The Monomachos Crown_Towards a Resolution

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BYZANTINA ΣΥΜΜΕΙΚΤΑ 19 (2009) 183-193

TIMOTHY DAWSON

THE MONOMACHOS CROWN: TOWARDS A RESOLUTION

The so-called “Cron of Constantine Monomachos” has long been aperplexing and contentios object1. Its niqe characteristics have led

to mch speclation abot here and hy it as made, and even to the

argment that it may be a modern forgery2. A recent athor, Etele Kiss,

sggested, in passing, hat may ell be a resoltion to the qestions3. Her

proposition has great merit, bt reqires elaboration to confirm its effect in

the face of the past debate.

To smmarise, the major isses ith the cron are threefold. The

casal, error-ridden natre of its decoration and inscriptions ere centralto Nicolas Oikonomidès’ argment for the cron being a forgery. Another

isse is its constrction in discrete, disjointed segments, and form of oblong

plates ith ronded tops, evidently intended to be fixed to some flexible

backing. A third problem is the limited span encompassed by the assemblage

of plates as fond.

In her article, Etele Kiss persasively shoed that the errors in the

inscriptions and in the representations of dress on the central panels of

1. The cron has been idely illstrated. Color images of the cron may be fond in,

The Glory of Byzantium. Art and Culture of the Middle Byzantine Era, A.D. 843–1261 ,

eds. H. EVANS – W. W IXOM, Ne York 1997 (hereafter EVANS – W IXOM, Glory of Byzantium),

210-212

2. N. OIKONOMIDÈS, La coronne dite de Constantin Monomaqe, Travaux et Mémoires

12 (1994), 241-262

3. E. KISS, The State of Research into the Monomachos Cron and Some Frther

Thoghts, in: Perceptions of Byzantium and Its Neighbours (843–1261), ed. O. Z. PEVNY,

Ne York 2000 (hereafter KISS, State of Research), 60–83.

Επιμέλεια έκδοσης Θεοδώρα ΠαΠαδοΠουλου, Πανεπιστήμιο Αθηνών



TIMOTHY DAwSON

BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 19 (2009) 183-193

184

the cron, and the figres of the dancers in the flanking panels are not

nprecedented in Byzantine artorks of the middle period, thereby

ndermining the majority of Oikonomides’ bases for deeming it to be a

forgery. A point made by Oikonomides hich as accepted by Kiss, thatthe constrction of the cron is qite shoddy is of some significance, as ill

be discssed later4.

As nmeros previos commentators have observed, the ronded tops

on the plates do remind one of some of the pper projections on omen’s

crons and coronets of the ninth to telfth centries5. Middle Byzantine era

art contains many realistic representations of omen’s crons, the forms of

hich are broadly corroborated by the eleventh-centry coronet that forms

the base of the so-called Holy Cron of Hngary6. All this evidence, hoever,indicates that those pper ornaments, hether ronded or pointed, ere

an optional addition to entirely solid circlets. The decorative schemes on

illstrated crons, and the Holy Cron of Hngary, emphasise the horizontal

element over the vertical projections (fig. 1). If it as to be a cron to be

orn pon the head, the segmented constrction of the Monomachos Cron

is niqe in the Roman Empire. The ancient root meaning of diadema, a

common term for crons throghot the period, as indeed “tied arond”

(from διαδέω), implying a flexible material, and coronets literally retainedthat qality in antiqity, yet, hile there are western medieval examples of

segmented coronets7, there is no evidence in the middle Byzantine period

that any cron meant for ceremonial ear pon the head in the Roman

Empire retained anything like sch a flexible characteristic8. when orn on

4. KISS, State of Research, 76.

5. KISS, State of Research, 65. This idea as prsed most forceflly by J. DEÉR,

Mittelalterliche Fraenkronen in Ost nd west, in: Herrschaftszeichen und Staatssymbolik:

Beiträge zu ihrer Geschichte vom dritten bis zum sechzehnten Jahrhundert, ed. P. E. SCHRAMM,

Stttgart 1955 (hereafter DEÉR, Mittelalterliche Fraenkronen), vol. II, 434

6. J. DEÉR, Die Heilige Krone Ungarns, Graz-wien-Köln 1966, 53, recognised the base

of the Holy Cron of Hngary as made for a oman.

7. Discssed by DEÉR, Mittelalterliche Fraenkronen and shon in plate 60; see also

note 4 above.

8. J. L. BALL, Representations of Secular Dress, Ne York 2005, 13; P. A. DROSSOYANNI,

A Pair of Byzantine Crons, JÖB 32/3 (1982), 529-538; É. KOVÁCS – Z. LOVAG, The Hungarian

Crown and Other Regalia, Bdapest 1980; M. PARANI, Reconstructing the Reality of Images.

Byzantine Material Culture and Religious Iconography (11th-15th Centuries), Leiden-Boston




THE MONOMACHOS CROwN: TOwARDS A RESOLuTION 185

the head, the effect of the vertical segmentation of the Monomachos Cron

mst be qite odd to anyone habitated to the knon forms of middle

Byzantine royal portraitre (fig. 2)9.

An additional difficlty ith the comparison ith royal omen’s cronsis the lack of oplence in the Monomachos Cron. The pictorial sorces and

the srviving base of the Holy Cron of Hngary are all consistent in being

adorned ith gems and pearls, in addition to enamels, as, indeed, are many

other srviving pieces of middle Byzantine elite metalork. In the Book

of Ceremonies regalia items for many ranks or fnctions are gilded, and

some belonging to relatively ndistingished or fnctions ranks have gems

and pearls10. Otherise, hat normally sets the royal versions of regalia

items apart from those of lesser persons is the rotine addition of gemsand pearls11. This observation sggests that the cron is not a royal object,

an observation hich cold be explained by the ne hypothesis presented

belo.

A frther problem ith the idea that the Monomachos Cron is a

cron in the sal sense is the fact that the cmlative extent of the plates

is jst 32 cm. A fll head circmference for even an average oman is in the

2003, 28; E. PILTZ, Kamelaukion et mitra: Insignes byzantines impériaux et ecclésiastiques,Stockholm 1977.

9. Thanks are de to Stephen Loe of the Ne Varangian Gard re-enactment grop

for this pictre of his version of the cron.

10. Gilded regalia items inclde batons, collars, sords and scorges, and are mentionedGilded regalia items inclde batons, collars, sords and scorges, and are mentioned

mch too often in the Book of Ceremonies to be cited in detail. Batons of the silentiarioi had

gems as ell as gilding, Constantini Porphyrogeniti, De cerimoniis aulae byzantinae, ed. J.

J. REISKE, v. 1, Bonn 1829 (hereafter Const. Porph. De cer. ed. REISKE), 81, 17-18; 100, 3; 167,

23-24. Some staves carried by ostiarioi ere also jeelled, Const. Porph. De cer., ed. REISKE,

v. 1, 10, l-2. 4; Const. Porph. De cer

., ed.REISKE

, v. 1, 574, 16-18; 640, 6-7; 721, 18-20. Theregalia torqes of the prototspatharioi had gems, Const. Porph. De cer., ed. REISKE, v. 1, 709,

20ff., and other collars orn by “Saracen friends”, ere both bejeelled and pearled as ell

as gilded, Const. Porph. De cer., ed. REISKE, v. 1, 584, 1ff. Even a belt, called baltidion, had

gems, Const. Porph. De cer., ed. REISKE, v. 1, 710, 21ff.

11. For example, to parade shields bearing gems and pearls ere held in the chapelFor example, to parade shields bearing gems and pearls ere held in the chapel

of St. Theodoros attached to the Chrysotriklinos, almost certainly for imperial se, Const.

Porph. De cer., ed. REISKE, v. 1, 640, 12-14. More clearly, hile several ranks named for the

item rotinely carried gilded sords (spathia) (for example, spatharokoubikoularioi: Const.

Porph. De cer., ed. REISKE, v. 1, 574, 20ff.), those of the emperor and kaisar had gems and

pearls, Const. Porph. De cer., ed. REISKE, v. 1, 80, 9ff.; 167, 9-10; 188, 4. 9. 24.



TIMOTHY DAwSON


186

vicinity of 54 cm. Hence, if the cron ere made p in a manner to be orn

pon the head an additional expanse of at least 22 cm is reqired. Bridging

that gap raises some difficlt qestions. One might posit a plate or plates

missing, bt of hat sort? The least aesthetically difficlt possibility, giventhe careflly gradated design of the plates old be to imagine missing

pieces interpolated beteen the srviving ones – that old be seven plates,

each approximately 3.5 cm ide. Yet the idea of sch comprehensive bt

specific losses is entirely implasible. A lesser nmber of plates, or a single

plate, to bridge the gap, presmably at the back (as in fig. 2), old be a

more credible loss. If that ere so, old the diminishing height motif be

contined or old it be mirrored to another peak? It is notable that the

idths of the plates are gradated as ell as their heights. Ho old thatbe accommodated by a contination? what old be represented on them if

the contination ere of similarly decorated plates? The decorative schema

is one of the hotly debated isses as it is. Certainly it cannot be entertained

that the additional span old be filled ith an nadorned expanse of

any material. In reality, the proposition that the cron cold be extended

someho to fit a head does nothing more than confse the already complex

isses of the cron ith frther baseless speclations.

Toards the end of her article, Etele Kiss mentions, as one possibility, thepresentation of a cron to an emperor retrning from a military campaign12.

The athor offers this idea diffidently, bt it may ell hold the key to the

conndrm. The relevant sorce for this notion is the composite manal

on the condct of imperial expeditions prepared by, or at the behest of,

Constantine VII Porphyrogenits and appended to the Book of Ceremonies.

That ork presents to historical acconts of imperial trimphal entries

into Constantinople as paradigms. Both say that the Eparchos presented

a cron to the emperor as he entered the City. The second accont goesfrther, saying that the rler then ore this cron on his right arm13. That

presentation cron cannot have been a fll sized item of the sal sort,

for there is no practical ay the ear sch on the arm. It old at best

dangle at the elbo, a precarios and ndignified sight, and old be in

constant danger of falling aay completely (fig. 3). If, hoever, the plates of


13. Const. Porph.Const. Porph. De cer., ed. REISKE, v. 1, 506, 1ff.; Three Treatises on Imperial Military

Expeditions, ed. J. F. HALDON (CFHB 28), wien 1990, 148, 846-849.





the Monomachos Cron are monted on a flexible backing in a contigos

loop, its 32 cm circmference is ideal to be slipped p a man’s arm to sit

comfortably arond his biceps (fig. 4). This application allos the assembly

in an nbroken circle, and does not reqire an opening and fastening in themanner of srviving rist bracelets14, as its size is more than sfficient to

be slipped over the hand and p to the pper arm. The largest plate then

occpies the blk of the length of the pper arm, hile the smaller sizes of the

plates opposite avoid casing obstrction ith the garments on the inside of

the arm, as ell as embodying their lesser importance. The portrait of Basil

II in trimphal garb in the Saint Mark’s Library Psalter does sho his pper

arms encircled in a comparable manner. Those armbands are patterned in

the style commonly sed for the longitdinally qilted or splinted manikia often seen attached to the klibania of military saints15, bt they are not

attached to his body armor, ths preclding the possibility that they are

meant to represent anything fnctionally protective.

If the Monomachos Cron as a trimphal arm-ring, it cold frther

help to explain the qirks of the decoration. Etele Kiss discssed the artistic

and other precedents for dancing omen, and noted Restle’s connection of

them to ceremonial adventi, as ell as particlar association they had ith

victory16. One might frther note also the Bamberg Tapestry herepon thepersonifications of Rome and Constantinople presenting trimphal toupha

crons to Basil II are both dressed in a manner typical of representations

of dancers in the eleventh and telfth centries17. Frthermore, if the cron

14. Sch as the pair of enamelled bracelets in the Msem of Byzantine CltreSch as the pair of enamelled bracelets in the Msem of Byzantine Cltre

inThessaloniki, EVANS – W IXOM, Glory of Byzantium, 243, fig. 165A; and the nielloed bracelet

in the Kanellopolos Msem in Athens, EVANS – W IXOM, Glory of Byzantium, 249, fig.

174.

15. Nikephoros Phokas,Nikephoros Phokas, “Praecepta Militaria”, ed. E. MCGEER, Sowing the Dragon‘s

Teeth. Byzantine Warfare in the Tenth Century, washington 1995, 34, 24ff. For primary

sorce pictres and reconstrctions of sch military eqipment see T. DAWSON, Byzantine

Cavalryman: Eastern Roman Empire, c. 900-1204, Oxford 2009.


17. As Kiss noted, pictres of dancers in similar styles of dress to those on the cron,As Kiss noted, pictres of dancers in similar styles of dress to those on the cron,

as ell as omen dancing for pleasre dressed in more sal clothing, do occr qite

idely across the period, and are positively profse on orks of minor art of the tenth to

telfth centries, sch as ivory caskets and repossée bols, KISS, State of Research, 72ff.

For variations in omen’s clothing in this era, inclding a discssion of theatrical dancers’



TIMOTHY DAwSON


188

ere indeed made for this application, it old be sed jst once as one

relatively minor element in a lengthy ceremonial excrsion, and seen at close

qarters by very fe people hose attention old, no dobt, be focssed

pon rather grander matters than the fine details of iconography. Thecraftsmanship reqired, therefore, old jstifiably be less exacting than

old be expected of a real cron to be orn often and for longer periods

in one of the most ritally significant of locations – a rler’s head.

The reign of Constantine Monomachos afforded several occasions hen

a trimph as, or cold have been, celebrated. The episode hich is described

least by the sorces is that of the Rs fleet attacking Constantinople in the

latter part of 1043. when it as defeated, Psellos, a contemporary observer,

says that the emperor “retrned trimphantly to the palace” from the seafront hence he and cortiers had atched the engagement, bt does not

mention a ceremony as sch. The most troblesome event as the revolt of

Leo Tornikios in 1047 hich got as far as besieging the capital. Once that

as sppressed, Psellos said that Monomachos staged a celebration hich

otshone all that had gone before18. A trimph ith all possible pomp mst

srely have inclded the presentation of an armilla, as precedent reqired,

yet there are to reasons hy the Monomachos Cron old not have been

that one. The first reason has already been discssed – it is too plain a orkto have been made for royalty. The second reason is that it old be contrary

to established practice to have the earer depicted on the item orn. The

base of the Holy Cron of Hngary illstrates the paradigm precisely. On

the centre front is Christ, flanked by angels. Then on the centre rear is

emperor Michael Dokas, flanked by Kaisars. In this manner is illstrated

the hierarchy to hich the nknon oman for hom it as made oed

allegiance19. If the arm-cron Constantine Monomachos mst have orn for

dress, see T. DAWSON, Propriety, Practicality and Pleasre: the parameters of omen’s

dress 1000-1204, in: Byzantine Women: Varieties of Experience 800-1200, ed. L. GARLAND,

Aldershot 2006, 41-75.

18. Michele Psello, ed. S.Michele Psello, ed. S. IMPELLIZZERI, Imperatori di Bisanzio (Cronografia), Milano-

Roma 1984, (hereafter Psellos, Chronographia), VI.123, 13-16.

19. Other examples sho ho persistent this practice as, from the imperial portraitsOther examples sho ho persistent this practice as, from the imperial portraits

on the tablia of cloaks orn by empresses depicted on several late antiqe ivories (one in

the Bargello Msem, D. TALBOT RICE, Byzantine Art, Ne York 1959, fig. 21; another in

the Vienna Knsthistorisches Msem, H. W. HAUSSIG, A History of Byzantine Civilization,

Ne York 1971, fig. 126) to the imperial portraits embroidered on the skaranika of the





the Tornikios trimph had had a portrait, it mst have been of the personage

to hom Monomachos oed fealty, that is, Christ, perhaps, accompanied by

arrior saints, given the military context, rather than the angels fond on

the Hngarian cron.The victorios occasion hich is described at some length by several

chroniclers as the end of the rebellion of George Maniakes in 1043.

Maniakes had been a highly sccessfl, and hence poplar, general, and this

had established the spport base ithin the army for his attempt to seize

the throne. Constantine chose not to lead the metropolitan army against the

srper himself, bt, concerned abot the possibility of yet another general

getting ideas above his station in the ake of a victory, he appointed a

cort ench, Stephen Pergamenos rather than an experienced general. Theimperial army’s victory seems mch more a matter of Maniakes’ bad lck

than the ench’s abilities in command, bt in it did, and the Rlers decided

to grant Pergamenos a Trimph. Michael McCormick is of the opinion that

Monomachos decided to allo the parade “only at the last minte”20. Skylitzes

says it took place “some days after” the retrn of the army to the capital21.

McCormick frther observes that Pergamenos’ trimph as very mch in

keeping ith tradition, a vie evidently based pon Psellos’ moderately

detailed description of the event, hich is indeed sitably reminiscent of theparadigms set ot by Constantine VII Porphyrogenits22. Hence, althogh not

specifically mentioned, the ceremony shold have inclded the presentation

of an arm-cron by the Hyparchos to the general early in the proceedings.

The emperor is said to have atched the parade seated on a dais at the

Chalke Phylake ith the to empresses enthroned on each side of him, an

arrangement similar to the cron itself23. The possibility that the cron is

an armilla made for the trimph of Stephen Pergamenos, cold frther help

Palaiologian cort, Psedo-Kodinos, ed. J. V ERPEAUX, Traité des Offices, Paris, 1966, 152, 1ff.;

153, 13-17; 156, 24-157, 4; 158, 11ff.

20. M.M. MCCORMICK, Eternal Victory: Triumphal Rulership in Late Antiquity, Byzantium

and the Early Medieval West, Cambridge 1986 (hereafter MCCORMICK, Eternal Victory),

181.

21. Joannis Scylitzae Synopsis historiarum, ed. J. THURN (CFHB 5), Berlin 1973, 427,

67ff. The mere fact that this athor mentions the event sggests it as regarded as someho

significant, as he makes no mention of celebrations for the other to victories.

22.. MCCORMICK, Eternal Victory, 182-183.

23. Psellos,Psellos, Chronographia, VI.88, 1ff.



TIMOTHY DAwSON


190

to explain some of its qirks. Besides the defective decoration, the cron’s

constrction is notably flimsy, compared even to the to rondels that

ere fond ith it, let alone other srviving comparable metalork24. This

featre cold be explained by it being prepared qickly to be orn once for abrief time. The clmsiness of the decoration and inscriptions cold also have

been exacerbated by the very short time the orkshop had to make it. Its

plainness, frthermore, old be de in part, perhaps, also to the brief lead

time, bt possibly more to the relatively loly stats of the recipient. The

presence of the emperor and empresses on the cron old be particlarly

appropriate in this context in representing the rlers for hose athority

the ench-trned-general had foght and been victorios. The presence

of the figre representing Hmility, hich Oikonomidès had qestioned,old similarly be appropriate as a tacit injnction for the earer not to

become ndly ambitios, an injnction hich as overlooked in time.

A final qestion is that of ho the cron came to be in the place in

hich it as fond. The sggestion made by Etele Kiss that it made its ay

there at some time close to hen it as made is possible, bt nconvincing

ithot additional evidence. If it ere an armilla presented to the emperor,

it old natrally have fond its ay back into the imperial treasry after

the festivities. Had it been presented to Pergamenos, there are to primarypossibilities. One is that it again retrned to the treasry as his assets ere

confiscated at the time of his disgrace. Another, more in accord ith Kiss’

notion of the timing, bt eqally speclative, is that it as spirited aay

on the ench’s behalf and hidden in order to prevent its confiscation. Had

it ended p in the imperial treasry, it might then have been amongst the

thosand ponds of gold and “imperial ornaments” carried off by emperor

Alexios III Angelos as he fled the Latin siege in 1204, and then sold or given

in trade to facilitate Alexios’ initial peregrinations in the Balkans25.

A recognition that the Cron of Constantine Monomachos as a

ceremonial armband to be presented by the Eparchos to a trimphant com-

mander to be orn on his biceps, and possibly made for the ench Stephen

Pergamenos dring the trimph he celebrated for defeating the rebel George

Maniakes cold provide an elegant resoltion to many of the vexatios

isses that have so dogged this remarkable item for a centry and a half.

24. See above note 13.See above note 13.

25. Niketas Choniates,Niketas Choniates, Historia, ed. I. L. V AN DIETEN (CFHB 11/1), Berlin 1975, 545, 45ff.





Fig. 1: A selection of typical omen’s crons from the late ninth to late eleventh centries.

Top left, cron of St. Helena, Bibliothèqe Nationale, Paris, Ms. Par. Gr. 510, 889 a.D.; top

right, coronet of St. Helena, ivory, Staatliches Msem, Berlin, tenth centry; bottom left,

cron of Empress Zoë, mosaic, Hagia Sophia, after 1028; bottom right, cron of Maria

of Alania, Bibliothèqe Nationale, Paris, Ms. Coislin 79, 1071–79 a.D. (Diagrams by the

athor).

Fig. 2: Α replica diadem based pon the Monomachos Cron orn pon the head (Cortesy

of Stephen Loe).



TIMOTHY DAwSON


192

Fig. 4: A fll sized replica of the Monomachos Cron assembled ith the plates contigos on

a flexible base and orn in accordance ith trimphal protocol. The garments accompanying

are a kolobion ith a civilian / parade version of the military srcoat (epilorikion) otermost

(Pictre and reprodctions by the athor).

Fig. 3: A fll sized replica of a kaisarikion shoing its nsitability for se as a trimphal

armilla as trimphal protocol demands. In any other arm position it old fall aay (Pictre

and reprodctions by the athor).





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ανάγνωση γνωστών φιλολογικών πηγών, σε συσχετισμό με έναν αριθμόπρακτικών παρατηρήσεων, ίσως συμβάλει στη λύση του προβλήματος.



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The Monomachos Crown_Towards a Resolution