THE URBAN .HISTORIAN1 S DILEMMA:

FACELESS CITIES OR

CITIES WITHOUT HINTERLANDS?

Charles Tilly

University of Michigan

October 1981

..................................................................

CRSO WORKING PAPER NO. 248 Copies available through: Center for Research on Social Organization University of Michigan , 330 Packard Ann Arbor, Michigan 48109

TH:E URBAN HISTORIAN'S DILEMMA: FACELESS CITIES OR

CITIES WITHOUT IIINTERLANDS?

Charles Tilly Universitv of Michigan O c t o l ~ e r 1981

Historical Images of the Ci ty

History is - s o porous a subject , and writ ing history so v.arious an endeavor, t h a t

almost any image anyone -- h i s t o r i a n o r n o t --. h a s e v e r he ld o f c i t i e s a p p e a r s . *

s o m e w h e r e in a n historical account. From Herodotus' splendid Athens t o X4umford's

r o t t e n Rome, evaluations cover t h e possible range. ,A conscientious survey of urban

i m a g e s in h i s t o r y would a m o u n t t o an inventory of all existing conceptions of t h e

,ci ty. Tha t inventory woyld be charming but use.less,. like - the reproductions of antique

mail-order - catalogs which 'appear on gift-book counters toward the end of each year. . .

I t would also 6 e n ~ a n y t imes 3s bulky. True, one can economize by classifying: t h e

c i t y as a po in t in - s p a c e a s o p p o s e d ' t o . t h e c i t y a s t h e . s e t t i i g of b a t t l e s and

pageants, the c i ty a s a storehouse of civilization versus t h e ci ty a s a c e s s p o o l , t h e

1

c i t y as a m ' a r k e t o r t h e c i t y a s a n o r g a n i z a t i o n , and so on. E v e n s u c h - a

classif ication ends up,' i f fai thfully pursuerl, a n e n u m e r a t i o n of a l l t h e l o g i c a l a n d

a e s t h e t i c principles one might emplov in sor t ing cities. - An idle . task, a t best.

Instead of f r i t ter ing away effor t on t a x o n o m y , l e t u s c o n s i d e r t h e d i l e m m a

faced historians who wri te -ahou t ci t ies: how t o portray the textures of individual

cities, and vet to connect those c i t ies f irmly t o general h i s t o r i c a l p r o c e s s e s . T h e

d i l e m m a c o n f r o n t s a n urban historian who wants to place his subject in t h e overall

s t r eam of social change just as surely as i t challenges t h e political or social historian

who wants to follow broad processes of change through t h e lives of part icular cities.

I-Jow'shall we fashion a sound. analysis of t h e groiilth of l a r g e - s c a l e m a n u f a c t u r i n g

which p e r m i t s 11s t o c a p t u r e t h e d i f f e r e n c e s in the experiences of people in, say,

England's Birmingham and h':anchester d u r i n g n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t l l r y i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n ?

I-low shall we carry out tha t .dual analysis without reducing tc! bare points .on a graph

those c i t ies of tenements, alleys, canals, workers, capital ists , . widows, brawls, shouts,

and s tenches?

T h e p rob lem d o e s n o t result simply from clashing levels of abstraction, from

Tillv, U R E A N IIISTORY: 1

i n c o n s i s t e n c y between the general and the part icular. Here i s t h e difficulty: Ci t ies

a r e , a h o v e a l l , p l a c e s w h o s e a n a l y s i s r e q u i t e s a s e n s e of s p a t i a l ' a n d p h y s i c a l

s t r u c t u r e ; a n a l y s e s of broad historical processes rarely deal ef fect ively with spatial

and physical s t r l i c t ~ ~ r e . Working out t h e in~p l ica t ions of broad historical processes for

spatial and physical s t ruc tu re is never easy. As a consequence, t r e a t m e n t s of urban

geography seldom ar t i cu la te usefully with discussions of t h e development of n a t i o n a l

e l e c t o r a l politics, or of the growth of new ideologies. Likewise, historical accounts

o f revolution or of changes in family o r g a n i z a t i o n u s ~ i a l l v h a v e on ly t h e w e a k e s t

i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r c h a ~ g e s in t h e charac te r s of ci t ies as places. I t is a s if t h e t ex t

consistetl of c lus ters of .microdots, each cluster conveying i t s - own - i n t e r n a l m e s s a g e ,

h u t a l s o a p p e a r i n g t o f o r m par t of a larger message - while the magnifying glass

used to read the t ex t has only two sett ings, one for t h e inicroc!ots, the other for t h e

whole array, and notsing in between.

Why t r y t o a r t i c u l a t e the two? Why not t r e a t t h e histor'ical -development of

part icular ci t ies, and t h e c h a n g e s of . w h o l e c o u n t r i e s , a s d i s t i n c t p r o b l e m s , e a c h

recluiring i t s own i n t e l l e c t u a l f r a m e ? Why n o t w a i t f o r t h e o c c a s i o n a l daring

synthesizer t o join the two problems? Why no t? Because urhan history itself will be

t h e lose r . Wi thou t p r o v i s i o n a l - s y n t h e s i s ; u r b a n h i s t o r i a n s run the risk e i ther of

drif t ing into antiquarianism o r of following s t rong but poorl" formulated. questions in to

confusion.

If analysts of largc-scale change neglect urhan form and r e c l ~ ~ c e the c i t ies they

examine to locations in abs t rac t space, they will not only ignore a crucial f ea tu re of

t h o s e c i t i e s , bu t a l s o m i s c o n s t r u e t h e c a u s a l l inks a m o n g t h e f e a t u r e s they do

observe. Without an untlerstantling of how people use di f ferent p a r t s of a c i t y , f o r

example, students of c i t ies .easily' fall into thinking of m i ~ r a t i o n a s a solvent of social

t ics ant1 a producer of rootless individ~ials. That m i s c o n c e p t i o n , in i t s t u r n , l e a d s

easily t o the i t l e a ' t h a t lnassivc in-migration produces c r ime and conflict. Once, they

Tilly. IIREAN HISTORY: Z

see the segregation of many c i t ies into "urban villages" formed by migrants from the

, s a m e origins who a r e a t t a c h e d t o each o t h e r .by t h e r o u t i n e s of c h a i n m i g r a t i o n , . .

however, s tudents of c i t ies begin to grasp the f a c t t h a t large-sdale migration actually

c rea tes so.lidaiities and social coritrols. Only by ar t icula t ing the connections between

long 'flows of migrants and - the fine spatial organization of the c i ty do we acquire a

proper ' sense of migration's impact on the city's social life.. Similar relationships hold

for many o ther fea tu res o f . urban experience.,

T h e . u s u a l d i v i s i o n of l a b o r in u r b a n h i s t o r y m a k e s m o r e ' d i f f i c u l t t h a t

a r t i c u l a t i o n of c i t i e s . a s p l a c e s w i t h c i t ies as points within large social processes.

When, for instance, Leo Schnore assembled papers representing t h e best current work

in the "new urban history", the papers divided as follows (Schnore 1975):

Ci t ies - a s Places

Martyn J. ~ o ~ v c l e n , ' " G r o w t h of the Cen t ra l Distr icts in Z.a.rge Cit ies"

Kenneth T: Jackson, "Urban Deconcentration in t h e Nineteenth Century" . .

Kathleen Neils Conzen, " P a t t e r n s ' o f ' Residence in Early ~:l i lwaukee"

Z a n e L. M i l l e r , " U r b a n C l a c k s in t h e S o u t h , 1805-1920: T h e R i c h m o n d , . Savannah, New Orleans, Louisville and Birmingham Experience"

I

Cit ies as. .Points in Large Social Processes

Allan . R . Pred. "Large-City. Interdependence and t h e PI-e-electronic Diffusion of Innovations in t h e Uni ted . States"

G r e g o r y H. Sing ' le ton, " F u n d a m e n t a l i s m a n d U r b a n i z a t i o n : A Q u a n t i t a t i v e Crit ique of Impressionistic Interpretations"

Claudia Dale Goldin, "Urbanization and Slavery: The Issue of Compatibility"

Robert Higgs, "Urbanization and Inventiveness in t h e United Sta tes"

' Joseph A. Swanson and Je f f rey G. Williamson, "Firm Location and Optimal Ci ty -Size in American History"

Ci t ies a s Places Wtihin Large Social Processes

Tillv, U R E A N HISTORY: 3

T o b e s u r e , t h e f o u r a r ' t i c l es in ' t he f irst ca tegory bear on 'social processes which

crossed t h e boundaries of any single c i t y , a n d w h i c h d e p e n d e d o n c h a n g e s i n t h e

~ ' n i t e d ~ t a ' t e s a s a whole. Rut t h e a n a l y s e s themselves make . those 'links nei ther

explicit nor problematic.

The ' p r o b l e m i s not simply . a m a t t e r - of t h e . scale a t which part icular analysts

feel comfor table working. When. J a n e Jacohs wr.ote he r s t i ~ n u l a t i n g Death and Life of

. . G r e a t A m e r i c a n C i t i e s , s h e s h o w e d h e r s e l f t o b e a s e n s i t i v e o b s e r v e r of

neighborhood-to-neighhorhood variation in t h e t ex tu re of social life. The. whole book

c o n c e r n e d t h e e f f e c t s of s p a t i a l p a t t e r n s and huilt environment on the quality of

social in teract ion in di f ferent pa r t s of cities. Yet - ' when t h e same author tu rned ' t o

, . h e r E c o n o m y of C i t i e s , t h e c i t i e s i n q u e s t i o n c o l l a p s e d t o points on the graph.

I m p l i c i t l y , J a c o b s ' d i s t i n c t i o n s a m o n g c r a f t p r o d u c t i o n , m a s s p r o d u c t i o n , a n d

d ivers i f ied p r o d ~ i c t i & a s successive stages. in a city's m a n ~ ~ f i c t u r ' i n ~ describe places

which have -- or c.an have -- substantially di f ferent in ternal structures. More so than

mass production, diversified production ought t o make possible the sort of variety and

comple i i ty Jacobs values. Implicitly, then, t h e c1.istinctions a m o n g c r a f t , mass , a n d

. . diversified production link t h e two . books. Explicit ly, nevertheless, . Jane Jacobs does

. n o t ,work out t h e consequences of s u c c e s s i v e f o r m s . of i n d u s t r y f o r t h e c i t y a s a

place. : . .

. . O n e m o r e e x a m p l e . G a r y Nash 's r e m a r k a b l e - book , T h e Urban C r u c i b l e , . . . .

compares t h e .eighteenth-century histories of Eoston, N e w York, and ~ h i l a d e l ~ h i a u p

through the American Revolution. A number of earl ier s t u d e n t s of the period from

. the Seven Years VJar t o the Revolution hpve examined t h e geography of p o l i t i c s in

those c i t ies - delineating, for example, the roles of ac t iv is ts from the South End and

t h e North End of Eoston' during the S tamp Act crisis. Fur thermore, a comparison of

Al lan ~ u l i k o f f ' s a n a l y s i s . o f segregat ion by wealth in pre-revolutionary Boston with

S a m Bass Warner ' s o b s e r v a t i o n of o c c u p a t i o n a l m i x i n g i n e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y

Tillv, URBAN HISTORY: 4

Philadelphia suggests the possibility of significant d i f ferences in t h e s t ructures of t h e

two cit'ies: pertlaps Foston's exceptional activism depended in par t on t h e mobilization . . '

o f . p e o p l e i n class-homogeneous neighborhoods. Nash d o e s ' n o t follow the,. geographic

lead. Instead, h e t r e a t s each of t h e c i t ies a s t h e repository of a solnewhat different

mixture of social classes resulting from i ts par t icular economic position, then gives an

account of t h e various class al ignments .which emerged in t h e p o l i t i c s of t h e t h r e e

c i t i e s . T h e a c c o i ~ n t is fresh and illuminating. But i t says nothing about the th ree

c i t ies a s places. ,

O n e migh t reisonably co,rnplain t h a t u r b a n f o r m h a s l i t t l e t o do with. the

problem Nash s e t himself. 'That is exact ly t h e point: t h e current division 0.f labor in

urban history draws the line among problems a t c i ty limits: on one side, problems t o

which t h e study of ' spat ia l organization is obviously re levant , or even crucial; on t h e

o t h e r , p r o b l e m s in k h i c h i t m a k e s e m i n e n t s e n s e t o t r e a t ind iv idua l c i t i e s a s . . . .

elementary points in space; .and practically no p rob len~s , r e c o g n i z e d a s s u c h by t h e

p r a c t i t i o n e r s , which s t r a d d l e t h e l ine. As a r e s u l t , u r b a n h i s t o r y , fo r a l l i t s

occasional brilliance, rarely contributes much t o our untlerstanrlinp of t h e interaction

between large social processes and the changing form of cities.

Drawing a Elank

Even within the c i ty limits, s tudies of social processes of ten ignore the city's

spatial s t ructure . Only one case this time: S t e p h a n T h e r n s t r o m ' s m a s t e r f u l O t h e r

Bostonians t r aces the l ife histories of almost 8,000 of Eoston's residents from 1880 t o

1970. Questions about social mobility and immobility dominate the book. 'Geographic

m o b i l i t y i n t o and o u t of the ci ty, fur thermore, figures both as a technical 'problem . .

and a s an important phenomenon. But t h e book pays no a t tent ion t o mobility f rom

one par t of the ci ty to another, or t o diff.e;ences in social mobility among residents

of tliffekent pa r t s o f the ci ty. ' Not one of t h e eighty-one s ta t is t ica l tables t r e a t s t h e

city's spatial structure. The book contains nary a map of Boston. Discussions of t h e

Tillv, U R B A N HISTOPY: 5

r e l a t i o n s h i p s -- mos.tly n o n - e x i s t e n t - between the extent of a group's residential

segregation and i t s occupational achievement c o m e closest t o taking local g e o g r a p h y

i n t o a c c o u n t . S i n c e t h e d e s c r i p t i o n of residential segregation involved is a single

i n d e x s u m m e d o v e r a l l a r e a s of t h e c i t y , e v e n t h a t o n e c o n c e s s i o n t o s p a t i a l

organization falls far shor t of conveying t h e ci ty 's . . changing internal structure.

In Thernstrom's Boston, people fal l into 'ethnic and occupational categories, but

o t h e r w i s e h a v e no l o c a l e x i s t e n c e . In t h a t E o s t o n , quest ions about the locality

t ransmute themselves into questions about t h e nation as a whole: in t h e United S t a t e s . .

L.

of t h e i n d u s t r i a l age , how much, and hot\*, did opportunities for mobility vary from

t ime t o t ime and group t o group? Pursu i t o f t h o s e q u e s t i o n s d o e s n o t obv ious ly

, . r equ i re an? at tent ion to urban spatial organization. So long a s the object is t o fill in

t h e cells of a social-mobility table, one c'an t r e a t t h e city's map as a blank.

T o s o m e degree , - . t h e connec t ions .that Thernstrom and other urban historians

make with major historical ques t ions j u s t i f y t h e d r a w i n g of t h e c i t y as a blank.

B e f o r e T h e r n s t r o m init iated. a ser ies of social-mobility studies 'in one American c i ty

a f t e r another, few historians saw t h a t t r e a t m e n t s of incliviclual cities. could aim beams

of l igh t on o p p o r t u n i t y and inequality in 'American l ife as a whole - therefore , by

reflection, on the apparent lack of class-conscious militancy among American workers,

.and on . the common supposition tha t in the twent ie th centurv an open .society began

t o close down. T h e r n s t r o m d e s e r v e s c r e d i t f o r a n o u t s t a n d i n g a c c o m p l i s h m e n t .

N e v e r t h e l e s s , his accomplishment contributes l i t t l e to our sense of Boston and other

ci t ies as places with. complex internal geographies.

Many other questions historians have brought to ci t ies likewise encourage them . .

t o blank out the spatial pattern. That . i s especially t rue o f questions imported from

the social sciences: questions about demo.graphic changes in industrialization, questions

about class s t r u c t u r e , q u e s t i o n s a b o u t o r g a n i z a t i o n a l l i f e , e t c e t e r a . As s o c i a l

s c i e n t i s t s usua l ly p u r s u e those questions, locations m a t t e r l i t t l e except as evidence . .

. .

Tillv; U R B A N HISTORY: 6

about the social ca tegor ies to which people belong: living in a neighborhood high on

the hill m a r k s a f a m i l y a s e l i t e , l iv ing in a p r e d o m i n a n t l y G r e e k n e i g h b o r h o o d

s t r e n g t h e n s t h e , p r e s u m p t i o n t 'hat a f a m i l y o f G r e e k extract ion is "ethnic", o ther : . .

locations provide information for the p lacement . of o the r so r t s of peop le . L o c a t i o n . .

w i t h i n t h e c i t y . d i s s o l v e s i n t o . p o s i t i o n w i t h i n .an a b s t r a c t s o c i a l s p a c e . As a '

consequence, ' urban historians. ' look a t place afte; place w i t h o u t c o n t r i b u t i n g t o o u r

understanding. of the. organization 'of c i t ies as spaces.

Not all urban historians who examine large-scale social processes as t-hey work

themselves ou t in part icular c i t i e s ' . therefore . neglect spatial organization. In a fairly

d i rec t react ion t o . the abst ractness of social-mobility . . analyses, for example, Theodore

L , H e r s h b e r g and his fellow researchers of the Philadelphia Social History Project have

spent much of thei r energy pinpointing the locations in t h e n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y c i t y

occupied by d i f fe ren t ' sor ts of people and activit ies. Attention t o space has made i t

possible for them t o investigate how transport changes, shi f ts in the location of jobs,

and urban growth affkcted the journey t o work; tha t is only one example of the many

problems they have addressed. John Curnhler has organized his h i s to ry of working-

class l ife and collective action in nineteenth-century Lynn, Massachusetts, around the

reshaping of urban neighborhoods and ,home-work r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h t h e d e c l i n e of

s m a l l - s c a l e c r a f t p r o d u c t i o n a n d t h e c o n c e n t r a t i o n of capital in large firms. In . .

exquisitely f i n e , d e t a i l , O l i v i e r ' Z u n z has ' a n a l y z e d a l t e r a t i o n s in t h e t e x t u r e of

D e t r o i t ' s . n e i g h b o r h o o d s -- including changes in the s t ruc tu re of racial, ethnic, and

class segregation .-- with t h e growth of big industry a f t e r 1880.

Zunz 's s t u d y d e s e r v e s special a t tqnt ion, for he has deliberately undertaken t o

make t h e study of spatial s t ructure . and built environment relevant t o large questions

o f s o c i a l h i s t o r y . F o r t h a t purpose;he h a s t a k e n h i s observations of land use, . .

building type, and'. population down t o the individual plot ,and s t ructure . Zunz argues

(a1 though w i t h m a n y qualifications and considerable. subtlety) tha t processes re la t ing

Tilly, U R B A N 14ISTORY: 7

people t o thei r work dominate the shape of t h e c i ty - for example? t h a t in periods

. when. t h e urban labor force is. growing largely t h r o u g h t h e in f lux of l o n g - d i s t a n c e

migrants via chain-migration .the local clusters c rea ted by t h e migration dominate the

map of the ' city. He argues, f u r t h e f m o r e , t h a t t h e s c a l e of p r o d u c t i o n s t r o n g l y

a f f e c t s t h e s c a l e of s e g r e g a t i o n - where- uporkplaces a r e generally very small, for

instance, segregation by class and common origin takes t h e form of small clusters of

similar households. I t follows t h a t ' an observer who looks- a t changes a t the level of

relat ively large geographic units such a s wards o r census t r a c t s is likely t o m i s t a k e

a n i n c r e a s e i n t h e s c a l e of s e g r e g a t i o n . . . f o r t h e e m e r g e n c e of segrega t ion in a

previously mixed city. In the case of D e t r o i t . t h e s e t w o p r i n c i p l e s -combined t o

. p r o d u c e a f u n d a m e n t a l rearrangement of Detroi t ' s ground plan arounct World War I.

Then., Zunz t e l l s us , t h e r a p i d e x p a n s i o n of a u t o m o b i l e p l a n t s an'd o t h e r l a r g e .

e m p l o y e r s c o u p l e d ivtti-th t h e migrat ion of blacks and whites .from the South to the

ci ty, and rapidly c rea ted the c lass - a n d r a c e - s e g r e g a t e d i n d u s t r i a l c i t y w e know

t o d a y . - Zunz 's a n a l y s i s t akes spatial s t r u c t u r e seriously, without forgett ing why we

.might b e ' i n t e r e s t e d in i t as' a clue t o general social processes . Such a n a l y s e s a r e

rare.

U r b a n h i s t o r i a n s . f a c e a r e a l d i l e m m a . Cons t ra i r i ed by today ' s questions,

mater ia ls? and proceclures: they do n o t e a s i l y , o r o f t e n , e x a m i n e t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p

between large historical processes and the t ex tu res of individual cities. For the most

par t , the" t r e a t t h e two separately. They ' bring togethe; historical processes and city

t ex tu res mainly by. broad allusions a t t h e beginnings and ends of studies which remain

doggedly on one side of t h e line or t h e o'ther. his despite' Oscar Handlin's twentv-

year-old challenge to his colleagues:

T h e d i s t i n c t i v e f e . a t u r e o f t h e g r e a t m o d e r n c i t v is i t s unique . p a t t e r n . o f

relat ions t o the world within which i t i s s i t u a t e d . L a r g e -enough t o h a v e a

charac te r of i ts own, the modern c i tv is yet inextricably linked to, dependent

. .

Tillv, URBAN HISTORY: 8

upon , t h e s o c i e t y o u t s i d e i t ; a n d ' g r o w t h in s i z e has increased ra the r than

diminished t h e force of tha t dependence. . o u t of tha t relat ionship s p r i n g t h e

.centra l .problems of urban history - those of the organization of space within

the c i ty , of t h e creat ion of order . among i t s people, and of the adjustment t o

i t s new conditions by the human personality. . .

I t is, of course, perfect ly possible t o approach t h e history o f these communities

in a purely descriptive fashion - t o prepare useful a c c o u n t s o f . municipalities,

.marke t s and d u ~ t u r a l cen te r s o n a n e m p i r i c a l bas is . E u t s u c h e f f o r t s wi l l

c e r t a i n l y b e m o r e r e w a r d i n g if t h e y a r e r e l a t e d t o l a r g e q u e s t i o n s of a

common and comparat ive na tu re (Nandlin 1963: 3).

What i s m o r e ; t w o hundred pages fa r the r into t h e same book, Eric Lampard e c h o e s .

Oscar Handlin:

Although the re a r e l imits t o whic'h, (sic) any one .discipline could o r should t r e a t -

urban developments in thei r e n t i r e t y , i t i s t i m e s u r e l y t o f r a m e a b r o a d e r

approach t o urban history, one tha t elucidates concrete iocal si tuations in t h e

s a m e t e r m s . that a r e used t o t r e a t more genera l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s in s o c i e t y .

Individual ci t ies, for example, can be t r ea ted a s part icular accomodations t o a

many-sided s.ocieta1 process: urbanization . . . The scope of h i s t o r i c a l s t u d i e s

shou ld t h u s b e b r o a d e n e d a n d m o r e s y s t e m a t i c . e f f o r t m a d e t o r e l a t e t h e . .

configurations of individual comnlunities t o on-going c h a n g e s t h a t . h a v e b e e n

reshaping societv (Lampard 1963: 233). . .

In the very same volume, .ironically, the s p e c u l a t i v e and t h e o r e t i c a l e s s a y s s p r i n g

gracefully from broad social 'changes t o urban form and back, while the two sustained

discussions of a part icular c i ty - studies of Phi ladelphia by Sam Bass W a r n e r a n d . .

Anthony G a r v a n -- barely mention the interaction between national or international

processes and the reshaping of the city. Conclusion: br idging t h e g a p i s e a s i e r t o

Tilly, U R B A N ?IISTORY: 9

a d v o c a t e t han t o accomplish.

Bridges Across t h e G a p

h evert he less, de t e rmined s t u d e n t s of c i t i e s hive ' found a , f ew s t anda rd ways to

c ros s t h e divide b e t w e e n l a rge soc ia l changes and a l t e r a t ions within pa r t i cu l a r ci t ies .

We m i g h t c a l l t h e t h r e e most prominent . aloha1 r each , space-economy,, and citv-as-

t hea t e r .

~ l o b a l r e i c h cons is t s o f evoking a principle which pe rvades an e n t i r e soc i e ty . o r

civi l izat ion! t hen t r e a t i n g t h e in t e rna l organiza t ion of c i t i e s as a d i r e c t expression of

t h a t ' principle. . Max Weber. Oswald Spengler , 11enri P i renne , and Arnold Toynbee all

invented global-reach a c c o u n t s of c i t ies . Kone of t h e m , ho\q.!ever, provided a s ful l a

. s t , i t e m e n t as Lewis ~ u m f o r d has. In The C i t y in History and many o t h e r wri t ings, ,

Mumford h a s worked ' o u t a n analysis of c i t i e s as e x p r e s s i o n s o f t w o p r i n c i p l e s , i n

varying chmbi'nations." T h e f i r s t principle: accumula t ion , syrnhol.ized by t h e Neol i th ic

agr icu l tura l village. T h e second: c o n q u e s t , s y m b o l i z e d hy t h e P a l e o l i t h i c h u n t e r .

either o n e i n i t se l f , thinks Mumford, l eaves much room for leisured, humane d a i l y '

l ife. T h e i n i t i a l synthes is of t h e - t w o principles, however , produced tlie f i r s t c i t i e s --

s m a l l i n s c a l e a n d h e a v i l y d e p e n d e n t o n a g r i c u l t u r e , b u t n o n e t h e l e s s combining

warrior-kingship wi th unpreceden ted accumula t ion of goods.

From then on, according to Mum.ford, t h e e x t e n t and ba lance of accumula t ion

and- conquest. d e t e r m i n e d . t h e i n t e r n a l s t r u c t u r e o f ' c i t i e s . I t a l s o l i m i t e d t h e i r

v i a b i l i t y . ' In Europe, h e says , a re la t ive ly modes t and ba lanced advance of t h e t w o

principles c r e a t e d t h e h a r m o n i e s o f M e d i e v a l c i t i e s : w a l l , m a r k e t , f o r t r e s s , a n d

c a t h e d r a l m a r k e d ol i t a c i t y in which even people of m o d e r a t e c i r c u m s t a n c e s could

l ive comfor tably . Hyper t rophy o f conques t a n d c o n t r o l p r o d u c e d t h e o s t e n t a t i o u s

B a r o q u e c i t y , w i t h i t s p a l a c e s , m o n u m e n t s , and p a r a d e grounds. Exaggera t ion of

accumula~t ion and consumpt ion produced t h e g r i t t y Industr ial c i t y , wi th i t s t e n e m e n t ,

gr idwork s t r e e t s , ahd smokes tacks . Pushed beyond all.. hounds by t h e m a s t e r s of t h e

Tillv, U R B A N I.TISTORY: 10

l a t e r i n d u s t r i a l c i t y , i n c e s s a n t c o n q u e s t and. (especial]") accumulation destroy any

possibility of humane- existence, indeecl'any semblance of an urban communi ty . T h e

c i ty rlestroys itself. We live in the image of Rome:

From t h e standpoint of both politics and urbanism, Rome' remains a significant

lesson of .what t o a.void: i t s historv presents a ser ies of c lass ic dangers signals . .

t o warn one mhen l ife i s moving in t h e w r o n g d i r e c t i o n . W h e r e v e r c r o w d s

g a t h e r i n s u f f o c a t i n g n u m b e r s , w h e r e L e r r e n . t s . r i s e s t e e p l y a n d .housing

conditions deter iora te , wherever a one-sided exploitat ion of d i s t a n t t e r r i t o r i e s

removes the pressure t o achieve balance and harmonv nearer a t hand, the re the

precedents of Roman building almost automat ical ly revive, a s they h a v e c o m e

b a c k today : t h e a r e n a , t h e tall t enement , . t h e mass contes ts and exhibitions,

t h e football matches , t h e international beauty con tes t s , t h e s t r i p - t e a s e m a d e

u b i q u i t o u s by ' a d v e r t i s e m e n t , t h e c o n s t a n t t i t i l l a t i o n .of the senses by sex,

liquor,, and--violence -- al l in t rue om an style. . So, too, t h e multiplication of

b a t h r o o m s and t h e over-expenditure on broadly paved motor roads, and above

all, t h e massive collective concentration on glib e p h e m e r a l i t i e s of a l l k inds ,

p e r f o r m e d w i t h supreme technical audacity. These a r e symptoms of the end:

niagnifications of demoralized power? minifications of life. When t h e s e s igns

m u l t i p l y , ~ e c r o ~ o l i s is n e a r , though, not a s tone has yet- crumbled. For the

barbarian .has already captured t h e c i ty from within. Come, hangman! 'Come,

vulture! (Mumford. 1961: 242). . .

Although Mumford ' s a n a l y s i s i s c o n t e s t a b l e in many \trays and incomplete in many

others, i t h i s t h e virtue of creating a di rect link hetween large s o c i a l c h a n g e s a n d

, . the spatial organization of cities: The changing priori t ies of dominant classes. produce

decisions which dominate t h e locations and distributions. of activit ies, populations, and

s t r u c t u r e s w i t h i n the city. That argument m a t t e r s to Mumford because i t suggests

the possibility of changing the t e s t u r e of c i t ies by a l ter ing priorities. I t ma t te r s to,

Tilly, URBAN FJ1STOR.Y: I 1

us because i t indicates one escape from the historian's dilemma. .Global reach makes

t h e same principles tha t inform social l i fe in general reshape t h e internal s t ruc tu re of

cities. . .

Space-economy builds a very di f ferent bridge. A s . Eric Lampard's ever-skeptical

but always-hopeful essays have established over t h e years, econbm i c h i s t o r i a n s k e e p

alive the ' idea tha t the logic of costs (and, t o a lesser ex ten t? of benefits) d ic ta tes a

dist inctive spat ia l pa t t e rn f o r e a c h s y s t e m - of p r o d u c t i o n a n d d i s t r i b u t i o n . T h a t

spatial pa t t e rn s t re tches seamlessly froni the sca le of a neighborhood to . t h e scale of

a continent. Richard Meier, for example, has sketched a "communications theory" of

u r b a n g r o w t h , i n which t r a n s a c t i o n c o s t s u n d e r v a r y i n g t e c h n o l o g i e s a f f e c t the

re la t ive feasibility of conveying goods, services, and various so r t s of information over

long d i s t a n c e s o r s h o r t , and t h u s - s h a p e neighborhoods and continents a t the same

time. Allan Pred tre 'ats , " b i a s e d i n f o r m a t i o n f i e l d s " a s d e t e r m i n i n g , t h e r e l a t i v e

a d v a n t a g e s o f . different locations for the pursuit of major activit ies, and as thereby . .

constraining t h e wholk pa t t e rn .of urhan growth. Whi le m a k i n g l e s s o f t h e . f o r m a l

s t ruc tu re of space-economy, Yves Lequin has analyzed nineteenth-century Lyon and i t s

hinterland a s a single interdependent s i t e of, industrial product ion. And G. Will iam . . . -

S k i n n e r . h a s e x t e n d e d a c l a s s i c t r e a t m e n t o f s p a c e - e c o n o m y -- t h e e c o n o m i c .:

g e o g r a p h e r s ' motlel of n e s t e d ,u rban h i e r a i c h i e s b u i l t u p f r o m t h e m a r k e t s fo r

different 6ommodities -- into a portrayal of the en t i re Chinese urban system.

In add i t ion t o his i m a g i n a t i v e l e a p f r o m . a n a b s t r a c t ' m a r k e t r e g i o n t o a .

concre te Chinese subcontinent and the indefatigable assembly o f . evidence on Chinese

regions, Skinner has added t o t h e . in teres t . of t h e c lass ic mode l by c o n c e i v i n g o f . a

China character ized by not one but two urban systems: a bottom-up hierarchy created

by t h e unsteady filling in of markets with ;he growth of production of trade; a top-

down h i e r a r c h y c r e a t e d se l f -consciously by imperial agents intent on conquest and

control. The paral le ls t o Mumford ' s p r i n c i p l e s of a c c u m u l a t i o n and c o n t r o l a r e

Tilly, UREAN FITSTORY: 12

. .

engaging. But ' even more engaging is skinner's .proposal tha t the re la t ive position of

any community within t h e two hierarchies determines i t s internal s t ruc tu re -- .with a

location t h a t s tands "higher" with respect t o t h e marke t h ierarchy. than with respect

to imperial control -tencling t o give priori ty o f p o w e r a n d s p a c e t o m e r c h a n t s a n d

m a r k e t i n g r a t h e r t h a n t o a d m i n i s t r a t o r s and ,administration. (The' proposal avoids'

tautolbg)r bec 'ause Skinner ' s mode l s p e c i f i e s t h e e x p e c t e d s i z e s a n d gc50graphic . .

positions of .places a t d i f ferent levels of t h e two hierarchies.) Clearly, these models

of space-economy p r o v i d e t h e m e a n s , a t l e a s t in p r i n c i p l e , of b r i d g i n g t h e g a p

between urban spatial s t ructure and large-scale social process'es.

The third may across . i s very .d i f ferent . I t i s t o c o n c e i v e of t h e c i t y a s a

. t h e a t e r f o r t h e h u m a n drama. The main problems and developments of t h e d rama

a r e very genera l ; b u t , t h e y w o r k t h e m s e l v e s o u t in a p a r t i c u l a r s e t t i n g , a n d in

response t o i t s parti&larities. ~ i c h a r d Trexler , for example, has shown us the g rea t

families of Floretice living out the rivalry among patron-client .networks tha t informed

the lives of Italy's Renaissance cities. Trexler por t rays the public display of wealth

and following in the g rea t civic process ions a s a c o n t e x t in which t h e f a i l u r e t o . .

command deference ancl e n w not only cost a family self-esteem, but also decreased

i t s in . f luence in t h e c i t y ' s s u b s e q u e n t a f f a i r s . In t h e p r o c e s s , h e t r e a t s t h e

importance, of family palaces and public squares a s se t t ings for the ritualized combat

among clienteles. . Thus the organi'zation and 'use of urban space ' become part of t h e

s t rugg le for power.

Sim.ilarly, John Rrewer has used ' the popular movements and e lectora l struggles

of t h e eighteenth-century London a r e a t p e x a m i n e t h e e m e r g e n c e of a r t i c u l a t e d

d e m a n d s fo r popular' sovereigntv in Britain and i t s American colonies. More. than a

"case study'!, t h e an.a lys is of London's s t r u g g l e s r e v e a l s t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of a n

ic1eology;a v o c a b u l a r y , a n d a r e p e r t o i r e of a c t i o n tha t would eventually become

dominant in t h e English-speaking \vorld. Erewer's analysis is an imperfect example of

l'illy, I J R B A N HISTORY: 13

t h e c i t y - a s - t h e a t e r , . f o r i t s l ights the day-to-dav use of the city's space: the ways

tha t file a f t e r f i le of protes ters marched through t h e Strand on t h e way t o peti t ion

the king a t St. J a m e s or Par l iament a t Westminster, the incorporation of Southwark's

King's Eench Prison (si te of John Wilkes' imprisonment in 1768) in to t h e Sacred Way

of Wi 1 k i t e process ions , ' the use of local coffeehouses as rallying-places for d i f ferent

t rades 'and thei r in teres ts , t h e significance o f . Mansion House and Guildhall a s points

o f r e f e r e n c e for c ivic ' and corpqrate power. Yet Erewer's por t rayal of the ' tbrbulent

gatherings on the"hustings during t h e ' c o n t e s t e d e l e c t i o n s o f t h e - l a t e r e i g h t e e n t h

c e n t u r y o p e n s t h e way t o a n integration of large political processes, extending far

beyond London, with the uses of t h e city's ter r i tory as a s t a g e for the working out of

- those processes.

What Rime Has This Space?

Global reach, space-economy, and city-as-theater mi t igate the urban historian's

dilemma, but they do not r e s o l v e i t c o m p l e t e l y . G l o b a l - r e a c h a c c o u n t s b e g t h e

question o f the mechanisms , t ranslating very large social processes into the forms of

c i t i e s . S p a c e - e c o n o m y a c c o u n t s s a y l i t t l e a b o u t t h e r e l a t i o n s of d o m i n a n c e ,

s u b o r d i n a t i o n , s o l i d a r i t y , a n d c o n f l i c t , t h a t . i n f o r m a n y . c i t y t s s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e .

Presenting t h e c i ty a s t h e a t e r almost .inevitably takes t h e s t age se t t ing for - granted, . .

i n s t e a d of exp19ining how i t c h a n g e s . Of c o u r s e , any' t h e o r y which purports to . .

explain e le ry th ing probably explains nothing.. Nevertheless, we might hope for a more

c o m p r e h e n s i v e analysis. of t h e connections' between urban spatial s t ructure and large

social processes than a n y of t h e three. , approaches now .permits.

At the moment , the problem does .not result mainly from our ignorance about

ci t ies a s such. I t lies in t h e re la t ive weakness of ava i l ab le a c c o u n t s of. t h e l a r g e

s o c i a l p r o c e s s e s i m p . i n g i n g o n c i t i e s . ' A n ,unduly t e c h n o l o g i c a l a c c o u n t of

industrialization has hidden the role of t h e a.ccumulation ancl concentration of capi ta l

. in t h e s h a p i n g o f w@stern"cit ies. An excessively, optimistic account of ' s ta temaking

Tilly. URGAN I-IISTORY: 14

has disguised the importance of coercion, extract ion, and surveillance in creat ing the

patrolled metropolis we know today.. The conjunction of capitalism and s t a t e m a k i n g

c rea ted the contemporary western city, with i t s extraordinary concatenation of large

workplaces,.' residential segregation by class, h igh-pr iced c e n t r a l l o c a t i o n s , m a s s i v e

governmental intervention t o assure the prof i table use of those centra l locations, huge

but shaky sys tems of transportation, and political s t r u g g l e o v e r t h e c o l l e c t i o n a n d

a l l o c a t i o n of munic ipa l revenues. Conceptions of global reach, space-economy, and

c i ty-as- theater c a n e a c h c o n t r i b u t e t o o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e w a y s in which

c a p i t a l i s m and s t a t e m a k i n g p e r f o r m e d t h e s e d u b i o u s wonders . But i t will t a k e

renewed conceptions of capitalism and s ta temaking themselves t o surmount t h e urban

his t o r i an ' s d i l e m m a . With those renewed conceptions, urban historians will begin t o

understand t h e western city as the a rena in which capital ist power and s t a t e p o w e r

n o t on ly s e t t h e m a i n t h e m e s of the d rama, but also rearrange the very s t a g e o n .

which i t s players ac t .

Tillv, U R B A N HISTORY: 15

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