THE MULTIPLE LANGUAGES OF URBANISM INLUIZ DE ANHAIA MELLO:

TECHNIQUE, AESTHETICS, AND POLITICS

Maria Stella Bresciani*

The degree of responsibility which a man feels for the condition which exists in his community is the measure of his worth as a citizen.

Alexander Karr

This epigraph opens engineer-architect Luiz Ignacio Romeiro de Anhaia Mello’s 1929 collection of conferences called ‘Problemas de Urbanismo’ (Urbanism Problems).1 It could be understood as a mere scientific-rhetorical resource were it not for the fact that the notions of responsibility, community and citizen/citizenship are key elements in his theoretical option as a professor, public man and active disseminator of urban and regional planning. This sentence immediately leads him to conclude that it is necessary to form ‘an urban psychology’, i.e., ‘preparing the environment’ is a ‘primary concern for urban culture’.2 He reiterates his choice in the numerous writings, conferences and urbanistic plans he devised during his circa fifty years of professional practice. I propose to assess how Anhaia Mello used these notions in his texts as a first step of a wider study. Its purpose, after surveying the conceptual field that underpins his writings and how he organizes it in his projects and

* IFCH – UNICAMP. This text presents part of a research on the professional career of Engineer-architect Luiz I. R. de Anhaia Mello developed within a FAPESP thematic project called ‘Scientific and Technical Knowledge in the Configuration and Reconfiguration of Urban Space. State of São Paulo, 19th and 20th centuries’, supported by a CNPq ‘productivity fellowship’.1 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. Problemas de urbanismo. Bases para a resolução do problema technico (Urbanism Problems. Bases to Solve the Techical Problem). Published in the Boletim do Instituto de Engenharia de São Paulo. São Paulo: Escolas Profissionaes Salesianas, 1929. This publication contains six 1928 conferences: O Problema Psychologico (The Psychological Problem); Ainda o problema psychologico (The Psychological Problem, Again); O problema político e administrativo (The Political and Administrative Problem); Ainda o problema político administrativo (The Political and Administrative Problem, Again); O problema legal (The Legal Problem). Regulamentação e expropriação (Regulation and Expropriation); Urbanismo: o problema financeiro (Urbanism: The Financial Problem).2 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. O Problema Psychologico. Bases de uma campanha pratica e efficiente em prol de São Paulo maior e melhor (The Psychological Problem. BASES for a Practical and Efficient Campaign for a Bigger and Better São Paulo), speech delivered at the São Paulo Rotary Club, on September 21st, 1928. In: Problemas de urbanismo. Bases para... Op. cit., p. 14.

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urbanistic plans, will be to evaluate the consistency between arguments and actions, not only as a teacher, but also as a public officer and an active participant in planning centers and professionals and civil associations.

I will thus highlight another argument that is not merely rhetorical. In the second text of this collection, a speech addressed to his colleagues of the Engineering School on November 8th, 1928, he states: ‘Seeing is easier than thinking’. After translating this quote by American urban planner Harry Overstreet into Brazilian Portuguese, Anhaia Mello adds: ‘and it has the advantage of also being of interest to the illiterate’. His defense of a wide visual diffusion of city intervention projects was based on the ‘advantage of showing to the public drawings, plants, diagrams, perspectives, and budgets of the works to be carried out.’3

Declared advocate of the interdisciplinarity that gave birth to the field of urbanism, or ‘urbanism science’ as he used to call it, Anhaia Mello always heightened the ‘collaboration of sociologists, lawmakers, jurists, politicians, administrators, economists’ and even of ‘all the citizens’ as essential.4 Although this opinion was not consensual in the first decades of the 20th century, it is currently shared by urbanism specialists. In fact, hygienic or aesthetic-hygienic prescriptions were translated into civil engineering techniques founded on aesthetical notions, which were themselves based on political-philosophical concepts and philanthropic, moralizing precepts. These techniques were then incorporated into urban and architectural projects. Therefore, I believe we can even speak of transdisciplinary structure, since assumptions from different fields of knowledge interpenetrated to form a common, albeit heterogeneous, domain.

To assess how the above mentioned notions compose Anhaia Mello’s arguments, I propose to read the different –written, statistical and iconographic– languages he uses in his conferences and texts. In his argumentative practice, images have two purposes: convincing the general public, when he uses sketches and artistic drawings, and his peers, when he resorts to technical drawings translating concepts. In this arrangement of different languages, I will highlight the political dimension of his arguments, which is not always explicit when his discourse gets more technical. This paper limits its analyses to the texts he produced in the early years of his professional career.5

The task of engineers

3 MELLO, Luiz de Anhaia. Ainda o Problema Psychologico. As Associações Americanas de Urbanismo. In: Problemas de Urbanismo. Bases para... Op. cit., p. 31.4 Introduction to Problemas de Urbanismo. Bases para... Op. cit.5 I only examine Anhaia Mello’s texts published between 1928 and 1935. Later texts are only mentioned when the argument requires it. Other works citing him or topics he treated are referred in footnotes. For a critical analysis of Anhaia Mello’s bibliography, see my paper: Estudo da trajetória profissional do engenheiro-arquiteto Luiz I. R. de Anhaia Mello. In: SALGADO, Ivone & BERTONI, Angelo. (org.). Da Construção do Território ao Planejamento das Cidades: competências técnicas e saberes profissionais na Europa e nas Américas (1850-1930). São Carlos: RiMa, pp. 149-170.

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The ultimate goal of urban life is to produce increasingly perfect and finished types of civilization and civility.

The true purpose of civilization is to build beautiful cities and live in them in beauty.

Building cities is building men. Urban environment is what shapes human character, according to its own image, towards ugliness or beauty.

To do so, nonetheless, we have to begin to form the urban psychology and a civic aspiration.6

In almost poetic terms, Anhaia Mello thus exposes his concept of urbanism to the public of the Rotary Club of São Paulo in his September 1928 speech. This idealized image of the city-civility relationship may seem consistent with the utopian conceptions of Plato’s Republic. Or even, more modernly, with Thomas More’s Utopia reflected in the long and complex filiation of industrial city projects along the late 18 th century and 19th century, be that filiation effective or constructed by the historiographic and philosophical discourses. Nevertheless, he finds an exemplary, convincing, both utopist and utilitarian, albeit not explicit support in Jeremy Bentham’s disciplinary architecture (late 18th century),7 which, contrarily to the author’s intention, underpins the design of architectural types and models not limited to buildings meant to shelter a great number of people. Michelle Perrot stated that the 19 th

century ‘was the golden age of the private life’ and its reign was archetypically defined by the house. As evidenced in the writings on and the various interventions in cities in the second half of the 19th century, housing played a moral and political role. It constituted a settlement and meeting point for families and, since it reproduced, although on a small scale, the bourgeois house, the exemplary configuration of the internal space of working-class dwellings helped discipline behaviors.8

Anhaia Mello excerpts his assertion on the need to ‘prepare the urban environment’ from William R. Lethaby This English urban planner is known to criticize the history of architecture based on its utilitarian origins, from hut to tumulus and their further

6 Mello, L. de Anhaia. O Problema Psychologico. Bases de uma campanha pratica e efficiente em prol de São Paulo maior e melhor. In: Problemas de Urbanismo. Bases para... Op. cit., pp. 16-17.7 See The Panopticon Writings – Collection of letters written by Jeremy BENTHAM in 1787 with two postscripts, from 1790 and 1791. In his preface, the author exposes his proposal: ‘a simple idea of architecture [...] a new mode of obtaining power of mind over mind’. Bentham affirms his brother, an engineer, helped him draw the architectural plan. Texts edited by Miran BOZOVIC. London; New York: Verso, 1995, pp. 31,34. Also see Michel FOUCAULT’s reflections [1975] in Vigiar e Punir: nascimento da prisão. Trad. Ligia M. Pondé Vassallo. Petrópolis: Vozes, 1983.8 PERROT, Michelle. Maneiras de morar. In: PERROT, Michelle (org.) [1987] História da vida privada. Da Revolução Francesa à Primeira Guerra vol.4. Trad. Denise Bottmann e Bernardo Joffily. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1995, pp. 307-323; and also GUERRAND, Roger-Henri. Espaços privados. In: PERROT, Michelle (org.) História da vida privada. Op. cit., pp. 325-411. For Brazil see, among others, CARPINTÉRO, Marisa. A construção de um sonho. Os engenheiros-arquitetos e a formulação da política habitacional no Brasil. Campinas: Ed.Unicamp, 1997; BONDUKI, Nabil. Origens da habitação social no Brasil. Arquitetura Moderna, lei do Inquilinato e Difusão da Casa Própria. São Paulo: Espaço Liberdade/Fapesp, 1998; CORREIA, Telma de Barros. A Construção do Habitat Moderno no Brasil. 1870-1950. São Carlos: RiMa/Fapesp, 2004.

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developments. For this author, although it was correct to write the history of architecture in reference to such building materials as clay, stones, and bricks, such vision had left aside the fundamental fact that architecture was meant to satisfy not only ‘the simple needs of the body, but the complex ones of the intellect’.9 Thus, this paper stresses both the conceptual dimension of urbanism within the close relationship between urban form and the physical and moral modeling of city-dwellers and Anhaia Mello’s attention to the dimension of the ‘relationships between Man and landscape, between Earth, machines and the spirit’, which, he believed, had to be present in urban plans. He considered that intervention projects based on the city scale, on its physical territory, was a limited option. He thus proposed the ‘art of simultaneous thinking’ to reach harmony between ‘Place, Work and Folk’ or, as he translates it, ‘Environment, function and organism’. Grounded in the sociological and psychological concepts of ‘Community’ and ‘Person’, respectively, he openly rejected the liberal notions of individual and society, or, in his words, the ‘atomistic studies dissociated from modes of behavior’.10

In his long professional career –he graduated as an engineer-architect from the Polytechnic Institute of São Paulo in 1913, and taught in this establishment between 1918 and 1961–, Anhaia Mello actively participated in the debates on how to reconfigure the built-up area and expand the urbanized spaces, in particular in the State Capital. When he was still a student at the Polytechnic Institute, the necessary reconfiguration of the old downtown area of his city and the definition of the pattern to be adopted to open new districts were already at the heart of disputes between different urbanistic conceptions and the diverging interests of the City Hall’s Public Works Department, of some areas of the State government, and of private building contractors. Anhaia Mello certainly knew the standpoint engineer Victor da Silva Freire exposed to his students at the Polytechnic Institute in February 1911. This professor, who had also directed the City’s Public Works Department, openly favored the preservation of downtown areas because they bore witness to their history and constituted the initial nucleus of the city.11 Drawing on Austrian architect Camillo Sitte, Freire was a declared supporter of the concept of ‘picturesqueness’ in urban design. He thus advocated the preservation of the triangular central area and rejected the implementation of a ‘rectangular, geometrical “grid” as in New York’.12

This partially explains Freire opposition to the project ‘As grandes avenidas de S. Paulo’ (Great avenues of São Paulo), backed by a ‘capitalist’ group, among which were names from the political and professional elite of this city. In fact, one of the planned

9 LETHABY, William R. [1981] Architecture, Mysticism and Myth. Nova York: Cosimo Classics, 2005, p. 1.10 MELLO, L. de Anhaia (1954). O Plano Regional de São Paulo. Uma contribuição da Universidade para o estudo de ‘Um Codigo de Ocupação lícita do solo’, 8.11.1954 – Dia Mundial do urbanismo. Monografias USP-FAU, mimeo, p. 5. 11 FREIRE, Victor da Silva. Melhoramentos de S. Paulo. In: Revista Politécnica, 6 (33), 02-03.1911, pp. 91-145.12 FREIRE, V. da Silva. Melhoramentos de S. Paulo, In: Revista Politécnica, 6. Op. cit., p. 99.

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avenues would invade the downtown triangular area up to the Praça Antonio Prado, which would have to be ‘adequately enlarged’. [Figs. 1 e 2]

Fig. 1 – Perspective of Alexandre Albuquerque’s project13

Fig. 2 – Project presented to the state’s Legislative Congress and to the City

Council14

The project publicized on November 14th, 1910 was intended ‘to show the tremendous willingness of its children by demolishing and building upon the ruins a new city reflecting the progress of the century.’ Its proponents were disposed to cover the costs of its implementation, as well as those of public lighting, planting, and gas and electricity supply. Although they asserted they would not modify the ‘old triangle’, they left open the

13 SEGAWA, Hugo. Prelúdio da Metrópole. Arquitetura e Urbanismo em São Paulo na passagem do século XIX ao XX. São Paulo: Ateliê Editorial, 2000, p. 69.14 Revista de Engenharia. Vol.1, nº 2, 07-1911, p. 34.

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possibility of bettering the access to Avenida Brigadeiro Luiz Antonio by opening a street or an avenue between the largo Antonio Prado and the largo de São Francisco, completed by a largo (square) bordering the Santo Antonio Church, which would almost tangentially cut the triangle.15

This proposal triggered such a debate that, soon after, in January 1911, the city’s Public Works Department, at the request of Mayor Antonio Prado, presented another Plano de melhorias (improvement plan).16 [Figs. 3 e 4]

Freire-Guilhem’s project

Fig. 3 - Perspective of the Anhangabaú valley17

Fig. 4 -

Improvements in downtown São Paulo:18

15 Projecto Alexandre Albuquerque. In: Revista de Engenharia, v.1, n.2, 07.1911, p. 38.16 These three urbanistic development plans were published in Revista de Engenharia, v. 1, n. 2, pp. 37-45.17 SEGAWA, Hugo. Op. cit, p. 75.

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The State government, as for it, commissioned architect Samuel das Neves to design a ‘Plano de melhorias’ for this area, which was published by the Correio Paulistano on January 23, 1911. [Figs. 5 e 6]

Samuel Neves’ project

Fig. 5 - Perspective of the Anhangabaú valley19

18 Project presented by the City Hall, Brazil de Rothschild & Cia. Revista de Engenharia, 1911, vol.1, p. 41.19 SEGAWA, Hugo. Op. cit., p. 83.

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Fig. 6 - Project presented by the State agency for Agriculture, Trade and Public Works.20

Amid the confrontation between these three projects, the Mayor and the City Council invited engineer Antoine Bouvard, who was visiting the city, to give his opinion founded on years of experience in France. His plan included the creation of gardens in the Anhangabaú valley, star-shaped square, and also suggested changing the direction of the city’s expansion, which was going upwards, and proposed to clean up floodplain (várzeas) areas to create urban parks. 21

Bouvard report, submitted with his alternative plan, triggered ireful reactions from professionals graduated from the Polytechnic Institute, displeased with the Mayor and the Governor’s attitude, which demonstrated suspicion or distrust of their technical capacity.22

Although these blueprints manifested different conceptions of how to intervene in the built environment, they all preserved the ‘old downtown area’, not only for economical reasons, in view of the expropriation and demolition costs, but also as a properly urbanistic option to maintain the original configuration and preserve the city’s history in its original layout.23 The three projects published in the press completed the technical language of their

20 Revista de Engenharia, vol.1, nº 2, 07-1911, p. 85.21 Criticisms to the city’s excessive expansion towards higher areas of its rugged topography and the necessary sanitation and occupation of the valley bottoms and floodplains (várzeas) were exposed by Eng. Victor da Silva Freire, director of Works and City Streets, in a long report attacking the Códigos Sanitários e Posturas Municipais sobre Habitações (Sanitary Codes and City Ordinances on Homes), published in the Boletim do Instituto de Engenharia, v. I, nº 3, 02.1918, pp. 229-355. See Revista de Engenharia, v. 1 and 2, São Paulo, june 1911 to may 1912, pp. 37-45. Boletim do Instituto de Engenharia, vol. I, nº 3, fevereiro de 1918. SEGAWA, Hugo. Prelúdio da Metrópole. Op. cit., p. 70 e TOLEDO, Benedito Lima de. Anhangabaú. São Paulo: FIESP, 1989, p. 63.22 Eng. Alexandre Albuquerque, the author of the plan proposed by the ‘capitalist’ group, which included engineer-architect Ramos de Azevedo, the author of almost all the projects of public buildings in the city of São Paulo, manifested his discontent concerning the invitation made to Bouvard by the Mayor. As he asserted, it would be logical to ‘advise the State Government that it could dispense with the luxury of maintaining a Graduate School of Engineering, Architecture and Industry...’, Revista de Engenharia, 1911-1912, vol. I, p. 45.23 Victor da Silva Freire, director of the City’s Public Works Department, based his arguments on Camillo Sitte Der Städtebau nach seinen kunstlerischen Grüdsätzen, published in 1889, where Sitte proposed an urbanistic conception based on the 19th century philosophical romantic current. He also criticized urban interventions that broke with the old layout of cities’ built environment. Cf. Françoise CHOAY. [1965] O Urbanismo. Utopias e Realidades. Uma antologia. São Paulo: Perspectiva, 1997, pp. 205-218; Guido ZUCCONI (org.). Camillo Sitte i suoi interpretti. Milão: Urbanistica Franco Angeli,

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street plans with designs of gardens, parks and architectural ensembles offering images accessible to non-specialized readers. These –written and iconographic– languages, which are peculiar to urbanism, came with projects founded on the assumptions of functionality, sanitary science, and aesthetics that underpinned interventions essentially aimed at relieving the traffic in the downtown area, defining standards to create new districts, and cleaning up the floodplains (várzeas) of urban rivers (Anhangabaú, Tamanduateí and Tietê). In the memorials submitted with the plans, the terms concerning technical procedures are politically supported by projective assertions of the city’s ‘quick progress’ and of the consequent need to ‘anticipate, adopt and carry out judiciously all the measures it requires and will increasingly require for its splendor and importance’.24 Projects of Civic Centers and areas to be occupied by streets and parks, and plants of buildings intended to compose, with the Municipal Theater, the setting adjacent to the Anhangabaú Park, expose, in an iconographic language (ground floors, architectural projects and photographs), the expected result.25

In parallel, sanitary interventions were envisaged in buildings considered unhealthy, particularly those called cortiços (slum tenements) and projects of economical and hygienic housing for blue collars and low income workers were proposed. In June and August, 1911, the Revista de Engenharia (Journal of Engineering) published articles on ‘blue collar houses’, called ‘economical houses’ or ‘hygienic housing’, as opposed to the ‘collective homes’, pejoratively described as, ‘germ nurseries’ and, therefore, ‘sanitation problems’.26 The close relationship between hygiene, orderly layouts and architectural aesthetics was fairly spread in this specialized professional environment as an element that helps shape citizens. That working class houses should ‘offer an aesthetical effect in accordance to the revenues’ of their respective dwellers was part of the argument that, if created with the same intention, houses and streets would favor the ‘aesthetical conditions of the city’ and collaborate ‘to the social enhancement of their dwellers, by increasing causes of happiness’., As a journalist asserted, ‘the beautiful strongly influences human nature.’27

1992; Daniel WIECZOREK. Camillo sitte et les débuts de l’urbanismo moderne. Bruxelas: Pierre Mardaga, 1981. Also see the Brazilian version, and its introduction by Carlos Roberto Monteiro de Andrade: SITTE, Camillo. [1889] A construção das cidades segundo seus princípios artísticos. Trad. Ricardo Ferreira Henrique. São Paulo: Ática, 1992.24 Revista de Engenharia, 10.07.1911, vol. I, n. 2, pp. 37-45 e TOLEDO, Benedito Lima de. Op. cit., p. 64.25 SEGAWA details these projects and complementary ones for the Carmo floodplain (currently Dom Pedro Park) in a pioneer study on the first interventions in the State Capital. Op. cit., pp. 58-102.26 Concerns about the awful conditions of working-class housing, in particular the so called ‘cortiços’ (slum tenements) and the like, led the municipal authorities to conduct a research in 1893. Its results were published in a report containing both detailed observations on these homes and projects for minimum single-family dwellings to be constructed in working class districts or boroughs. Cf. CORDEIRO, Simone Lucena (org.). Os cortiços de Santa Ifigênia: sanitarismo e urbanização (1893). São Paulo: Arquivo Público do Estado de São Paulo/Imprensa Oficial, 2010.27 Casas Operarias. In: Revista de Engenharia, vol. I, n.1, 06.1911, pp. 4 and 6 and vol. I, n.3, 08.1911, pp. 84-85. The paper published in August reproduces the plant of a working-class district designed by eng. Regino Aragão.

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The forms of the beautiful –a balance between ordered, sanitized, and clean built environments and green areas– made the notion of comfort necessary to form urban and civil habits and maintain clear links with the imagetic projection of ideal cities and their power to shape behaviors. Victor da Silva Freire would address this topic, recurrent in various publications, in March 1913, in an extensive lecture to his students of the Polytechnic Institute. He maintained the argumentative structure of his writings, in its technical and political dimensions, by resorting to an organicistic image: the ‘physiology of this social organism (...) called the big city’. He strongly criticizes the traditional –long and narrow– layout of urban lots, which he considered unsatisfactory in every respect, and more particularly those of hygiene and habits, since they allowed the building of slum tenements in their backyard, close to the main building.28

These debates were an important element in the academic education of professionals that would become active professors at the Polytechnic Institute and/or public officers. As others of his colleagues, Anhaia Mello knew the positions of Professor Victor da Silva Freire, since he studied at the Institute and when he began teaching, he undoubtedly saw the intervention works in the downtown area, which imposed an aesthetical conception intended to eliminate the city’s colonial layout and establish an architectural pattern considered modern for the new buildings.

As a professor at the Polytechnic Institute, Anhaia Mello was responsible for the aesthetics discipline, a dimension of architecture and urbanism always present in his studies and projects. This concern led him to impose an aesthetical censorship to buildings through Act n. 58, January 15th, 1931, at a time he had been appointed mayor by the government, immediately after the 1930 coup.29 In 1926, after being tenured, he directed the new chair of aesthetics and began to teach urbanism to students of the engineer-architect course and transformed this field in his main study object, practice and in the public offices he held.30 As did most of the ‘elite’ of the state of São Paulo,31 he bet on the force and interests of the

28 Engineer Victor da Silva Freire delivered two speeches at the Grêmio Politécnico: the above-mentioned, Melhoramentos de S. Paulo, Revista Politécnica 6 (33): 91-145, 2-3.1911; and A Cidade Salubre, Revista Politécnica 8 (48): 319-354, 10-11.1914, where he exposed directives for interventions on the urban fabric and the building of popular dwellings, both based on sanitary notions aimed at eliminating insalubrity by guaranteeing air circulation, sunshine periods, the provision of potable water, and sewage collection.29 Published in the Diario official (Official Journal), on January 15th, f 1931, p. 464.30 For details on Anhaia Mello’s teaching and professional trajectory, see LEME, Maria Cristina da Silva. Formação do urbanismo em São Paulo como campo de conhecimento e área de atuação profissional. Livre-docência, 2000, FAU-USP, p. 57 e segs; FICHER, Sylvia. Os arquitetos da Poli. Ensino e profissão em São Paulo. São Paulo: Edusp, 2005; CAMPOS, Candido Malta. Os Rumos da Cidade. Urbanismo e Modernização em São Paulo. São Paulo: Senac, 2002; ARASAWA, Claudio Hiro. A ‘Arvore do Urbanismo de Luiz de Anhaia Mello’. Mestrado, 1999, FFLCH-USP. 31 A paper expressing this position was published in the O Estado de São Paulo (a local newspaper) in December 1887. Its author, Paulo Egydio, congratulated the private sector –‘free associations of individual wills’– for the industry, agriculture and trade, and the implementation of the railroad network in what was then called the Província de S. Paulo. Cf. EGAS, Eugenio. Galeria dos Presidentes de São Paulo. Secção de Obras d’O Estado de São Paulo, 1926, vol. 1, Império, pp. 657-658.

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private sector capital as a support to intervene in the city, a position close to that of Victor da Silva Freire, who advocated that the local government should draw its inspiration from England and Germany. Anhaia Mello believed that ‘businessmen’ should be in charge of the Capital’s administration, since they represented ‘the capacity of this agglomeration within the economic forces of the nation.’32 His proposal redefined the administrative conception of the city which he called a ‘corporation of local public affairs’, as suggested by a justice of the Supreme Court of the United States.33 He mentioned the Plan of Chicago, which he saw as ‘the boldest, most grandiose of the numberless plans of American cities’, a result of the initiative of business associations of that city, the Merchant’s Club and the Commercial Club, as an example of good results of the private sector.34

Forming the ‘urban culture’

An idea needs support to be accepted, but once it is accepted, founded, established in human hearts, it becomes a powerful motive of action, a fruitful

seed that germinates, grows, raises, gives flowers, fruits, and casts a shadow over the general welfare.

Modern, sprawling, industrial, cosmopolitan cities are a multifaceted problem; a huge and varied field of study and experimentation for all men of good will,

sociologists, economists, legal experts, lawmakers, politicians, engineers.35

Convinced of the close relationship between city, civility, and civicism, he reaffirmed the importance of stimulating the collective initiative of urban populations. In his early conferences and writings, between 1928 and 1935, he already defined this task as critical. He believed urbanists should widely expose the interventions the City Council was to execute so as to ‘form the environment’ or ‘heighten the moral temperature’. Confident that ‘projects, laws and regulations ha[d] no point, without a general and warm sympathy’, he urged his

32 FREIRE, V. da Silva. Melhoramentos de S. Paulo. Op. cit., pp. 93-94.33 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. O problema político e Administrativo, pp. 53-59-60 e O problema legal. Regulamentação e expropriação, p. 133. In: Problemas de Urbanismo. Bases para... Op. cit. 34 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. O Problema Psychologico. In: Problemas de Urbanismo. Bases para... Op. cit., pp. 18-21. At the initiative of Chicago’s Merchants Club, the Plan of Chicago, by Daniel H. BURNHAM and Edward H. BENNETT, was published in 1908. In her presentation to its reprint (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1993), Kristen Schaffer states: ‘Burnham’s association with Chicago’s business elite is very important to note, as his large-scale planning projects were initiated and sponsored by community-minded businessmen’, p. vi. 35 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. Ainda o Problema Psychologico; As Associações Americanas de Urbanismo; O problema politico e administrativo e A Cidade, Problema de Governos. In: Problemas de Urbanismo. Bases para... Op. cit., pp. 45 e 50.

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colleagues of the Engineering School to expose their projects to the ‘public opinion’ which, as he added, ‘needed to be enlightened, controlled and organized to be effective’.36

Fig. 7 - Problems of urbanism (1929 / Title page)37

Anhaia Mello assumes the pedagogical position of shaping citizens when he postulates modern principles of urbanism should be publicized through initiative campaigns of the most varied associations, directed to all school levels, but more particularly to graduate school, so as to form the basis for urbanistic action. Since he supported the ‘formation of the environment by conquering public opinion’, he concluded that the sphere of action of ‘city-planning’ or ‘town-planning’, names used in England and in the United States, was limited because it only addressed the material aspects of the city. He extended his critics to the French term, ‘urbanisme’, which, although it was more comprehensive through the inclusion of the ‘synthetic conception of the “urbs” problems’, was also inadequate because it did not take into consideration ‘the anthropogeographic and social facts’.38

Based on the multidimensional conception of ‘urbanism’, or ‘urbanism science’, Anhaia Mello placed it among the interdisciplinary fields of knowledge and activities.39 This interdisciplinary definition allowed him to use fundamental terms of the sociological current

36 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. A Verdadeira Finalidade do Urbanismo. In: Boletim do Instituto de Engenharia, nº 52, 1929, pp. 106-112. Ainda o Problema Psychologico e O Problema Psychologico. In: Problemas de Urbanismo. Op. cit.; pp. 45 e 17, respectively.37 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. Problemas de urbanismo. Bases para... Op. cit.38 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. O Problema Psychologico. In: Problemas de Urbanismo. Bases para... Op. cit., p. 209; e Urbanismo e suas normas para organisação de planos. In: Boletim do Instituto de Engenharia, vol. XVII, nº 89, abril, pp. 209-214.39 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. O Problema Psychologico, Introdução; Ainda o problema psychologico and O problema político e Administrativo. In: Problemas de Urbanismo. Bases para... Op. cit, pp. 38 and 50, respectively.

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based on organicism, as when he asserted that ‘the problem of government and administration, or the anatomy and physiology of these so complex organizations’ called the cities, was one of the most difficult to solve. This terminology guides his functional proposal of dividing the city into areas with specific and complementary uses, through zoning laws,

which, for him, are the ‘backbone of urbanism’.

Fig. 8 – Urban metabolism / Zoning and aesthetical censorship40

Since the legal status of zoning was ‘to combine mobility, the metabolism of this organism (...), and the definition of districts’, it linked sanitary science to aesthetics to guarantee the ‘best conditions of hygiene and aesthetics for the common good’.41 As it gets closer to biological models, it outlines the field of urbanism as a morphology, which allows, and, in this case, the connection is evident, to integrate all the parts into a significant figure by putting side to side the image of the city and that of a social organism.42

In this structuration of urban space, ‘open spaces’ gain importance. Intended to remind the very nature, aesthetical parks allow people to enjoy it, while parks inspired from the ‘modern concept of active recreation’ are equipped with sports facilities, so that the

40 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. Problemas de urbanismo. Bases para... Op. cit., p. 117.41 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. O problema legal. Regulamentação e expropriação, pp. 109-123 e O problema político e administrativo. A Cidade, Problema de Governo, p. 50. In: Problemas de Urbanismo. Bases para... Op. cit. See FELDMAN, Sarah. Planejamento e Zoneamento. São Paulo: 1947-1972. São Paulo: Edusp/Fapesp, 2005.42 As for the organicistic metaphors used in social sciences, see Judith E. SCHLANGER. Les métaphores de l’organisme. Paris: Vrin, 1971, pp. 166 ff.

Urban Metabolism

How can we conciliate mobility, the metabolism of this organism called a city, and the definition of districts?

Zoning and aesthetical censorship

It is astonishing that, ... some local authorities do not place any importance on... Urban Architecture, which

constitutes the widest mass on the horizon of the whole city and on the retina of any citizen.

Nothing is more despicable ... than seeing gas stations and car washes on an avenue of mansions and small

palaces; or street corners, which give us the best perspective of the city, stained by grocery or general

stores; or garages alternating with schools; or manufactures and workshops intertwined with

dwellings, or any other such absurdity.

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population, more particularly that of the working-class districts, can ‘re-create the energies spent during their daily labor to earn their living’.43

43 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. O Problema Psychologico, pp. 24-26; O problema legal. Regulamentação e expropriação, p. 160. In: Problemas de Urbanismo. Bases para... Op. cit.; Problemas de Urbanismo. O recreio activo e organisado das cidades modernas. Publicação do Boletim do Instituto de Engenharia de São Paulo, São Paulo: Escolas Profissionaes Salesianas, 1929, pp. 14-24. See TIMÓTEO, Jhoyce P. A cidade de São Paulo em ‘Escala Humana’: Luiz de Anhaia Mello e sua proposta de recreio ativo e organizado. Mestrado, 2008, IFCH-UNICAMP.

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Fig. 9 - Recreation System44

44 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. Problemas de urbanismo. O recreio... Op. cit., pp. 16, 28 e 33.

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Fig. 10 - American urban parks45

Decentralizing the city

Decentralized garden cities are the rational solution to the thorny problem of sprawling, metropolitan, overcrowded, overcongested, overmechanized cities.46

Avoiding excessive centralization of the State Capital, whose population was increasing ‘geometrically’, is also part of his conception that automobile revolutionized ‘traditional city layouts’. Anhaia Mello brought into urbanism the problems caused by the progressive extension of densely built environments in cities and proposed that contact with nature should be reestablished, not only in parks and urban gardens, but also amid dwellings.47 It was the ‘era of the automobile’,48 and the notion of decentralization was at the heart of the issue of redistributing areas intended to improve the circulation of people and vehicles and to ‘restore the contact of urban man with the nature’.49

45 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. Problemas de Urbanismo. O recreio... Op. cit., pp. 42 e 18.46 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. Ainda o problema político e administrativo. O problema legal [lecture delivered on 13.12.1928]. In: Problemas de Urbanismo. Bases para... Op. cit, p. 98.47 Anhaia Mello clearly draws on urban planners who, in the early 20th century, criticized the bad conditions of urban life and proposed to somewhat come back to the nature, as Ebenezer Howard, Peter Kropotkin and Patrick Geddes. See WHYTE, Iain Boyd. Biopolis. Patrick Geddes anda the City of Life. Cambrigde-Londres: MIT Press, 2002, pp. 54 ff.48 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. Ainda o problema político administrativo. In: Problemas de Urbanismo, op. cit., 1929, 98; A cidade cellular. Quadras, superquadras e cellulas residenciaes. In: Boletim do Instituto de Engenharia nº 91, vol. XVIII, junho 1933, p. 131. 49 MELLO. L. de Anhaia. O problema legal. Regulamentação e expropriação. In: Problemas de Urbanismo. Op. cit., pp. 146-148. See SCHICHI, Maria Cristina. Centralidades ou Periferias? Repensando o papel dos subcentros na Cidade de São Paulo. Doutorado-FAU-USP, 2002.

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Fig. 11 – The organic city50

Anhaia Mello opted for the urbanistic type of decentralization resorting to a ‘series of garden cities’, which, he thought, would allow formal possibilities of extended urbanization through polynuclear structures. The ‘cellular city, the new conception of urban layout’ was based on a system of ‘–radial, ring and diagonal– main streets’ guaranteeing the traffic between downtown and the outskirts, and between neighborhoods. This network included regular intervals between residential areas that should be treated as units, i.e., in his words, as ‘total cells, whose life would be as autonomous as possible, i.e., what American urbanists call

50 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. Curso de Urbanismo. Elementos de Composição Regional. Curso de Extensão Universitária, Escola Politécnica da USP: Impresso no Departamento de Livros e Publicações do Grêmio Politécnico 1957, p. 20; p. 75; p. 103.

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neighborhood unit cell.’51 The layout of these super-blocks or neighborhood units shows that houses would have a view on an internal green area intended solely for pedestrian traffic.

Fig. 13 - The cellular city52

Fig. 12 - Urbanism problems: Active andOrganized Recreation in Modern Cities53

This layout guaranteed the free traffic of vehicles on external avenues, while secondary streets would be restricted to local traffic, and internal pathways, to pedestrians. Children could play in gardens where anyone could enjoy the nature. Super-blocks would define the appropriate dimension of urban lots according to their occupation and cut the costs of street improvements –leveling, paving, sidewalks, curbs, planting, sewers, rainwater drainage, gas, water, electricity and telephones– by more than 50%.54 These arguments were reinforced by reproductions of plans carried out in different cities of the United States and detailed technical explanations on block dimensions, street and pedestrian pathways width and location, localization of green areas and their purposes, as well as their costs and how the resident benefited by the project would co-participate. When he explained why the concept of ‘city garden’ should be adopted or the city’s expansion should be limited, Anhaia Mello gave examples of successful plans.

51 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. Ainda o problema político e administrativo. O problema legal, p. 98 e O problema legal. Regulamentação e expropriação, p. 147; O recreio activo e organisado das cidades modernas, pp. 46-47. In: Problemas de Urbanismo. Op. cit.; A Cidade Cellular. Quadras, superquadras e cellulas residenciaes. In: Boletim do Instituto de Engenharia de São Paulo, vol.XVIII, nº 91, p. 132.52 Boletim do Instituto de Engenharia de São Paulo. Vol. XVIII, n.91, 06/1933, p. 137.53 Problemas de Urbanismo. O recreio... Op. cit., p. 46. 54 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. Ainda o problema psychologico. In: Problemas de Urbanismo. Bases para... Op. cit., p. 135.

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Work method

Let us examine how others have solved [their urban problems] and try to apply, not slavishly or imitatively, but intelligently, the methods and processes that

can be adapted to our local conditions.[...] our current urban problems [...] have already been integrally solved in a great number of foreign cities and mainly in America. This is what we must

imitate, not only because our situation is similar but also because the model is excellent.55

Comparing problems and their solutions requires analyzing contemporary experiences or assessing laws enacted in different countries or cities considered to have progressively improved over time. Anhaia Mello goes through the ‘administrative urbanistic laws’ of different countries. He examines and evaluates the hygienic, aesthetical and functional aspects of laws and administrative bodies of Germany, France, England and the United States. He ‘concludes’ that, although necessary, most of them are inadequate because they are not based on the ‘psychological element’.56

This comparative analysis leads him to choose the solutions proposed and implemented by North-American urbanists. His option is almost always preceded by analyses of the situation in European cities and, mostly, by the good adaptation of solutions adopted before in England. He exposes his arguments and justifies them by asserting that it is the ‘general norm of scientific research (...) to take foreign experiences as a starting point’.57

Surveying urban problems and how they were faced, with good or bad results, by the local authorities of different cities of the world is common to various authors during the second half of the 19th century and throughout the 20th century. Anhaia Mello listed the different steps of modern urban interventions: the ‘city beautiful’, with its pretty civic centers, boulevards, fountains and statues gave way to the ‘useful, hygienic, comfortable, practical and economical city’, when the attention of the urbanists turned to the such technical aspects as traffic, transportation, industry, zoning and funding ‘urban improvements’. This comprehensive, modern conception no longer thinks cities as a ‘political division, but [as] the economical unit of the country’.58

In his early texts (1928-1929), Anhaia Mello already exposed the explicit correlation between cities and regions. After defining the regional scale as the minimal unit of urbanism,

55 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. O problema psychologico. In: Problemas de Urbanismo. Bases para... Op. cit., p. 13.56 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. Ainda o problema político administrativo. In: Problemas de Urbanismo. Bases para... Op. cit., pp. 85-103.57 MELLO. L. de Anhaia. O Problema Psychologico. In: Problemas de Urbanismo. Bases para... Op. cit., p. 13.58 MELLO. L. de Anhaia. A Verdadeira Finalidade do Urbanismo. In: Boletim do Instituto de Engenharia, nº 52, agosto 1929, pp. 108-109. Freire expõe as fases das intervenções urbanas em Melhoramentos de S. Paulo. Op. cit., p. 92.

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he stressed the interdependence contained in the concept of regional network, which could even be extended to the whole country, as in the concept of ‘integral urbanization’. When, based on what had happened in the United States, he comments the different phases and the comprehensiveness of urbanistic plans, he lists multiple political injunctions and frustrated private interests as obstacles that are part of the political game, but must be overcome.59 He would only detail this wide conception of planning extended to the regional and national levels in 1954, in a text that caused tremendous stir among the professionals of the area and came under severe criticisms from the then Mayor of the State Capital under the Estado novo (New state), Francisco Prestes Maia.60 At the heart of their disagreement was the very conception of city expansion. While Anhaia Mello recommended limiting the development of the urban fabric by creating garden cities on a green belt, reproducing the downtown area into multiple satellite cities, Prestes Maia advocated the unlimited expansion of the city in a radial, concentric way. Both also diverged as for the location of green areas, since, although Prestes Maia agreed ‘open spaces’ should be created, he criticized the creation of parks and woodlands in the city outskirts because, in his opinion, they would be, ‘under the present building system, inadequate to provide fresh air to the local population.’ He extended his criticisms to the ‘residential areas as islands within an environment of vegetation’, which he considered utopist. He thus proposed ‘a system of parks and parkways’ on the banks of the ‘two rivers that cross the city’, Tietê and Pinheiros.61

São Paulo was expanding according to the Prestes Maia’s Plano de Avenidas, and, based on what he called ‘the ecological metropolitan template’, Anhaia Mello was opposed to the ‘typical process in a series of concentric circles’, which tended to develop ‘transition or deterioration areas, in what used to be a residential areas’ around the urban core. According to Anhaia Mello, the formation of rings of suburban slum tenements, where ‘the workers evicted from the downtown areas will build their residences’, reflected, on the lower scale of an urban or metropolitan expansion plan, ‘a disorganization similar to the anabolic and catabolic processes of the human body metabolism‘.He insisted on the organic image of the city as part of a region and, to the negative image of unlimited growth of the city, he opposes the ‘forced limitation (...) through regionalism and polynucleation’.62

He always asserted that a wide discussion of urban issues was necessary. He proposed “public hearings [as] a part of any solution”. Thus, a City’s Planning Commission was essential to formulate the plans meant to define the limits and configuration of the urbanized area.63 Since he adopted an organicistic conception of the city, his argumentation often includes biological terms – ‘city living organism’, ‘anomy’ and ‘anonymity’, ‘homo

59 MELLO. L. de Anhaia. A Verdadeira Finalidade do Urbanismo. In: Boletim do Instituto de Engenharia, nº 52, agosto 1929, pp. 106-112.60 MELLO. L. de Anhaia. O Plano Regional de São Paulo. Op. cit. 61 MAIA, F. Prestes. Introdução ao Estudo de um Plano de Avenidas para a Cidade de São Paulo. São Paulo: Melhoramentos, 1930, pp. 124-129.62 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. O Plano Regional de São Paulo. Op. cit., p. 35. 63 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. O problema político e Administrativo In: Problemas de Urbanismo. Bases para... Op. cit., 1929, p. 69 e O Plano Regional de São Paulo. Op. cit., p. 37

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sporogenes (...) that encapsulates itself to bear the metropolitan environment’.64

Guaranteeing security, tranquility, comfort, pure air, ‘family life’ in the neighborhood units sought a possible organic recomposition of the community, in which the atomized liberal individual would dissolve into the family cell.

Language diversity

Every city is an organism, but it grows without the control of the biological laws that automatically establish balance and harmony between the parts of

the whole. (...)A city is an organism and as such it requires a parallel and balanced

development of all its organs and faculties.65

Widely used by Anhaia Mello, figures of speech, especially metaphors, play two roles in the texts of urbanists who use them: they express in words highly persuasive imagetic representations and they point out possible solutions.66 Iconographic reproductions are arranged as part and parcel of written language –projects of land division appropriate to zoning, drawings of representative situations of what should be eliminated or created. They complete the arguments of the technical assessments and solutions proposed by the authors. In his early texts, Anhaia Mello’s images mostly reflect his option for the philosophical-romantic-organicistic conception that sees family as a cell of community life, which should be rescued in cities with limited, controlled expansion. Since they express problematic situations and proposals that should be implemented, they are part of the argumentation that criticizes the liberal conception based on the atomized individual.

The unlimited expansion of cities was blamed for two reasons: it was the fruit of interests of the real estate capital and of projects formulated in the limited spheres of technical departments. The absence of any procedure destined to shape the ‘civic spirit’ or the ‘urban culture’ so as to minimize the distance between technicians and dwellers was also stressed.

Examples of these different languages appear in different proposals of green areas. When he defines ‘the evolution of the concept of park’ to that of ‘active recreation’, in 1928, before members of the Rotary Club, Anhaia Mello brings forth two strong images. He first says it is impossible to raise weeds and children on the same land; he then describes the urban landscape he can see from his office window ‘at the top of the central hill’: massive buildings of the industrial and working-class districts - ‘commemorative landmarks of the city progress, milestones of the triumphal march to the future’, which contrasted with ‘the

64 O Plano Regional de São Paulo. Op. cit.65 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. A ‘Sociedade Amigos da Cidade’ e sua função no quadro urbano. In: Boletim do Instituto de Engenharia, nº 115, vol. XXI, junho 1935, pp. 264, 267.66 RICŒUR, Paul. O processo Metafórico como Cognição, Imaginação e Sentimento. In: SACKS, Sheldon (org.) Da Metáfora. São Paulo: Educ-Pontes, 1992, pp. 145-160; RICŒUR, Paul. La métaphore vive. Paris: Seuil, 1975.

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park of the Varzea do Carmo and its huge grass lawns that are, I would not say useless, but unused’. The solution of transforming them into well equipped ‘playgrounds’ for children appears as an expected element in the field of ‘modern urbanism ideas – the greatest good for the greatest number of people’.67

This argumentative procedure is always better detailed in technical texts intended to the specialized public of the Engineering School. There, without renouncing to his poetic and philosophical developments, Anhaia Mello resorts to images where statistics and calculi determining the areas required for ‘active recreation’, already established in other cities, mostly in the United States, were necessarily linked to drawings of parks presented as solutions resulting from his studies. Modern parks implemented in ‘neighborhood units’ and ‘super-blocks’ joined by green areas supply strategic elements to his arguments aimed at guaranteeing the quality of life of urban nuclei dwellers. Demographic statistics, number of vehicles in the streets, accidents with other cars or pedestrians caused by the traditional layout of traffic ways are inserted in his proposals always aimed at the benefit of the greatest number of people, in this case, in terms of security.68 Diagrams of the administrative structure and of the previous phases and planning levels form imagetic representations easily understood by lay readers.

Figure 7 shows that the strong and abundant roots of the ‘tree of urbanism’ go deep into the soil of the (duly ‘enlightened’) ‘public opinion’. Thus, the sap that runs through its trunk (the City’s Planning Commission) feeds and supports the formulation of laws defining the parameters of urbanistic actions, whose shadow is urban progress. This image represents the proposal he considered as correct: conducting the actions for urban intervention projects through laws, as opposed to the usual option of formulating projects in offices ruled by specialized technicians.69 Anhaia Mello’s proposals envisaged a twofold pedagogical process that sought both to enlighten the urban population and to change his colleagues’ procedures. The hierarchic diagram of the different institutions involved in planning published on the last page of his collection clearly describes his written argumentation, as was the case of the layout of modern cellular cities.70

REFERENCES:

67 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. O problema psychologico. In: Problemas de Urbanismo. Bases para... Op. cit., pp. 26-27.68 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. Problemas de Urbanismo. O recreio... Op. cit. e A Cidade Cellular. Quadras, superquadras e cellulas residenciaes. In: Boletim do Instituto de Engenharia de São Paulo, vol.XVIII, nº 91, 1933, pp. 131-142.69 Here he clearly opposes his colleague Francisco Prestes Maia who asserts, in the introduction of his Plano de Avenidas para São Paulo (Avenue Plan for São Paulo), he wrote a ‘concise and unpretentious repartition study, as so many others that archives daily bury... deservedly.’ MAIA, F. Prestes. Introdução ao Estudo de um Plano de Avenidas... Op. cit., p. XI.70 MELLO, L. de Anhaia. O problema psychologico, página de rosto, Regulamentação e expropriação, p. 117; Urbanismo: o problema financeiro, p. 197; e A ‘Sociedade Amigos da Cidade’ e sua função no quadro urbano, p. 265. In: Problemas de Urbanismo. Bases para... Op. cit.

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