The Varieties, Classification, And Origin of Magic1

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The Varieties, Classification, and Origin of Magic

Author(s): James H. LeubaSource: American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 14, No. 2 (Apr. - Jun., 1912), pp. 350-367Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the American Anthropological AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/659937

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THE VARIETIES,CLASSIFICATION,AND ORIGIN OFMAGIC1

BY JAMES H. LEUBA

I THE VARIETIESNDCLASSIFIATION F MAGI

THE termmagicI wouldrestrict o thosepracticesntendedto secure omedefinitegain bycoercitive actson in essential

.disregardI) of the quantitativerelations mpliedin theordinary nd in the scientific ealingswiththe physicalworld;(2)

of the anthropopathicelations btaining mongpersons.Althoughmagic never makes an anthropopathic ppeal, it

frequently rings o bear ts peculiar oercitive irtueuponfeelingbeings. It aims,thenSat compellingouls,spirits,or gods to dothe operator'swill, or at preventinghemfromdoingtheirown.

In necromancy,piritsaresummonedy meansof spellsandincan-tations. In ancientEgypt the art of dealingcoercitivelywithspiritsandgodsreacheda highdevelopment. Maspero,peakingof a curiousbeliefregardingnames,says, "When the god in amomentof forgetfulnessrof kindnesshadtaughtthemwhattheywanted [thesacrednames], herewasnothing eft forhim but toobeythem."2 At Eleusisit wasnot thenamebut the intonation

of thevoice of the magician hat producedhe mysteriousesults.31A further discussion of magic and of its relation to religion will be found in the

author's book, A Psychological Study of Religion; its Origin, Function, ond F?4ture,

New York, Macmillan, I 9 I 2 .

aMaspero, G. C., Etudes de mythologie et d'archeologieegyptiennes, Paris, I903.

sBibliothequeEgyptologique, vol. II, p. 298.

5 Foucart, Paul, Recherches sur la Nature des Mysteres d'Eleusis, MEmoiresde

;'Institut, vol. xxxv, 2d part, pp. 3I-32. Cf. Maspero, op. cit., p. 303.

A surprising revival of the belief in the magical power of names came to my notice

a few years ago. At a campmeeting of Seventh Day Adventists in Massachusetts,I heard an ex-cowboy evangelist deliver an impassioned address on the power of the

"Word ". He showed by many citations from the Hebrew and Christian Scriptures

that the Book did not teach the direct action of God and Christs but that whateverthey did was accomplished through the power of the Word. It was by the Word,

not by God, that the world was created, and it was by belierring n the Word that men

were saved.

35o



35ILEUBA]

VARIETIES AND ORIGIN OF MAGIC

But how shouldbe classed he behavior f a suppliantwho at-

tempts by requests,offerings, doration, r other anthropopathic

means o inducea ghost,spirit,or god to give him magicalpower?The Dieriof centralAustralian dry spells"call upon he spiritsof

theirremoteancestors,whom-they all MuraMura, o grant hempower o make a heavy rainfall.''l This behaviorbelongsclearly

to the religious ype; but that which follows the suppliant'suseof the magicalpowersecured rom he'spirit is magic. A spirit

may be askedto use his magicalpowerhimself. In that case the

suppliantuses the anthropopathicmethod of bringingabout amagical ction.2

To one who approacheshe subjectof magic or the first time,

the possibility f bringing rder nto the chaos of magical ustoms

seems remote. Beforetaking up the originsof magic,we wouldbetter gain some knowledgeof its many forms. This may bedone convenientlyby makinga criticalexamination f a widely

used classification,n the course f whichstudy it will appear hatseveral mportant arieties f magic alloutsideof this classification.

"If we analyze the principles f thought on which magic is

based,"writesJ. G. Frazer,"they will probably e found o resolvethemselvesnto two: first,that like producesike, or that an effectresemblests cause; and, second, hat thingsthat have once been

in contact with each other continueto act on each other at a

distanceafter the physicalcontacthas been severed. The formerprinciplemay be calledthe Law of Similarity, he latter the Law

of Contact or Contagion. From the first of these principles,namely, he Lawof Similarity, he magiciannfers*fllat e can pro-

duce any effecthe desiresmerelyby imitating t; from he secondhe infers that whateverhe does to a materialobject will affect

Frazer, J. G., The Golden Bough, 2d ed., vol. I, p. 86.

2 Jevons's view differs from this in that for him the magical Pawer always belongs

to a conscious agent. " Magic is the mysterious power of a person or conscious agent

to cause injury or, secondarily, it may be, benefit to another person who may be

at a distance; a power which when exerted is accompanied by, or ascribed to, an ex-

clamation, a gesture or an action indicating and effecting what is willed. To us the

exclamation or gesture indicates only what is willed. In the opinion of the savage,

who fails to discriminate between the categories of likeness and identity, the action

he performs not merely resembles, but is the action which he wills." (F. B. Jevons,

Magic, Proceedings Third International Congressof the Hislory of Religions, pp. 7I-78.)



352 AMERICAN ANTNROPOLOGIST [N. S., I4, I9I2

equally the personwith whom the object was once in contact,

whether t formspart of its body or not. Charmsbased on the

Law of Similaritymaybe'calledHomceopathicr ImitativeMagic.Charmsbasedon the Law of Contactor Contagionmay be called

ContagiousMagic.''lThis classificationlearly mbraceshe largernumber f magical

practices, speciallyhe injuring f images n order o injure nemies,the simulation f birth o produce hild-bearing,he numerousasesof homeopathicmagicboth in medicine nd outsideof it; the con-

tagious magicof-navel-string nd placenta, f woundsand blood,of garments,of footprints,and the like.2 Yet several types of

magic remainoutside this classification, r are broughtwithin it

only by extremely ar-fetched xplanations. "The Bushmende-spisean arrow hat hasonce ailedof its mark;and,on the contrary,

consider ne that has hit as of doubIe alue. They will, therefore,rathermakenew arrowshow much ime and troubIe oever t may

cost them, hancollect hose hat havemissed ndusethemagain."3Similarlyother tribes attach a specialvalue to a hook that has

caughta big fish. One might bring the mentalprocess nvolved'here ackto Frazer's econdprinciple,ContagiousMagic:"Things

that haveoncebeen n contactwitheachother ontinue o act oneachotherat a distance fterphysical ontacthasbeensevered." But itis possible o makea simpler xplanationhan the ascriptiono the

hookof a specificpoweracting telepathically ponfish. Nothingneedbe involvedhere, t seems o me,but the conviction hat some-

thing hat hashappened nce s likelyto happen gain. No principleis simplerand more irmlyestablishedhan this; it is an imperfectformof this corollarsof the Principle f Identity: something hathashappened ncewillhappenagainunder dentical ircumstances.The savage goes wrong becausehe thinks merely of the hook,instead of taking into accountall the circumstances.But if he

^Frazer,J. G., op. cit., 3d ed., vol. I, p. 52. See also Frazer,Lecturcs n theEarlygistory of the Kingship,Macmillan, 905, p. 54; and A. van Gennep's eview of thatbook in Revuede l'Histoiredes Refigions, 906, vol. LIII, pp. 39640I.

2See for illustrations,The GoldenBough,3d ed., vol. I, pp. 55-2I4.

8Lichtenstein,M. H. K., Trauelsn SouthAfrica, vol. II, p. 27I, quoted by LordAvebury,Originof Cs"Ziwhion,th ed., p. 34.



LEUBA] VARIETIES AND ORIGINOF MAGIC 353

prizes he hook,not simplybecauset hasalready aught ish,butbecausehe thinksof the hookas possessing n attractivepower

over fish,the mentalprocessat the root of his actionis anotheranda morecomplex ne; he nowbelieves n actionat a distance.

Consideredsychologically,he behavior f the savagewhenheprefershesuccessful ookmaythusbeof twoquitedistinctkinds.Themagicbasedupon hesimple onvictionhatwhathashappenedonce s likelyto happenagain indsnoplace n Frazer'system;forthe two branches f magicthat he recognizes mayconveniently

be comprehendednderthe generalnameof SympatheticMagic,since both assumethat thingsact on each otherat a distance,through secret ympathy,heimpulsebeing ransmittedromoneto the otherby meansof whatwe mayconceivea kindof invisibleether.''1 Thereremainshequestion f fact. Doesthesavageacton thesetwo principles, r onlyon the onementioned y Frazer?Factsandargumentswillbeoffered elow n support f theformer

alternative.Frazer's lassificationmayagainprove nadequaten regardo

certaindancesperformedy thewomenwhen he menareengagedinwar "In theKafirdistrictof theHindooKoosh,while hemenareout raiding, he women eavetheirwork n the fieldsandas-semble n the villagesto dancedayand night. The dancesarekeptup mostof eachday andthe wholeof eachnight.... The

dancesof theseKafirsaresaidto be performedn honorof certainofthenational ods,butwhenweconsiderhecustomnconnectionwiththe otherswhichhave just been passed n review,we mayreasonably urmise hat it is or was originally n its essenceasympathetic harm ntended o keepthe absentwarriorswakeful,lesttheyshouldbesurprisedntheir leepby theenemy."2Accord-ingto theauthor f TheGoZdenough,hispracticewould husfallunder he Lawof

Similarity,o whichhe gives, as wehaveseen,adoubleform. It is the firstalternative hat applies n this case,"likeproducesike": the keepingawakeof the womencauses hemen to keep awake. This is a possibleexplanation. But it is

1Frazer, J. G., op. cit., 3d ed., vol. I, p. 54.

2 Ibid., pp. I33-I34.



AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST54 [N. S., I4, I9I2

noteworthyn theother nstances ivenby Frazerlhat thestay-at-homesarenotsimply rying o keepawakebut thattheyaredoing

manyother things,not all of whichcan be interpreted s mimeticmagic(likeproducesike).

It seemsvery likelyto methat the primary auseof thedanc-ing is not thebelief that the keepingawakewill makethewar-riorswakeful,but the excitementand anxietyunderwhichthewomenwouldnaturally aborwhile theirhusbandsare fighting.A state of hightensionmay beexpected o work tself off,notonly

accordingo a law of "likeproducesike,"that is, ofcontagion, utin all sorts of spontaneous ctivities. The facts appear o agreewith thistheory. Thedance s notkept upnightand day in everytribe, and in most of them, so far as my informationoes, theredoes not appearto be any deliberatepurposeof resisting leep.Nordothesewomenusedancingalone; in sometribes heyrefrainfrom exualntercourse,elieving hatif they do nottheirhusbands

willbeeitherkilledorwounded. Incertainslands hewomenandchildrenare forbiddeno remain nside the houses, or to twinethreadorweave. If one turnsto the savages'ownexplanationftheiractions,onefindsgreatvariation. I donot discovern Frazerthat any tribegives the interpretationhat he suggests;but hereports hat the YukiIndianssay that if they dance all the time"theirhusbandswill not growtired." In Madagascarhe women

saythatbydancing heyimpart trength, ourage, ndgood ortuneto theirhusbands. Whybring hesevarious eremoniesackto anintentionof keeping hewarriorswake? Someof theactionsmaybe inspiredby that purpose, ut why all of them? Let us say,rather, hat the anxiety-of he womentendsto workitself off inspontaneousmovements, omeof them having, in the beginningat least,no mimetic or telepathicconnectionwith the fighting

of the husbands. They simply danceor jump up and downforrelief,andthe relieffelt leadsto the repetitionof the movement.Thus thedancinghabit s formed.

Now if the womendancewhilethey are filledwith a desirefor the successof the men in war, does not our knowledgeof

1Frazer, ibid., pp. I3I-I34.




psychology ead us to expect the formationof a causal con-nectionbetweendancingand the successof the warriors?At

first this connectionwill probablybe regardedas general,andnot as a specificrelationbetweendeprivingoneselfof sleep andkeepingawake the warriors. The dancing,at this stage, willbea magicalceremonyf the simplestsort. But certainmentaltendencieseadilyead to modificationsf the primitivedancing.The mindsof the dancerswill at timesbe filled with imagesofthe fighting,and these imageswill tend to shape the move-

ments. In thiswaymimicry f fightingmaytaketheplaceof theoriginaldancing. Amongthe Tshi-speaking eoplesof the GoldCoast,for instance,"thewivesof themenwhoareawaywiththearmypaintthemselveswhite,andadorn heirpersonswithbeadsandcharms. Onthe daywhena battleis expected o takeplace,theyrunaboutarmedwithguns,orstickscarved o look ikeguns,andtakinggreenpawpawsfruits hapedsomewhatikea melon),

theyhackthemwithknives,as if theywerechopping fftheheadsof the foe."1 In the QueenCharlotteslands,"when he menhadgoneto war,the womenat homewouldget up veryearlyin themorning nd pretend o makewarby fallingupontheirchildrenandfeigning o takethemforslaves." Certainribeswentas farasto scourgeeverelywolads,bywayofhelpinghewarriors.

If any of these dancersaccounted or the practiceby sayingthatkeeping

awakehelpedwarriorso remainwatchful,I shouldlookupon this statementas an afterthought. The idea of thedangerfsurpriseo thesleepingmenwouldreadily nough onnectitselfwiththedancers'ossof sleep,a lossarisingrom hedancing,whichs itselfanexpressionf anxiety.2

Perhaps he largestand most importantclass of magicnotprovidedorin the classification e areconsiderings Will-Magic.Here s one instance akenfromancientIndia:

In orderto pro-tecthisbelongingsromdestruction,he Buddhistmonk sdirectedtomakea "firmresolve," aying,"For the spaceof sevendays

1Frazer, J. G., op. cit., 3d ed., vol. I, p. I32.

2 On dancing and its relation to primitive religion, see Irving King, The DeveZ-opme7l:f Religion, I9IO, pp. I08-II2,



356 AA{ERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. S., I4, I9I2

let not this and that articlebe burntby fire,borneawayby a flood,blown to pieces by the wind, carriedoff by robbers, r eaten by

rats and the like.... Then for the spaceof seven days no harmwill touchthem.''1 This is not a requestaddressed o a spirit,buta "firmresolve" hat the wishexpressed hall be realized. In theKei islands,when a battle is in progress, he womenwave fansin the direction f the enemyand sing, "O golden fans Let our

bullets hit, and those of the enemy miss."2 The essenceof Will-Magic is the belief that an exertionof the will takes effect at a

distance. This kind of magicmay or may not be complicated ythe addition f magical lements f another ype.

Can Will-Magicbe classedunderFrazer'sLaw of Similarity?This law is expressedn a double orm: "Like producesike,"and"An effect resemblests cause." Fromthis law, we are told, themagiciannfers hat he can produce ny effecthe desiresmerelyby

imitating t. But imitation s not in the least a requirement f

Will-Magic, lthough t may be superadded. The formula"likeproducesike" means, f it meansanything, hat because wo things

have elementsincommon,shape,color,etc.,nuhat appens o one

will happen o the other also. Nothingof this is necessarilyn-volved in Will-Magic. The other form of the law, "an effectresemblests cause,"appliesno better. It means hat if you want,

for nstance, tumor o dryup,you cansucceed y causing omething

else to dryup;or if you want aundice o disappear, ou cansucceedby making he yellowcolorof some object,a flower, or instance,vanish. In these casesthe effectyou have produced ecomes he

causeof a similar ffect.It must be observedhere that these two formulations f that

which s givenby Frazer s one awrepresent acha differentmentalprocess. If the savage s awareof this difference,he two mentalprocesses hould not be includedunderone principle. To do so

seems o me to obliterate istinctions, ather han to bringorderby

means of a helpful generalization. If primitive man does not

1 Pali Texts, Visuddhi-Magga. chap. XXIII, taken from Buddhism in Translatiox,

Henry C. Warren. Harvard University Press, I896, p. 385.

2 Frazer, J. G., op. cit., 2d ed., vol. I, p. 33.



LEUBA] VARIETIES AND ORIGIN OF MAGIC 357

discriminate,henthe distinctionhasno applicationo the mentalprocessesnvolvedn savagemagic.

AlthoughI feel confidentn aiffirminghat Frazer's lassifica-tion needscompletion, do not claimthat the followingone isadequate.

I. Principleof Repetition.Somethinghat hashappened nceis likely o happen gain. A successfulrrowwillmeetwithfurthersuccess,andone that has failedwith further ailure. No ideaofa telepathicpowers involvedhere.

2. PrtncipZef Transmissionf an Effect rom one ObjectoAnother.-SympatheticMagic. An actiontakingplace-uponanobjectwilltakeplacealsouponanother bjectwhen hetwoobjectsareconnectedwitheachotherin the mindof the magician. Theconnectionsmaybe of severalkinds. I mention hreeof these:(a) The objectsbeara likeness o eachother(association y sim-ilarity):injuring he likenessof a thing injures he thing itself.(b)Theobjectshave

beenorare n contact associationy contigu-ity): whatevers doneto a toothoncebelongingo a personwillhappen o the personhimself. A variation f thisformof magic sseen n the customof rubbing neselfwitha partof a powerfulndcourageousnimalnorder o acquirehese raits. (c)Theobjectshave been in the relationof causeand effect:coolingthe arrowwhichhas nflicted woundwillpreventnflammationfthewound.

In this classof magican attractionor a telepathicnfluencesexertedbetweenobjects.

3. Princip7zefE;giciencyf Will-Egort.Other ystemsof classificationreof coursepossible. A classi-

ficationaccordingo the natureof the Power nvolved n the mag-icaloperationndtherelation f thisPower othemagicianppearsto meto haveconsiderablemerit,so I addit here.

CZass. Practicesnwhich heresnoideaofa Powerbelonging

to theoperator rhisinstrument,ndpassing hence o the objectofthemagical rt. Tothisclassbelongmany nstances fso-calledSympatheticMagic;lmanyof the taboo customs;most modern

1Hang a root of vervain around the neck in order to cause a tumor to disappear;asthe plant dries up, so will the tumor. If the fish do not appear in due season, makeoneof wood and put it into the water. Keep the arrow that has wounded a friend in acoolplace, so that the wound may not become inflamed.



AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST58 [N. S., I4, I9I2

superstitions,those, for instance,regardingFriday, the number

thirteen,horseshoes, lantingwhenthe tide is comingn. In these

instances he effect is thoughtto followupon the cause withoutthe mediation f a forcepassing, et us say, fromthe magician o

the wooden ish placed n the streamand thence o the living fish.

An illustration f this classof magichasalreadybeengiven in the

old lady'sbeliefthat goodluck wouldcometo a household s the

resultof sparrows avingfallendownthe chimney. The gambler

who believes n his ''luck" does not usually conceiveof it as a

Power n any true senseof the word. Several acts drawn romchild life, whichpoint to this same conclusion,will be noted pres-

ently.

Divinationby casting ots or othenvise,whena spirit or god

is not supposedo guidethe cast, maybe includedhere as a sub-

division. The aim of divinations to securean itemof knowledge

forthe magician,while heotherpracticesf this classarecalculated

to produce ffectsof someother kind. But in neithercase doesthereexistthe ideaof a Powermediating etween he thingsought

and its antecedent.

Class I. Non-personal owersarebelieved o belongto themagicianhimself,or to particular bjects} uch as the magician's

instruments, nd to passfromtheseinto other objects,or to act

upon hemso as to produceertain ffects. If the magician imself

possesses his force, he does not thinkof it as identicalwith his"will,"oreven as intimately onnectedwith it.

Howittrelates hat somenativeAustralianseggedhim not to

carry n a bag containingquartzcrystalsa toothextractedat an

initiationceremony. They thoughtthat the evil power of the

crystalswouldenter the tooth and so injure he bodyto which thad belonged.l Manycharmshavea potencyof thisnature,while

others ha+re n animisticsignificance;hat is, they involve theaction of spirits,and so do not belonghere. Eatingthe fat of a

braveandstronganimal,or rubbing neselfwith it, in order o gain

1 Journal of the AnthropologicalInstitute, vol. XIII (I884), p. 456, quoted by Frazer.




courage ndpower, s an act belongingo this secondclass, as arealsomostcasesof ContagiousMagic.

Thereseems o be amongall peoplesa stageof developmenttwhicha Powerikethatdescribedbozzes conceivedlearly noughto be givena name;it is calledby sometribes n NorthAmerica,for instance,Wakanda,nd Manain Melanesia. This variouslynamednon-personal otency s the efficientcause of by far thegreaterpartof the magicalpractices.

ClassIII. Will-Magic. This includes he casesin whichthe

magicianeelsthathiswill-efforts anefficientactor. Under hisheadusuallyfall spells,incantations, nd solemncurses' A manwhosays to the magicspear,- Gostraightandkillhim,"feelsnodoubtthat by these words, n whichquivershis wholesoul, hedirects hespearonits errand f death.

Whendiscussingheoriginof non-personalowers,wesawhowearlymans attention s directed o his will-efforts,nd howvery

soonhe attempts o turnhis "will"to accountn the magicalway.Among he NorthAmerican ndians, ending orthone'sthoughtandwill is a common ractice. MissFletcherellsusthat,"Whena raceis takingplace,a manmaybendhis thoughtsandhis willuponone of the contestants . . in the beliefthat this act, this'sendingof his mind,'will helphis friend o win.''l In this andsimilarcasesthe will-powertself seemsto perform he magical

deed;while more commonly,perhaps, he spell or incantation"carries one'swillto anotherperson,whois thencompelledo actaccordirlgo the desireof the magician.

Theimportancefthisclassofmagics sogreat hatMaretthasraised he questionas to whetheran accompanyingpellis not anindispensableartof "perfect"magic;2 nd F. B. Jevonsfollowshimin connectingmagicalpowern generalwiththe senseof one's

ownenergy.3 In my opinion, his exercise f the will is the char-acteristic fonlyoneclassofmagic. Inmagicaswellasinreligion,1Fletcher,Alice C., Notes on CertainBeliefsconcerningWillPoweramongthe

SiouxTribes,Science NewYork),N. S., V, I897, pp. 33I, 334.

2 Marett,R. R., TheThresholdfReligion,pp.52et seq.a In the chapteron the originof the ideaof non-personal ower,I have al ready

arguedagainstthe view that will-magics the primary ormof magic.



AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST60 1N. S., I4, I9I2

we must, t seems o me,admitselreralndependentrigins. What

followswill, I hope,beconclusive n thispoint.

In thisattemptat classification,wouldnot givethe impressionthat the conceptions f the savageareclearand definite. On the

contrary, hold themto be hazy andfluid. Whatappears o him

impersonalt one momentmaysuddenly ssume hecharacteristics

of a spirit. Mana, for instance,althoughusually an impersonal

force stored in plants,stones, animals,or men,at times takes

on trulypersonaltraits. One shouldnot be surprisedo meet

with casesthat belong o severalclasses. The followings a goodinstanceof the minglingof will-magicwith othertypes. "The

ancient Hindoos performedan elaborateceremony,based on

homeopathicmagic, orthe cure of jaundice. Its maindrift was

to banishthe yellow colorto yellowcreatures nd yellow things,

such as the sun, to which t properlybelongs,andto procure or

the patient a healthy red color froma living vigoroussource,

namely,a red bull. Withthis intention,a priestrecited he fol-lowing spell: 'Up to the sun shall go thy heart-acheand thy

jaundice:n the colourof the red bulldo we envelop hee! We

envelop heein red tints,unto long life. May this persongo un-

scathedand be freeof yellow colour! . . Into the parrots, nto

the thrush, owe put thyjaundice, ndfurthermore,nto the yellow

wagtaildowe put thy jaundice.' Whilehe uttered hesewords, he

priest, in orderto infuse the rosy hue of health into the sallowpatient,gavehim waterto sip whichwas mixedwith the hairof a

red bull; he pouredwaterover the animal'sbackand made the

sick mandrink t; he seatedhim on the skin of a redbull and tied

a pieceof the skinto him. Then n order o improvehis colourby

thoroughly radicatinghe yellow tint, he proceeded hus. He

first daubedhim fromhead to foot with a yellow porridgemade

of turmeric r curcums a yellow plant),set him on a bed, tiedthreeyellowbirds, o wita parrot,a thrush,and a yellowwagtail,

by meansof a yellow stringto the foot of the bed; then pouring

waterover the patient,he washedoff theyellowporridge,nd withit no doubtthe jaundice, rom him to the birds. After that, by

way of givinga finalbloom o his complexion,e tooksomehairsof



VARIETIES AND ORIGIN OF MAGICLEUBA]

36I

a redbull,wrapt hem n gold eaf,and glued hemto the patient'sskin."l

II. THE ORIGINSOFMAGICALEHAVIOR

The idea of non-personalowers s no moresynonymouswithmagic hantheideaof great,unseen,personal eingss synonymouswith religion. If there is to be a magicalart,ways and meansofusingthe Powermust be produced. How did the apparently nd-less varietyof magicalpractices ome o be? Mostof themwill beaccounted or by the followingprinciples f explanation. They

are of unequalmportance, uteachaccounts, t seems o me, for aclassof magic.

(a) Childrenoften amusethemselvesby makingprohibitions

andbacking hemup withthreatsof punishment. "If you dothis,"

they say, " thatwill happen o you." The "this" and the "that"have usually no logicalconnection,nor does the child have any-thoughtof a particular oweroragentmetingout the punishment.

It is importanto remembernthis connectionhat what s donein the make-believe pirit by one person s oftentaken seriously

by another, ndependently f any empirical erification. A littlegirl, seven yearsof age, was told that killinga snail wouldcauserain. She immediately cceptedhe statement,and rationalargu-ments did not take the idea out of her head. How many of thesenselesssuperstitions f the savage arose in this way we shall

neverknow. It seemsprobable, owever, hat manyof the com-mands,precautions, nd prescriptionsn the life of the savagehavehad this origin;for there is frequentlyno logicalconnectionbe-tween he deedforbidden rprescribednd thethingto be secured.I have n mindcertain aboocustoms,partsof initiation eremoniesof the Australians,4egulations overninghunting,and the like.A good instanceof the last is foundamongthe CentralEskimo:

certainkindsof gamemust not be eatenon the sameday; noneofthe deer'sbonesmust be brokenduring kinning;and bits of theanimalmust be buried n the groundor placedunderstones. In

1 Frazer, J. G., op. cit., 3d ed., vol. I, p. 79.

2 Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, London, I099, chap

VII-IX.

AM. ANTH., N. S., I4-24



362 AMERICANNTHROPOLOGIST|N. S., I4, I9I2

manyasesa fullerknowledgewouldundoubtedly isclose easons

of tility,realor imaginary,orthesemagicalpractices;but that

this ouldbe true n every nstance eemsanunjustifiablessump-tion. The fact that the savage s usuallyreadywith reasons or

his ehaviors no proofthat thesereasonsie at the basisof the

practices.Theexplanationsmaybe afterthoughts.

(b) It seems good psychology o hold that certainmagical

practicesriginatedn threatsof untowardhappeningsmadefor

thepurposeof preservinghingsvital to the life and prosperity

ofthe tribe, for instance,the authorityof the chief, and thesanctity f the marriage elation. The magicalbeliefswhichen-

force ontinence n the partof the wivesof menengagedn war

appearo havehadthisorigin. Thepunishmentmaybeanything

whichs regardeds efficacious.In Madagascaronjugal idelity

isenforcedby the threatthat the betrayedhusbandwillbe killed

orwoundedn the war;among he indigenousribesof Sarawak,

thebeliefis that the camphor btainedby the menin the jungle

willevaporatef the womenareunfaithful;whilein East Africa,

the husbandwill, in the sameeventuality,be killedor hurt by

theelephanthe is hunting.l Thehighsanctionwhich he require-

mentsof social ifegiveto beliefsof thiskind s readilyunderstood.

The mentalattitudeout of whichthesebeliefsaroseneednot

be regarded s a deliberatentention o deceive he women. One

shouldbear n mindthe halfmake-believe,alfseriousattitudeof

childrenn their ntercourse ithoneanother. Yet I donotthink

it impossiblehat beliefsof this sorthaveoriginatedn purposive

deception. Spencer ndGillen2elateof the mostprimitive eople

known o us, the Aruntaof centralAustralia,hat the adultmales

rule hewomen ndchildren ymeansofa bogiecalledTwanyirika.

(c) Themotivewhich eadscivilizedpeople o makevowsmay

account orcertainmagicalpractices. Oneof theoriginalmpulses

of humannatureseemsto be to try to avoida catastrophe r to

secureadvantagesby promising o do somethingwhich would

1Frazer, J. G., op. cit., 2d ed.. vol. I, pp. 2t3I.

2Spencer and Gillen, op. cit.. p. 246, note I. See also TheNorthernTribesof

CentralAustralia, p. 49I-492.



363EUBA] VARIETIES AND ORIGIN OF MAGIC

gratify he personwho has controlover the eventF This motive n

its cruder orm s a desire o do somethingmeritoriousn order o

deserve mmunity romdanger. Customs f continencemay havehad the originmentioned bove,or they may have arisen rom he

women'sefforts o do somethingpraiseworthy,o that the life oftheirhusbandsmightbe preserved nd theirsuccess nsured.

(d) Other types of magicalbehaviorhave their origin n the

spontaneous esponseof the organism o specificsituations. In

states of excitement he liberatedenergy must find an outlet in

movements. To restrainevery externalsign of intense emotionis unendurable. By the bedsideof a sick personone loves, one

must do something or him. The "expression" f the excitement

is not altogetherat random. It takes place according o certainprinciples.1For instance, t is a common act that even men of

culturewhen under stress of emotionact in the absenceof the

objectof theirpassion s if it werepresent. A mangrindshis teeth,

shakeshis fist, growlsat the absentenemy; a mother alks fondlyto her departedbabe and presses t to her breast. The less a

person s under he controlof reason, he more ikely s he to yield

to suchpromptings.If a happy coincidencewere to lead to a connectionbetween

suchbehavior nd success n war,these spontaneous ctionswould

becomemagical, hat is, actionsperformedn the beliefthat they

are of assistance o the warriors. But coincidingortunate ventsarenot necessaryo the establishmentf the connectionn question.It is psychologically robable hat the desire n the mind of the

1 Compare Irving King: " In innumerable cases they [magical and religious acts]

can be shown to be primarily the natural reaction of the psycho-physical organism,

almost its mechanical reflex, in situations of strain and relaxation, or to such conditions

as require practical adjustments of some sort." Op. cit., pp. I79 I88.

In attempting to explain the bodily movements which accompany emotions, Darwin

set down three principles, two of which should be taken into account in the consider-

ation of the origin of magical behavior: the principle of actions due to the constitution

of the nervous system, and the principle of serviceable associated habit. Charles

Darwin, Expression f the Emotions n Man and Animals,pp. 28 ff. These principles

become, in Wundt's treatment of the matter, the principle of the direct modification of

innervation, the principle of the association of related feelings, and the principle of the

relation of the movements to sense-representations. W. Wundt, Physiologische sy-shologie, th ed,, vol. I.II pp. 286296.



364 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. S., I4, I9I2

personduring he spontaneous ctivitieswill lead to a connectionbetween hese and the realization f the desire. It is worthwhile

to dwella moment onger n this possibility. I hadoccasion o dis-cuss above certaindancingceremonies. I attempted here to ac-count for the magicaldances f the womenwhile he menareat waras due in theiroriginal orm o a spontaneousxpression f restless-ness and excitement. Durationand repetitionof the excitementwould avor ts expressionn coordinated,ntelligiblemoarements-mimicry f fighting, or instance. If now thereappears senseof

necessary onnectionbetweenmimic fightingand success n war,-what was a merespontaneous xpression f excitementbecomesamagical practice. This step is not impossible, or if, while thedancing oeson, the wish orthe success f the warriorss uppermostin the mindsof the women, he dancingwill probably ometo beregarded s a condition f success. This ast step wouldbe no morethan an expression f the well-knownawof association: wo thingsthat have been together n the mind tend to recall each other.Thus formsof behavior risingas a release romemotional ensionsgraduallyassume definitenessand become means of exercisingmagical nfluence, uite independentlyf any experimental-roof.

Several of the numerousvarieties of so-called SympatheticMagic, particularlyhe widespread racticeof doing to an eigythat whichone would ike to do to the original, an be accountedfor by the addition o the formerprinciples f the followingaw of

mentalaction. Objectsresembling ach other becomeassociatedin the mind,so that the mindtends to pass fromone to the other.Like objects may becometo some extent equivalents n-mentaloperations. The fact that the satisfaction o the person aboringunder he excitement f angeror any otheremotion ncreaseswiththe similarityof the object upon which he wreakshis vengeanceto the personreally ntended,was probablydiscovered y chance

and led to the makingof imagesand effigies or magicalpurposes.(e) In the precedingmodesof origin,movements nd behaviorsfirstappear ndependentlyf any magical ntention,and afterwardacquirea magicalsignificance. But the magicalprinciples oonbecamedisengaged rom magicalpractice. At this point a newchapteropened n the historyof the magical rt. Magicno longer



365EUBA]-VARIETIESAND ORIGIN OF MAGIC

aroseonly by chance,but new formswerecreateddeliberately.

From his momentthere must have been a tendencyto treat,

accordingo moreor less definitemagicprinciples,verydiflicultsituation.

Herebelongmostof thenumerousracticeshatmaybeclassed

underheheading"likeproducesike." That"likeproducesike"

is a law of natureexpressed verywhere boutus. Cold,for in-

stance, producescold, and fire engenders ire. The frequent

spreadingof infectiousdiseasesamongvegetables,animals,and

menseemsquitesuicient to suggest hisbelief. Theattentionofthe savagewouldnaturallybe drawnvery earlyto that relation,

becauseof the manystrikinganddangerousormst talies. Now,

as he is quiteunableto distinguishamongthe differentagencies

involvedn thevarious xperiencesf thissort,hecannotdraw he-

linebetween he "likes" thatreallyproduce" ike" andthosethat

do not; hencehis very strangeexpectations.And as it is often

impossible o obtain or manipulate he objects possessinghe

qualitydesired,he wholecomes o be replaced y a part,oreven

by a symbol,which s treatedas if it containedhe powerof the

whole. Forexample, atingor wearinga partof a courageousr

powerfulnimalmakes neboldorstrong,orprotects romdanger;

rubbing he chinof a youngmanwith a rat's totem makesthe

hairgrow,etc.

Anotheroriginofthe sameclassis suggestedby an interesting

observationmadeby Sully.1 A littlegirlthought hat makingher

hair idywould toptheblowing fthewind. Thewinddisheveled

her;converse]y,puttingher hair in orderwouldmakethe wind

cease. Similarly omechildrenmagine hat sincethe windpro-

duceswhistling ounds,whistlingwill producewind. The second

of twosuccessivevents s thought o be ableto reproducehefirst.

In attemptingo demonstratehe priorityof magic o religion,Frazerwrites:"Magicis nothingbut a mistakenapplication f

theverysimplest ndmostelementary rocess fthemind,namely,

the associationof ideas by virtueof resemblancer contiguity,

1Sully, J., Studiesof Chxldhood,896, p. 80.



366 AMERICAPfANTHROPOLOGIST 1N. S., I4, I9IZ

whilereligion ssumes he operation f conscious r personal gents,superior o man, behind he visible screenof nature. Obviously

the concept f personal gent s more omplex hana simple ecogni-tion of the similarity r contiguityof ideas.... The very beastsassociate he ideas of thingsthat are like each other or that have

been foundtogether n their experience.... But who attributes

to the animals belief hat the phenomena re workedby a multi-

tude of invisibleanimalsor by one enormousand prodigiouslystronganimalbehind he scenes? It is undoubtedlyrue that the

mind of man tends to pass from one object to others similarorpresentat the same time; but this psychologicalact does not in

itself account or magic. The mindof animals s regulated n like

manner. In the spring he sightof a feathermakes he bird"think"of nest-building, nd the smell and sight of the master'scoatprobably rings he master o the dog'smind. Yet animalsdo notpractise the magical art. This fact shows the insufficiency f

"a simple mistaken) ecognition f the similarity nd contiguity fideas"as an explanation f the originof magic. If an animalhadhad his attention drawn o the colorof carrotsand jaundice,he

mightobserve he color ikeness etween hem;and also " coat " and"master"might followeachother n a dog'smind. But in order

to treat the coat as he wouldthe master,or to eat carrots or the

cureof jaundice, he dog musthave, in addition o the association,

the beliefthat whatever s done to the coat will be suffered y themaster,and that the eating of carrotswill cure the disease. The

existenceof these ideas, togetherwith their motor and affective

values, makes magic possible. Frazerseems to have overlooked

this fundamental ifference etweenmereassociation f ideas and

the essentialmentalprocessesnvolved n magic. This differencemay be further llustratedby the instanceof a dog biting in rage

the stick with whichhe is beingbeaten. He is indeeddoingto thestick what he would ike to do to the man; but in attacking he

I Frazer, J. G., op. cit., 2d ed., vol. I, p. 70. Oldenburg (Die Religiondes Veda,Berlin, I894) was first, I believe, in holding to a pre-religious magical stage of culture.

But it is Frazer who first made a clear separation, not only between magic and religion,

but also between magic and the belief in spirit-agents.



367LEUBA]

VARIETIES AND ORIGIN OF MAGIC

stick he does not think that he is injuring he man. His action s

blindly mpulsive,whilethe formof magic n question nvolves he

purpose f inflictingnjury on something lse than the stick andthe belief hat the injury s actuallydone.l

If magical ctionscannotbe deduced imply rom he principles

of association, hey can at least be classified ccording o the kindof association hey illustrate. For although the various ideasbrought ogether n magic, n a relatzon f cause and effect, arefrequently aid to have come togetherby "chance," ome of the

conditionsunderwhich they have in fact becomeconnectedareexpressiblen the universalawsof association;namelyf ssociation

by similarity r contrast,by contiguityor spatialopposition, nd

by emotional ongruity r disparity. Whenevermagical cts have

been classified, t has been mainlywith reference o the kindsofassociation nvolved n the mental processes. But every kind of

activity involvingmentaloperations alls in some of its relations

under he lawsof association,ence heseclassificationsrerelativelyunfruitful. I haveattempted, herefore,o groupmagical racticesaccording o a factorof greater ignificance, amelv, he natureof

the power nvolved.

BRYN MAWRC0LLEGE

BRYN MAWR, PENNSYLVANIA

1 Cf. R. R. Marett, From Spell to Prayer, Folk-Lore, vol. xv (I904), PP. I36-I4I,

reprinted in The Threshold of Religion, pp. 44-48.

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The Varieties, Classification, And Origin of Magic1