARE NOT ALL NORWEGIANS
WEALTH OF MINERAL- AND OIL-DEPENDENT ECONOMIES IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA (2005)
Natural wealth dominates
Subsoil assets are larger in value than produced capital
Intangible wealth (human and social capital) is small: 35% compared with 60% to 70% in a ‘typical’ developing country – this suggests a low return on total assets
Type of AssetWealth per capita ($)
% of total wealth
Sub-soil assets 1,688 19Timber resources 448 5NTFR 469 5Cropland 1,052 12Pasture land 593 7Protected areas 159 2Natural capital 4,409 50Produced capital 1,368 15Intangible capital 3,099 35Total wealth 8,877
NTFR: non-timber forest resourcesSource: Hamilton (2010)
100
NATURAL RESOURCES AND HUMAN RIGHTS As a matter of near-universal principle, a
people’s right to its natural resources is a human right proclaimed in primary documents of international law and enshrined in many national constitutions
Violations of the universal principle of equality and of human rights bring constitutional issues into the picture
Every constitution declares that we are all equal before the law, ruling out any kind of discrimination among individuals on whatever basis
6
HUMAN RIGHTS Key distinction between state ownership and
national ownership State ownership (e.g., public office buildings)
means that the state can sell or pledge such assets
National ownership (e.g., cultural assets like the Taj Mahal and the pyramids or natural assets like fish and energy) means that the state cannot sell or pledge such assets
Like our cultural assets, we have inherited our natural resources from earlier generations and must preserve them for future generations We do not have the right to squander them
Hence the link between human rights and nature
INTERNATIONAL COVENANT ON CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS (ICCPR) ICCPR was made in 1966 to fortify the UN Human
Rights Declaration from 1948 Rules on effective remedy for victims of human rights
violations 165 signatories Non-signatories: China, Cuba, Malaysia, Pakistan, Saudi-
Arabia, Singapore, Vatican plus some very small countries
Iceland signed ICCPR in 1968 and ratified it in 1979 The opinions of the UN Human Rights Committee
(UNHRC) are binding, and cannot be appealed However, UNHRC cannot enforce its opinions It can only name and shame violators
Human rights are absolute rights and cannot be swayed or subordinated to other interests
ICCPR AND HUMAN RIGHTS Article 1 of ICCPR defines
common property resources as human rights by stating that
“All people may, for their own ends, freely dispose of their natural wealth and resources …”Article 1 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) is identical
ICCPR 2007 OPINION ON ICELAND 12 of 18 human rights specialists on
UNHRC ruled that Iceland’s fisheries management system violates Art. 26 of the ICCPR stipulating that “All persons are equal before the law”
Article 26 of the ICCPR is essentially the same as article 65 on equality in Iceland’s constitution from 1944
In 2012, UNHRC dropped the case against Iceland on the grounds that Iceland had promised to strengthen human rights provisions in its new constitution, awaiting ratification by Iceland’s parliament
UNITED STATES UNDER REAGAN When oil was discovered in Florida and
Louisiana, the Reagan administration and Congress decided in 1982 to auction off the drilling licenses and let the auction receipts accrue to the federal government
This is one of three methods advocated from the beginning by many Icelandic economists
The other two are fishing fees and gratis allocation to all like in Alaska All three are, in principle, equivalent
Reagan respected the nation’s ownership of its oil resources
CASE IN POINT: IRAQ Iraq constitution of 2005 states: “Oil and gas are the property of the Iraqi
people in all the regions and provinces.” Also, the constitutions of Angola, Chile,
China, Ghana, Iraq, Kuwait, Nigeria, and Russia stipulate that natural resources belong to the people or the state, some more clearly than othersNigeria and Russia are rather vague
THE WAY TO GO: NORWAY I From the beginning, the oil and gas
reserves within Norwegian jurisdiction were defined by law as common property resources, thereby clearly establishing the legal rights of the Norwegian people to the resource rents
On this legal basis, the government has absorbed about 80% of the resource rent over the years, instead setting most of its oil revenue aside in the state petroleum fund the name of which was recently changed to pension fund to reflect its intended use
THE WAY TO GO: NORWAY II Government laid down economic/ethical
principles (commandments) to guide the use and exploitation of the oil and gas for the benefit of current and future generations of Norwegians
Main political parties have from the beginning shared an understanding that national economy needed to be shielded from an excessive influx of oil money to avoid overheating and waste
The Central Bank, granted increased independence from the government in 2001, manages the oil/pension fund on behalf of the Ministry of Finance, maintaining a healthy distance between politicians and the fund
CONCLUSION Norway has managed its oil wealth splendidly
Oil wealth was declared public property from the outset; democracy was key
Emphasis was put on sharing the wealth fairly across generations and avoiding common pitfalls such as overheating and rent seeking
Broad political consensus was reached on oil wealth management strategy
No signs of resource curse Some indications of Dutch disease; e.g., no interest in
EU European way of pooling natural resources
Coal and Steel Community as precursor to EU Pooling fish through CFP has worked less well Norway’s fisheries policy is also inefficient
Fini
Classroom discussion