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The Simple Present TenseUsed as Historical Present in English
Mariko Higuchi Kyushu Institute of Technology, Iizuka
O. Introduction
This article aims to show that the proper recognition of the intrinsic
nature of the simple present in English leads to the natural explanation
of the functional meaning and the mechanism of the simple present
tense used as the "historical present" (hereafter SHP) exemplified in
(1).
(1) This scruffy-looking student comes into my office yesterday and
says he wants a loan.
This use of the simple present tense has been considered exceptional in
at least two ways. One facet of such specialties is characterized in
terms of the aspectual property. Generally, a present is imperfective,
but Langacker(1991), for example, sees SHP as a special perfective
case. In his framework of Cognitive Grammar, what is described by a
verb is called a process. A process is an entity that can be conceptualized
in terms of passing of time. When it involves a change through time,
it is called perfective and otherwise it is imperfective. According to
him, a perfective process is bounded, contractible, replicable and
heterogeneous. Traditionally it is called an event. Perfectivity and
oo Mariko Higuchiimperfectivity are complementary to each other. An imperfective
process is generally called a state. What is described in the present is
'almost always imperfective as in He knows it. As Langacker(1991:
252) explains, a perfective present generally cannot arise because
describing a perfective in the present tense requires that the speaker
initiate his utterance simultaneously with the event's onset, before he
has a chance to identify its whole including its endpoint. And he
further notes that the verbs in generics(A beaver builds dams),
habituals (He runs every day), recipes (Yoza salt the onion), directions
(You turn right at the bank) actually are also imperfective, because it
is not the event per se that is described by the clauses, but the stable
role as part of the script of how the world is expected to work. This
claim implies that the function of tense is not to point to the location
of the event, but to show where the content of the clause applies to.
But in dealing with (1), he classifies it as perfective, giving a special
account for it, which seems rather farfetched and questionable, as we
will see in section 3. Presumably, this is because he sees SHP as
exceptional. I suspect that this is one of the reasons why SHP has not
been fully explained yet. The central purpose of this paper is to show
that the aspect involving SHP exemplified in (1) is also imperfective
and there is nothing special about SHP in this respect and to give a
fuller alternative analysis for this phenomenon. To achieve this purpose,
this article seeks the intrinsic nature of the simple present tense that
its core and peripheral usage and SHP all share. Also, photo captions,
historical summaries in the simple present will be analyzed, since they
The Simple Present Tense Used as Historical Present in English 61
are similar to SHP in the respect that they also are concerned with the
real past events.
Another specialty or oddity often talked about SHP is that it
seemingly goes against the general rule that the present tense is about
a present situation. It certainly makes no sense to postulate that the
present tense is just both about the present and the past. Though
some people such as Wolfson(1981) say that the tense has no temporal
meaning, no one would deny that the central use of the present tense
basically involves something in the present. So what is necessary here
is to clarify the intrinsic meaning of the present in this central use
and how SHP retains it. In another words, in what sense SHP is about
the present, how the central meaning of the present can be applied to
the case of SHP'. Specifically, this article claims that, although the
event being referred to by the sentence above may have occurred
originally in the actual past, the sentence itself directly pertains to the
present image of the structural understanding of the event. And SHP
is in the frame-like context that makes the process involving it
understood as something in the past originally. In another words, SHP
involves a mental space within another. It is analogous to a picture in
the frame that one is leoking at now. Although the picture may be
about originally the real past event, this way, it can also be seen as
a present. In this sense also, SHP is not so special and the simple
present morpheme does the job as it usually does. It is the context
which might be cailed a bit special. The character of the context will
be touched upon in section 2.4 and 4.
62 Mariko HiguÅëhi I suspect that it is because SHP has been treated as something
exceptional as above that SHP has not been fully explicated, When we
look at a thing as exceptional, we often stop thinking further about it
and we tend to overlook something important about it. And quite
often, the intrinsic property of the matter can be found in these cases
that are seen rather peripheral and exceptional.
As it is weli-known, the standard account for the historical present
(hereafter HP) goes that it describes events in the past as if they were
occurring at the moment of speaking to achieve vividness. Obviously,
however, this explanation cannot be plausible, since one does not use
the simple present form to describe events unfolding right now at the
moment of speaking to begin with. In English, it is the progressive
form and not the simple one that is used to describe the action taking
place at the moment of speech. You do not say, "He takes a shower"
to describe the action occurring right now. Therefore it is quite
unreasonable to assume that the use of the simple present tense can
make it seem that the action is unfolding at the speaker's present.
The traditional explanation above may apply if it is limited to the
progressive HP without any problem, but for HP in the simple form,
it obviously does not work. One of the reasons this paper particularizes
SHP as a target subject here is that it is almost always SHP such as
(1) that is given as an example in the traditional account of HP
above, which is actually quite at odd with the fact above.
Langacker(1991) and Ushie(1993) claim that HP involves the shifting
of the deictic center. This can be seen as a little more sophisticated
The Simple Present Tense Used as Historical Present in English 63
version of the traditional account above. Though there may be some
truth in this, this account alone cannot explain, for example, why
yesterday, a deictic adverb which presupposes the original deictic
center, can co-occur with SHP as in (1). If the present form is used
because the speaker is in effect pretending that the events are taking
place at the time of speaking or their time orientation is set up at the
moment of the actual event's occurrence, the use of yesterday would
be unaccountable. We need one mental space within another to cope
with this, since we have the speaker's deictic center from which the
event is viewed as something that happened the previous day, which
corresponds to the adverb. This paper wi11 claim that one mental space
that constitutes the world of SHP and the outside world from which
the speaker can identify the event as the one that took place the
previous day are both part of the speaker's present where the deictic
center resides.
First of all, the discussion here will concentrate on the relationship
between the nature of the simple present tense and the aspectual
distinction shown above. Then analyzing some types of the simple
present examples, I will argue that the process described by SHP is
inevitably imperfective and about the present. Second, going through
some problems concerning the traditional account of SHP, we will
clarify how actually SHP works.
1. The imperfectivity and the simple present tense
In order to have a proper view of SHP, the aspectual distinction is
M Mariko Higuchiimportant. As Langacker' s Cognitive Grammar correctly characterizes,
conceptualizing a process requires the passing of time, while a noun is
irrelevant to it2. A perfective process involving a change through time
is depicted in Fig. 1. When we scan it sequentially as time goes from
tl to t4, we can recognize the change of location. A verb also can
describe a situation that does not involve a change through time.
When images scanned sequentially are virtually identical through time
as in Fig. 2, we categorize the process as imperfective. According to
Langacker(1987) , an imperfective process is unbounded within the scope
of predication, homogeneous and contractible because every component
image itself in the scanning is its whole and the same at any moment
in the time concerned. Typically, what we call statives such as is and
know in (3) are categorized imperfective.
oo oooo o
-----:------•--o---
-tlt2t3t4t-M t:':--:':-!:1t2t3t4t
Fig. 1 Fig. 2(2) The ball dropped. (3) The ball is there.
It fell over. He knows it. , (4) He runs everyday.
One should note that a process is not necessarily perfect.ive just
because the verb used is normally regarded as an action verb. When
we take a verb such as run without context for example, it typically
The Simple Present Tense Used as Historical Present in English 65
evokes some kind of movement. However, in actual use, for example,
He runs everyday can be said to describe a certain regularity of the
subject's daily practice which is stable through time, rather than a
change through time. Therefore, rzan could be an imperfective process.
If the line of small circles in Fig. 2 symbolizes the habitual and stable
situation, we can regard Fig. 2 as a figure demonstrating He runs
everyday.
An imperfective process can perhaps be comparable to the video
movie showing a static scene. The components of such a film are
actually a series of identical pictures each of which has the whole
image of the process. It takes only one component to represent the
whole and we can identify it in a point-like present moment. This is
not possible with a perfective process. To get a whole picture of a
perfective process that begins and ends requires a certain duration,
even if it is punctual like flash.Ithink this is the main reason why a
perfective present cannot arise. In order to be able to identify a
perfective process, it is necessary to wait till the process ends, which
will result in the past tense.
Of course, it is possible to capture a perfective process at a present
point, if we view it from the middle of it from the inner point of
view. That is the case with a progressive. But what can be captured
at a moment is by no means the whole picture, but it is necessarily
only one fragmentary component. The momentary fragment caught at
the present represents the event as such and when it is combined with
be as the main verb, which makes the resultative process imperfective.
os Mariko HiguchiTherefore the progressive is imperfective, too. As Langacker claims, a
progressive form is a devise to imperfectivize a perfective process. I
think it is because a perfective in English is incompatible with the
present that we need to imperfectivize it to capture at the present
moment. That is to say, we cannot but view the perfective process
from the middle of on-going process to capture it at the point-like
present. This is the primary reason you cannot say He talees a shower
now, referring to somebody's present action. For that purpose, we
normally use the progressive, He is taking a shower now. He takes a
shower now usually means somebody's habitual practice, which renders
an imperfective construal.
So far, we have seen the imperfectivity of the simple present through
rather typical cases. Before going into SHP and less central types of
the simple present, it should be worth while cursory looking at other
examples of the simple present. As you see, none of the followings
describes an actual event taking place at the present moment.
(5) Abeaver builds dams. (generics)(6) Andy walks to center stage and sits on the sofa. (stage direction)
(7) That night Cinderella goes to the ball in the clothes. (summary)
(8) First you slice potatoes and onions and sprinkle with cheese, salt,
and pepper. (recipe)(9) You go down this road as far as the market, and turn right.
(direction)
(10) He takesashower now. (habitual practice)
They are a quality or nature of things: how a story goes, how things
The Simple Present Tense Used as Historical Present in English 67
work, procedures of things and the systems in the world which, we
see, stay virtually the same for at least a certain period of time.
They are in the present because they apply at the present. For example,
a recipe consists of a series of instructions or a procedure that comprises
basically stable ideas about how we make a dish. Example (7) is a
part of how a story goes. The structure of the story itself does not
change once it is understood as it is. Once the structural content of
the Cinderella story per se is understood, that of a minute ago, a
couple of months ago and now are virtually the same. They take the
simple present form because the relation of things they describe holds
true at the present moment in the speaker's mind. Though these, of
course, do not exhaust the usage of the simple present tense, the
imperfectivity can be seen as the property that the form inevitably
bears3.
2. What SHP involves
2.1. AIternative imageries of an event
Now we have come to the point of examining a case of SHP such as
(11). We have seen that theoretically, it is only when the events are
imaged imperfectively that they can be realized in the simple present
tense. Nevertheless, it appears as if (11) received a perfective construal,
since it evokes the corresponding original action that must have taken
place in the past.
os Mariko Higuchi(11)( =(1)) This scruffy-looking student comes into my office yesterday
and says he wants a loan.
However, there is no reason we have to assume that the verbs in (11)
represent the original perfective actions directly, since it is the imagery
that matters here. Before the past event is put into words, it must be
recalled and mentally replayed. And the morphological form employed
for it corresponds to how it is imaged at that time in the mind. Of
course the recalled image could be in motion and perfective in our
mind more or less as it was perceived (which of course results in the
past tense). Yet there could also be alternative images for the same
action. It could be imaged imperfectively when it is recalled. For
example, you can draw a picture of somebody in motion. The picture
itself of course does not move, but you can picture the motion. Our
capacity of imagery makes it possible. As we will see next, a photo
caption can be in the simple present tense. I presume it is because an
static image of the photo itself mediates the event in question and the
description .
There are many cases that the originally the same thing can be
imaged differently. One example can be seen in one of the famous
ambiguous figures such as Wittgenstein's "duck-rabbit" (Fig. 3). As is
well known, it can be imaged as a duck or as a rabbit, although the
figure itself does not change. The tenses being employed to describe an
event are comparable to these images. When it is perfective and
dynamic, it is ended when it is put into words at the speaker's
present. So the past tense is chosen for it. When it is imperfective,
The Simple Present Tense Used as Historical Present in English 69
Fig. 3
the present can be chosen.
Of course, an imperfective image may not always be like a picture,
but perhaps a more abstract one. I would like to try to picture the
abstract image, using Fig. 1 again that can be seen as a movement of
a ball as time goes on. In this imagery, there actually is one ball
moving. Now, if we just subtly change the way to look at the same
figure, we can also see it as a picture of four balls that represent the
location at the respective time. It, as a whole, stays immobile in
front of us as it does. This alternative viewing could be illustrated
from a different angle as in Fig. 4 which is meant to depict Fig. 1
being unchanged through time. Each slice is meant to show the
identical copy of Fig. 1. Moreover, if we go on abstracting the
figure on each slice in Fig. 4 and regard each as a dot, it could be
schematized as Fig. 2. This paper claims that this type of schematization
involves when SHP occurs; we are sequentially scanning the resultative
schematic image which is imperfective.
70 Mariko Higuchi
oo o oooo-.--M.-----d--b•--d---"C
"- 1::/i-"ilE--"lllli'"""'llZ't -2t3t4t'-"t:":"'--!-:M-il':-m-ml)År1t2t3t4t
Fig• 1 Fig. 29•gt,o 9q pa
:Ii, il ii'i;: li l!'
---ee-----eee-e-"e
k•:o
liR
q ts %kg ll Fig. 4
t
The dynamic movement of the ball can only be captured with a lapse
of time. In order to show it as the way it is with the actual time
involvement, one would need a video set to store it and replay the
actual falling. Therefore, Fig. 1 in a way is a schematic illustration
of the trace of the ball's movement. This way can make the description
possible on paper. When it,is depicted as in Fig. 1, the actual time
has gone through a kind of abstraction. It is with this power of
imagery that we can visualize time which are inherently invisible as in
symbols tl, t2, t3 and t4 in the figure. In addition, we can even
conceptualize different time points simultaneously which cannot exist
The Simple Present Tense Used as Historical Present in English 71
at a tlme.
2.2. Analogy between photo captions and SHP
Now let us look at the underlined verbs in photo caption examples
(12) and (13) that explain the respective photos in the newspaper shown in
Figures 5, 6 and 7.
TOGETHER FOREVER
Fig.5
Asso[JAtadPTtss HUIHFqO.-SON
(The San Diego Union-Tribune, Nov.8,1994)
72 Mariko Higuchi cover the gra vc of 14-month-"tdAlex Sni ith and his brother, S-ynar-old iWrichael, tuho were hurted together vesterdayin PVest SPrings, S.C 77reir father, Pat,id Sntith rright), hreaks dotvn as he teat,es thc fttnerat seri,ice escorted bÅr, hts uncle, DougFig•6 ;i',V'Li,`,?b,`ueesi..
.S'mtth, Theboys' hodies tuern found tn a rar at thc bottttm of a takt' ntnn days aftt't th`'ir m"thi', tt'rn,rtd'd tht'tn abdtiftiJ`/ .SJtt.tK Jtt,"' chtt t/t,'tl u'tth titi'rr ,m`,tl,', St,,ty, ,.1 ,J
(The San Diego Union-Tribune, Nov.8,1994)
Fig.7
ASSOCIATED PRESSJoan Stei,ens, a Smith family f)iend, cleans thefomily plot in
Union, S.C.,yesterday. The boys zvill be buried there today
(The San Diego Union-Tribune, Nov.7,1994)
The Simple Present Tense Used as Historical Present in English 73
(12) Flowers and signs cover the grave of 14-month-old Alex Smith and
this brother, 3-year-old Michael, who were buried together yesterday
in West Springs, S. C. Their father, David Smith breaks down as he leaves the funeral service escorted by his uncle, Doug Smith,
and his step-mother, Susan Smith.
'(13) Joan Stevens, a Smith family friend, cleans the family plot in Union, SC. yesterday. The boys will be buried there today.
As you see, they are in the simple present tense despite the fact that
the processes involving these photos and captions must have occurred
in the past and are originally perfective. Those pictures themselves
show only a momentary fragment of the perfective processes. If you
see the moment as a representative of the whole action by neutralizing
the difference in the component states in the scanning, it would result
.in a progressive form. A photo caption can also be in the progressive
to correspond to a moment in the middle of the action. Also, you
--could see it symbolically as a schematic representation that comprises
the sequentially scanned images of the whole action itself, just as
when you diagram the movement of the ball as in Fig. 2, 3 and 4 in
the previous section. By diagramming the scanned images, you can see
.what actually takes time to see at a time by abstracting the time
away once and the resultative static relation itself does not involve a
change through time; hence it can be conceived as imperfective. I
presume this kind of schematization that has a highly abstract property
--renders the image of the action stability. The simple present tense is
used in examples (12) and (13) because they directly pertain to schematic
74 Mariko Higuchiand thus imperfective images.
Notice that in (12) describing Fig. 5, the verb, cover is in the present
because it is about the action depicted in the photo, Fig. 5. Whereas
were buried is in the past since this action is outside the photo,
though both covering and burying must have occurred sequentially on
the same day in the past. Note also the use of yesterday in (12) and
(13).
I claim this schematic image we can see through a photo can be
comparable to the image that mediates the actually perceived past
action and SHP. Structuring the actual past events as we recall them
involves schematization, which creates an imperfective image that can
exist at the present moment. Then this can be realized in the simple
present tense. Of course a certain condition is necessary for it to be
used as SHP. We will discuss it in relation to the function of the
frame in section 2,4 and 4 in detail. Meanwhile, I would like to go
into the schematic images involving the simple present tense a little
further with other examples.
2.3. Schematic image
A schema, as it is in the dictionary, is a general term exemplified
by a plan, a design, a program, a project, a method, means, a
system, a device, a strategy, an organized framework, an outline, a
graphic sketch, a combination of elements that are connected, adjusted
and integrated by design. They are the way things are and how things
work. They are somewhat abstract, rather than actual. They do not
The Simple Present Tense Used as Historical Present in English 75
directly describe actual situations. They are mostly described in the
simple present tense, as long as the speaker entertains them as valid
propositions at the time of speech. That is because they all evoke a
highly abstract property of the structure we can conceptualize in a
series of events. While they indirectly might evoke dynamic images,
directly, they pertain to structures of them that are somewhat stable
through time. It could be said that they themselves are imperfective.
2.3.1. Story summary
A plot of a story can be seen as an example of a schema. Stories
and novels themselves are mostly told in the past tense, since typically,
the narrators talk as if they were recalling events in the past. Let us
call this type narrative mode. On the other hand, the recapitulation of
the stories, the plot, outline or summary is often expressed in the
simple present tense as in (14), since it is the schematic structure of
events that exists at the speaker's present. Once the organization of a
story is understood, it can virtually stay imperfective as it is stored
in the brain. We may call this plot explaining mode.
(14) That night Cinderella goes to the ball in the clothes.
As there are narrative and plot explaining modes for fictional
events, there can possibly be two ways to describe a non-fictional one.
If the event is recalled as a moving image, since it has to end to be
described in the simple form, it would be realized in the past.
76 Mariko HiguchiWhen it is recalled schematically as a part of the structure of the
experience or the story, the image would exist imperfectively and get
embodied in the simple present.
2.3.2. Historical summary
Likewise, a historical summary as in (15) can be in the simple present.
(15) In 1940, Hitler invades Belgium. (Historical Summary)
Of course, Hitler's action is a specific and actual past event in our
reality. If the focus is on the dynamic action conceptualized through
time, it will of course be presented in the past tense, since it belongs
in the past, Presumably (15) is in the present tense because it directly
talks about the historical fact in the chronological table and the focus
is on its validity that applies now at the present. Note that this kind
can often be seen in the list of historical events in order on a table.
We can mentally visualize the chart which is stable through time. We
can find an order in a set of actions that we have experienced or
perceived. When we focus on that structural perspective and when we
think of them as a list of events in a chart, we can image them as
imperfective.
2.4. Frame: a condition for SHP
Though I have maintained that SHP itself directly pertains to the
present in the sense that it is the structure of an event which exists at
[[he Simple Present Tense Used as Historical Present in English 77
the present and should not be seen as an exceptional use of the simple
present in that sense so far, it of course does not mean that a
sentence such as (16) is invariably acceptable. For (16) to be understood
as a schema that is valid now, a certain contextual condition is
necessary. Otherwise, the combination of the present tense and adverbs
such as yesterday would not be acceptable. Likewise, it would sound
too abrupt to start a conversation with a remark like (1). This brings
us to a question, where SHP occurs.
(16) cf. #He comes here yesterday.
Schiffrin (1981)says that the occurrence of HP is almost restricted to
the place where the speaker tells the story by relaying a series of
temporally-ordered events that are understood as having occurred prior
to the moment of speech through the discourse. In another words, HP
almost always comes after an introductory part in the past tense.
That is why the following HP can be understood as something in the
past. If an appropriate mental space is established, (16) can be acceptable,
too. This contextual effect can be compared to a kind of framing.
With the frame, the mental space which SHP belongs to can be
distinguished from the actual present reality space, though of course
what is inside the frame is also a part of the present situation.
Without the frame, (16) might invite a habitual interpretation as a
default case that pertains to the speaker's present world. Then it
would contradict with the use of yesterday. Though SHP also pertains
78 Mariko Higuchito the speaker's present world, which explains the use of the present
tense, the world of SHP is limited within the contextual frame, which
tells you that the world within is related to the past situation.
To summarize this section, SHP can be said to describe a schematic
and thus imperfective situation at the speaker' s present that results in
the use of the simple present tense. Thus, in this respect, SHP is not
exceptional. What is characteristic about SHP would rather be that it
can be understood to refer to the event in the past. And this is
possible because the contextual frame limits the world of SHP. Comparable
phenomena can be found in historical summaries and photo captions
which are also in the frames. To clarify more about SHP, in the next
section, we will examine the assumptions concerning the traditional
account of HP and the nature of the simple present, going through
more examples.
3. The present moment and the simple present tense
I suspect one of the reasons people have accepted the illusive idea
that HP describes the past event as if it were occurring at the moment
to achieve vividness is perhaps they have been misled to connect the
simple present tense and the event taking place at the moment of
speaking, perhaps due to many grammar books that tells you that the
present tense describes the event at the present. However, as shown
above, the function of the present tense is not to indicate the location
of the event but to show the content of the sentence is valid at the
present. The simple present is about the present, but it does not mean
The Simple Present Tense Used as Historical Present in English 79
that the event in the sentence should occur at the present. The simple
present depicts a situation that applies at the present.
3.1. Play-by-piay account
It is often said in grammar books that sports commentaries such as
(M describe the actions at the moment of speaking. One might say
that this is an example of the simple present describing the present
actlon .
(M McHale passes to Bird. Bird moves out to 3-point range. He shoots. He buries it!
However, as Langacker says, this should actually be considered as "a
case of a conventional fiction". Obviously, one cannot start the
sentence at the same time the action involving it starts. Therefore the
action and the articulation of the sentence describing it can never be
simultaneous. For, as Langacker notes, this kind of play-by-play
mode must be abandoned to describe an event that falls outside the
expected range of occurrence for the type of activity in question since
one would not say (18) but rather (19) (Langacker 1991:268), when the
$peaker observes an accidental event.
(18) #The scorebQard explodes!
(19) The scoreboard explQded!
I suppose we can say that the sports commentaries in the simple
presept tense such as (M, since they should stay within the announcer's
80 Mariko Higuchiexpected range, actually express a kind of scenario about how the
game goes that the announcer has in his or her mind. This scenario is
a sort of schema, It of course does not describe the action that is
occurring simultaneously,
A game may not go as the announcer's scenario does as things may
not go as a schedule does which is another kind of schema that exists
imperfectively at the present. The schedules are schedules and the
scenarios are scenarios. For example, according to Langacker, eO) is
actually observed immediately after the pass has been dropped, so in
fact the pass was not caught and the game was not tied. This should
not be regarded as the announcer's mistake. They only represent how
the speaker conceives the things go. The import of (20) would be
something close to (21). (20) is different from eO') in the way that it
sounds like a scenario that the speaker images schematically.
ceO) He catches that pass and the game is tied.
eO') If he catches that pass, the game is tied.
A similar thing could happen for a schedule or a generic as in the
train leaves at 7 and water boils when heated to 100 degrees centigrade.
You can say, "The train leaves at 7 but today it was late". And of
course, there can be a case that water may boil at 95 if the air
pressure is lower, but a generic is a generic. A schedule does not
designate an actual event at the moment and nor does a scenario.
Rather, it describes an abstract schema that exists as our reality at
the present.
'IIhe Simple Present Tense Used as Historical Present in English 81
3.2. Problems in Langacker' s account of HP
Langacker basically accepts the traditional account for HP. That is
probably why cognitive tools are improperly applied for the phenomenon.
This section is meant to show that if the part dealing with HP is
revised, it will reinforce the validity of his Cognitive Grammar
framework .
3.2.1. Shifted deictic center
Langacker (1991) analyzes eO) with the context above as the case
that the deictic center is shifted to a location in non-reality. Similarly
he characterizes the historical present as a case the deictic center is
shifted to a past reality, and (21) within the future-time region. Due to
the semantic similarity between (21) and (22), he goes on to say that the
assumed vantage point of (23) is in the future(Langacker: 1994).
However, all of these as a whole should be regarded as the propositions
that holds true at the speaker's present reality. They are how things
go as the speaker sees the world.
(21) You miss this field and you lose your job.
(22) If you miss this field, you lose your job.
(23) The last ferry leaves in ten minutes•
The deictic center may indeed be shifted to another temporal point.
But could it change the relationship between the simple present and the
aspect? I think if the deictic center is shifted to the point in that the
middle of the action, it will result in the progressive. If it is shifted
82 Mariko Higuchito the point it ended, it would simply be described in the past tense.
What we should not forget is that if the event is taking place at the
moment of speaking, the speaker would not use the simple present to
describe it. This should be true, even if the speaker were prescient.
Therefore, the very idea of shifted deictic center per se would not
explain why 20),(21) and (23) are in the simple present. The deictic center
could be shifted to a dream world, but if the non modal present tense
is used for that world, it would mean that the dream world simply
has become the speaker's immediate reality, or it is described as if the
world were his reality. You could be in your office in a chair just
imaging yourself at a football stadium or you could actually be there
or watching TV or a video sometime ago at home. Wherever the
deictic center resides, as long as the non-modal present is used, it
simply means that the designated content applies at the present
moment where the deictic center is. And the tenses do not refer to the
time at which the event occurs. In this respect, 20), (21) and (23) are no"
different from the ordinary simple present such as He rans everyday
and She likes it. As Langacker himself characterizes the non-modal
present tense situates the designated process in immediate reality, with
which I completely agree. But his idea of "shifting deictic center"
seems rather irrelevant to the use of the simple present tense in the
examples above. It would be far more valid to analyze (20), (21) and (23)
simply as how the speaker views the structure of the world, as they
are a lot like recipes and stage directions in the simple present tense.
They represent how the speaker sees how things go. The similarity
'Ihe Simple Present Tense Used as Historical Present in English 83
between (21) and (22), I suppose, comes from our interpretive capacity
that we have in understanding two simple sentenees like these juxtaposed
by and•
3.2.2. Vividne$s
Traditionally, it is believed that "vividness effect" is one of the
factors that motivates the use of the present in referring to the actual
past event. But the historical summaries and the photo captions in the
simple present do not seem necessarily more vivid than their past
counterparts. Moreover, if you examine some actual data with HP as
in (24), one can easily see that what is described in SHP is not always
particularly vivid nor dramatic, as Wolfson concludes. Also, Wolfson
(1979) even says that the most dramatic event is often recounted in
the past tense.
(24) Two years ago we were in Mexico, at Acapulco, andIcalled Mexico City and I asked for Juan. Now I' ve got to go
through operators and I make it person-to- erson. And themaid tells the operator in Spanish, and the operator tells me,
"He's not there."Isaid, "When will he be back?", and themaid and the operator are having this great big conversation.
Ikee getting the same answer. And finally the operator saysto me, "He's dead. He died. That's -- he's not here. Hedied." Well, I tell you, I was so upset. I said, "Thank you",
and I hung up. I must have made that person-to-person callthree times before the maid and the operator got together totry to explain that he was not there because he wasn't. But I
was so upset and Icouldn't find Maria's phone number in the
telephone book. (Wolfson 1979:171, bold and underline is
84 Mariko Higuchimine)
If the vividness effect does not account for the use of the simple
present to describe the past events, then, what motivates it? My
answer to this question involves the very nature of SHP. Presenting
schematic and structural images of the story can help the addressee to
grasp the picture of the story in a wider scope. Perhaps knowing how
the story goes or the outline would make it easier for the addressee to
understand the story. Complicated details or some background information
can be presented in the manner of summary, too. SHP may be vivid
since it may incorporate actions, but it can also be less dynamic and
less dramatic, since the image is abstract and static. In this respect,
the past tense could bring about more impact because it evokes an
actual dynamic action that unfolded through time in our reality as
Wolfson observes.
As we have seen, in order to account for SHP, it is necessary to
clarify the intrinsic nature of English tenses. The pivotal nature is
that the tenses in English do not function to specify the time the
action takes place. They only tell you whether the whole conceived
process resides at the present moment or prior to that. In order to
exist at the present moment, the entity described by the verb has to
be imperfective, since without the contractibility, the fully scanned
image of a verb cannot fit into the momentary point. Both SHP and
the past tense can involve the past actions because the perceived
actions should be once stored in the memory and retrieved presently to
The Simple Present Tense Used as Historical Present in English 85
be put into words. SHP describes the schematic image of the past that
exits at the present moment conceptualized as immediate reality,
sacrificing its dynamism. The past tense also describes the image
conceptualized at the present moment but as the one detached from the
present thus located in the past, even when the event occurred a
second ago. In the case of a perfective event, the speaker scans actual
change through time in the image in the brain; the past tense can
convey the dynamism of the action because of its distancing effect`.
4. The function of contextual frame for SHP
4.1. Compatibility of yesterdayand SHP
Let us now turn to another problem with the shifted deictic center
analysis that derives from the traditional view of HP.
(25) (=(1)) This scruffy-looking student comes into my office yesterday
and says he wants a loan.
If the simple present were used because the deictic center is shifted to
the past time point the action is taking place, then the use of yesterday
would be unexplainable, since the time actually referred to as "yesterday"
should be "now" if that were the case. As we have seen above if we
only see that the verb pertains to the schema inside the frame itself,
the problem would evaporate. The schema of the past event is just like
a photo describing an event which should necessarily have taken place
in the past. Likewise, the schematic image can exist in the present
world and at the same time it can be that of the past event. The
ss Mariko Higuchipoint is that the schema of the event exists in a limited way i.e. in
the frame. This is how the present tense can be compatible with
yesterday which presupposes the speaker's deictic center. The present
tense is used because the schematic image is present. And the adverb
can be used because the world inside the frame is understood as the
situation of the previous day and it is seen from the deictic center in
the outside world.
4.2. Contextual information as a frame builder
Let us see here briefly what built-in pragmatic information dces to
nouns. Normally, yesterday's frying Pan is odd because a noun such
as a pan is rather irrelevant to time, since a noun is conceptually
independent of time. However, if we find the pan is connected to an
event that happened the previous day, (suppose I am talking abeut a
panI burned yesterday,) there is no problem comprehending it. That
is why there is nothing wrong with yesterday's PaPer, since we know
a newspaper is usually delivered daily, while yesterday's Pen is strange
without its plausible context. We use such pragmatic information
producing and understanding phrases and sentences when they are used.
The similar mechanism applies to the difference between (26) and e7a) .
A generic truth should be valid both at the present and the past, but
it is no longer a generic truth if you limit its validity to a particular
time point. (27a) has no probiem because of the frame effect and the
pragmatic informatien that the incident which the photo (Fig. 8)
descril)es has happened the day before the day the paper is issued. We
The Simple Present Tense Used as Historical Present in English 87
understand the built-in temporal information inside the schema about
when the event took place and look at it from outside. Notice when
you change the position of yesterday in the same sentence as in e7b),
it is hardly acceptable. This is because the adverb which presupposes
speaker's real "right now" breaks into the schema that the verb phrase
constitutes. In contrast, if the tense is in the past as in e7c) , the
sentence is perfectly normal, since the frame is not involved with it.
(26) "Water boils at 100 degree yesterday.
e7a) Russian workers yesterday show the oil they shoveled from a small river, a tributary of the Kolva River.
(The San Diego Union Tribune, Oct. 23rd, 1994)
e7b) ??Russian workers show yesterday the oil they shoveled from a
small river.
Fig. 8
Oiey snevv: Russian worhers yesterday show the oil th ay shoveled from a .m.ziS,;,'v,g;2isa,lnilu,,tg,ryf.zfAh.e,•,K,.o3v,lt,R.tseft,?e,e.z's,ai,',p.e,"s,sb"in,"g,m,k,iii
is far worse than Previously esttmated. See sto7 y, A-14.
(The San Diego Union-Tribune, Oct.24,1994)
88 Mariko Higuchie7c) Russian workers showed yesterday the oil they shoveled from a
small river.
4.3. A temporal entity built in a schema
A temporal entity built-in a schema can be found not only in SHP
and the photo captions like e7a) but also in a scheduled future as in
e8a). Strictly speaking, e8a) should not be considered as a future
event, though often it is said so. A future event itself does not exist
in our reality, simply because it has not occurred yet. The reason the
simple present tense is used for a schedule or plan is that they exit as
schemata in our present reality. After all, e8b) without its context
could be construed as SHP or someone's habitual practice or schedule,
depending on its context. It is inherently vague without it, When we
interpret the sentence in actual use, we are processing it with given
information in the context. Sentences 28a), e8b) and e8c) share the
property that they never describe an event that is taking place at the
moment of speaking but their contents apply at the present. They all
recount a schematic and imperfective process that is conceived by the
speaker as his present reality.
e8a) He comes here tomorrow.e8b) He comes here.(28c) He comes here yesterday.
4.4. Actual vs. schematic
Gathering from the discussion so far, the simple present sentences
can be classified into two levels; a concrete level that pertains to so
The Simple Present Tense Used as Historical Present in English 89
called the actual stative situations as in (29) and a schematic level as in
(30). In both levels the content described applies at the present. What is
common between them is that their imperfectivity. And SHP belongs
to the latter.
(29) He isastudent. He knows it. Concrete level(30) generic, habitual, stage direction, recipe, SHP etc.
Schematic level
SHP may look special and even puzzling because it is strongly related
to the actual event in the past. However, as we have seen, it directly
describes an imperfective process at the speaker's present as most of
the other simple present examples do. At least in this respect, SHP is
not exceptional. The thing is the image locally exists as a part of the
speaker's reality in the frame of the schema at the present, rather
than as the speaker's whole present reality as shown in Fig. 9.
111 18 1995
o 'illiiZtiTggs,ii,i7 .g.///i7/illililiTili/l'//1/j'/11i/li/i'lj'i//i'/i`lll/i'llil/1111ilj';lill'li'illiii'i'-:'
-•-.:•:::•I•Gll:!:;.:1:/il!.:•:•:':::::""''
Fig. 9
90 Mariko HiguchiThe import is that in the speaker's reality, the date is Nov. 18th and
the picture in the frame depicts an event of the previous day. The
picture actually lies imperfectively in front of the speaker as a part of
the present reality. Likewise, the structure of the story can exist
imperfectively and be valid at the present. Within an appropriate
contextual frame, which distinguishes the actual situation and what is
inside, the structure can be of the past events without confusion.
5. Wolfson' s observation
Though we have limited the argument about SHP so far to reveal
the fallacy of the traditional account of HP, I presume it is worth
noting Wolfson's observations of HP that are compatible with what
we have discussed. Although her main idea that claims the present
tense lacks a semantic component is not acceptable, some of her
observations are insightful and noteworthy. She goes over a vast
amount of data and says CHP (Conversational Historical Present) is
limited to performed stories. She characterizes a performed story as a
story which the speaker dramatically structures through the use of
performance features such as 1) Direct speech, 2) Asides, 3) Repetitions,
4) Expressive Sounds, 5) Sound Effects, 6) Motions and Gestures
(1981:25). Thus the narrator plays the roles of the various participants
in recounting events, making them seem authentic by invoking the
words of others• I agree with her idea about where we can find CHP
mainly because I think CHP can be comparable to a stage direction in
a one-man stage play.
The Simple Present Tense Used as Historical Present in English 91
In order to reproduce what the speaker has perceived, he or she has
to structure the story as he remembers it, playing the role of the
participants with sufficient explanation at the same time. The difference
between an environment for CHP and a theatrical play is that the
speaker is not on the stage in the theater and usually does not have
the stage property nor sound effects equipment. Instead, the speaker
has to use his own words to explain the context with gestures including
facial expressions, voice tones and whatever else is available in the
situation. The speaker also has to explain who utters which remarks,
since otherwise it would be difficult for the hearer to understand the
story. Such contextual explanation is naturally told in the present
tense as ordinary stage directions are told in the present tense. Though
a stage direction and CHP are not only in the simple present form but
also in the present progressive or perfect forms, it only means that
the simple present functions to describe a schema of an event, the
present progressive, a situation in the middle of an action and the
present perfect, a situation as a result of an action, respectively. A
performed story can be seen as a narrated story with stage directions
scattered in it. Therefore, the past and the present tenses can naturally
alternate. It was unfortunate that Wolfson glued her attention so
much to alternation phenomena and overlooked the inherent function of
SHP which reflects the nature of the simple present tense.
Another important observation of hers is that the past tense precedes
HP to give the time reference. This time orientation is, of course,
what I call a function of framing. It is only natural because we never
92 Mariko Higuchican identify HP as HP otherwise. Perhaps the framing may not have
to be in actual words, but establishing the frame in some way or
other is inevitable to understand the examples such as (1).
6. Conclusion
As we have seen, the traditional account of HP does not explain the
property of SHP, though it may apply when HP is progressive. It is
the progressive HP that presents the past event as if it were occurring
at the present and not the simple present. Since the simple present
usually does not describe the event taking place now, it is odd to say
that it makes it seem so. The simple present intrinsically describes the
imperfective process. I hope I have shown that SHP describes the
imperfective image at the speaker's present as most of the simple
present examples do and in this respect, SHP is not exceptional. The
image is imperfective because it is schematic and structural, and it
exists in the contextual frame that distinguishes the world inside and
outside. That is why He comes here yesterday which is usually anomalous
can be acceptable as a SHP. For a overall perfective process to be put
into words, the image should be ended to be realized in the simple
past or combined with be and integrated into the progressive, or
abstracted into a schematic structure to be in the simple present.
"Notes"
1. Strictly speaking, I define the speaker' s present time concerned with
the use of the present tense in English as the instantaneous momentthe speaker conceptualizes a process. It is before he or she chooses the
The Simple Present Tense Used as Historical Present in English 93
words to express it and articulates it. In the case of an actual process,
we normally perceive it first and conceptualize it in our mind before
putting it into words.
2. The difference between a cat and a cat is there is that the latter
designates the cat's existence through time, while the former isirrelevant to time when we conceptualize them.
3. Naturally, one may pose a issue of performatives since they arealso in the simple present tense. Pending detailed discussion, at this
point, I regard them as propositions of agreement conceived at thepresent before they start being articulated. Legal briefs and rules are
also written in the simple present tense because their logic existsimperfectively in agreement among the people in question. Though, the
speech act, indeed, coincides the articulation, the action that aperformative sentence designates is not the speech act but the schema
to be agreed and confirmed. I leave a further discussion to anotheroccasion, since it requires the fuller study of the speech act that lies
outside the scope of this paper.
4. Weinrich (1964) intuitively characterizes that the past tense is "the
tense of narration" (erzalend. Tempus) and the present tense is "the
tense of explication" in examining the tenses in several Europeanlanguages, though he doesn't explain what he means by the words,"narration" and "explication" (besprechend. Tempus). This article can
be seen as an exploration of what these might mean, using thenecessary notions developed in the Cognitive Grammar to clarify them.
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