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UNIVERSITÀ POLITECNICA DELLE MARCHE ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
DIPARTIMENTO DI SCIENZE ECONOMICHE E SOCIALI
The Long-run Growth Trajectories
ANTONIO G. CALAFATI
WORKING PAPER n. 366
October 2011
2
Università Politecnica delle Marche
Dipartimento di Scienze Economiche e Sociali
Ancona, Italy
Working Papers Series [http://www.dises.univpm.it/WP]
Scientific Committee:
Renato Balducci Marco Gallegati
Alberto Niccoli
Alberto Zazzaro
Editor:
Massimo Tamberi
Author:
Antonio G. Calafati
Università Politecnica delle Marche
Dipartimento di Scienze Economiche e Sociali P.le Martelli, 8 60121 Ancona, Italy
Web site: http://www.antoniocalafati.it
e-mail: [email protected]
3
The Long-run Growth Trajectories
of Third
ANTONIO G. CALAFATI
Abstract
The paper conducts an empirical exploration of the growth trajectories of the main cities of the
Third Italy a macro-region that has attracted much attention for its economic performances in the past decades. The findings of the extraordinary heterogeneity of city growth trajectories a
why-question still unobserved and unaddressed will be discussed with regard to two
methodological issues: firstly, the claim that macro-regional performances can be explained by macro-regional factors; secondly, the hypothesis, implicit in many studies, that the factors treated in the model as explanatory variables of macro-regional and urban economic performances
remain constant over time. As the paper will show, the results of the empirical analysis question
prompt more general reflection on the theoretical framework to be used to study the long-run growth performances of cities.
Keywords: Third Italy; macro- -run economic performances; macro-regional performances;
JEL Classification: R11, R12, B41; O18; O43
4
5
1. Introduction
The paper focuses on the growth trajectories of Third a question that has
been largely evaded in the large body of literature produced since the 1970s on the
economic performances of this macro-
Third Italy a manufacturing territory made up of the administrative regions of Tuscany,
Emilia Romagna, the Marches and Umbria, located in Central Italy, and with a population
of 10.6 million has arisen from three highly-valued features of the growth model that it
has followed since 1951. Firstly, its overall good economic performances driven by
endogenous capital accumulation; secondly, its polycentric economic (and spatial) growth,
with sustained capital accumulation spontaneously taking place in small- and medium-sized
cities, ensuring an enviable degree of territorial cohesion; thirdly, the manifestation within
its boundaries of cases of extraordinarily rapid local trajectories of industrialisation. To
firstly, on the specific configuration of economic, spatial, institutional and political factors
characterising this macro-region1 and, secondly, on the workings of a specific type of local
y successful growth
trajectories.2 Yet, paradoxical as it may appear with hindsight, a comparative analysis of the
long-run economic performances of the main local systems in particular, cities has not
been conducted.
The empirical exploration of citie
necessary after so much attention had been paid to the performances of industrial districts,
Italy like that of rest of Italy
Central Statistical Office (Istat-Irpet, 1987), and there have been neither conceptual nor
practical
1 Among the vast literature addressing the specificity of Third Italy it suffices in this context to
mention Bagnasco (1977, 1988); Brusco (1982); Fuà and Zacchia (1983); Arrighetti and Serravalli,
1999)
2 The neo-Marshallian literature on industrial district began to flourish in Italy in the Eighties:
Becattini (1987, 1989) contain a number of pioneering studies on this type of local system. Recently,
in Becattini et alii (2009) a synthesis of more than thirty years of research was collected (the
bibliography of this volume is an invaluable sources of information on the vast literature on industrial
districts). See also Becattini (2004) for a collection of path-breaking studies on this subject.
6
undertaken a fact that should be explained from a critical-historical perspective the
in the scientific and policy discourse, and it has not been possible to draw its
methodological and theoretical implications.
The paper will first condu
-
and call attention to their marked
heterogeneity. The paper will then explore some methodological and theoretical
performances question a theoretical framework based on direct causality from macro-
regional factors to macro-regional performances; it also questions the standard way of
framing the influence of macro-
After Section 2 has briefly discussed the issue of the proper units for urban analysis an
unavoidable issue in Italy
system, Sections 3 and 4 analyse the heterogeneity of the long-run growth trajectories of the
methodological and theoretical implications for the study of the relationship between
macro-regional and urban economic performances. Section 6 concludes the paper.
2. The Urban Dimension of the Third Italy
Addressing the issue of the spatial boundaries of cities an issue whose methodological
importance is being increasingly acknowledged (Parr, 2007) is a preliminary step towards
Third Italy in terms of cities de jure would lead to a profoundly distorted conceptualisation
of the territorial organisation of this macro-region and, consequently, to a flawed
interpretation of its urban performances. This is due to the fact that in the past five decades
the territory of the Third Italy similarly to the rest of the Italian territory has undergone
they have reached a given size (and structure), these clusters should be regarded as cities de
facto
Calafati, 2009; Calafati, 2002).
The legal boundaries of Italian cities have not been adapted to the new territorial
organisation. As a consequence, the extant cities de jure no longer capture the urban
dimension, and a shift to cities de facto as units for analysis is required. To undertake this
shift, it is necessary to proceed as in the case of any other functional unit for territorial
analysis with their practical identification. The debate conducted in Italy to date on
territorial coalescence, however, furnishes all the elements with which to do this with
7
satisfactory approximation. As early as the mid-1980s, an official map of Italy in terms of
-IRPET, 1987) through
the use of a clustering procedure based on the sizes of communes in terms of population
and employment and the direction and amount of travel-to-work flows. This map, which
was subsequently up-
new territorial units with which to express the local dimension in Italy.
The impact of territorial coalescence on the urban dimension of the Italian territory, and
been matters largely evaded in the scientific debate in Italy. The use of local systems as
proposed by ISTAT in order to identify the new urban poles of the Italian territory was the
nly recently been
highlighted (Calafati and Veneri, 2010; Calafati, 2009; Calafati, 2002). Indeed, the local
systems identified by ISTAT capture the new urban organisation of the Italian territory.
ISTAT certainly overestimates the spatial boundaries of cities de facto, but while in some
cases this overestimation may be important in terms of land extension, it is practically never
significant in terms of population and employment these last being the variables on
which this paper focuses. Therefore, ISTAT
Having defined the most appropriate category for territorial analysis that is, the city de
facto
question which is not necessary to address here: the way in which it is conventionally solved
may be followed in order to fulfil the objective of the paper. Indeed, one can resort to the
ISTAT map, according to which the communes of the Third Italy can be clustered into
144 local systems, and identify the urban system by considering those local systems with a
population of more than 80,000 inhabitants in 2009. Following this procedure, the Third
80.4% of valued added (2005) of the entire macro-region.
n system to be noted is the size distribution of
the cities which highlights the paradigmatic polycentrism of this macro-region. The
histograms of Fig. 1 show the size distribution in terms of population. In 2009, with the
exceptions of Bologna and Florence by far the two largest cities, with populations of
773,776 and 709,754 inhabitants, respectively all cities had sizes falling in the range
between 80,000 and 340,000 inhabitants, with the largest number of cities (18) hosting
populations comprised between 80,000 and 120,000 inhabitants. Considering the
28,775 square kilometres have a sufficiently
high degree of territorial autonomy, it follows that this macro-region is a paradigmatic case
of polycentrism.
8
Fig. 1
010
20
30
40
Perc
ent
0 160000 320000 480000 640000 800000
1951 (bin=40,000)
010
20
30
40
Perc
ent
0 160000 320000 480000 640000 800000
2009 (bin=40,000)
The current degree of polycentrism in the Third Italy is the result of two fundamental
respect
polycentrism in 1951 as well (see Fig. 1) Secondly, economic growth was spatially diffused,
manifesting itself in cities belonging to all size classes; and therefore also in cities which
were comparatively small in terms of both population and employment in the
manufacturing sector. These two features are closely interconnected. The distribution of
the industrial base over a large number of cities onomic
is a feature at the origin of the endogenous growth that has marked the
recent economic history of this area.
However, the maintenance of a high degree of polycentrism has been associated with a
significant change in the hierarchical ordering of cities in terms of population, employment
correlation coefficients are 0.87, 0.70 and 0.58 respectively. This has been the consequence
of striking differenc
9
3. -run growth performances
task that has not been accomplished to date. As already noted, this is paradoxical, since
different social sciences in Italy during the 1970s. The obstacle was certainly not a lack of
data. In fact, quantitative analysis of the long-run growth trajectories followed by the Third
-
2001) on employment (and population), which can be integrated with more recent data on
population (until 2009) and industrial employment (until 2007). The reasons for the lack
search field of
local development economics (see Calafati, 2009).
-run growth performances should be conducted from three
growth rates for each unit of time in this case, for each decade should be considered and
evaluated. Secondly, focusing on long-run performances, the growth rate over the entire
period of analysis (or over some meaningful sub-periods) must be analysed. Thirdly, the
time profile of the growth rates namely, the growth trajectories should be examined. As
the empirical analysis will show, the heterogeneity of the long-run performances of the
l-grounded fact.
The box-plots in Figures 2 and 3 illustrate some fundamental empirical facts concerning
3
3 Data on the public sector are available only since 1981 and that prevent a long-rung analysis of
total employment. Public sector unemployment would become an important factor in the explanation
of differences among cities in terms of total employment when the creation of Regional government in
1970 and later the reinforcing of the administrative role of Provinces boasted the public sector in
some cities.
10
Fig. 2
-10
010
20
30
Pop
ula
tio
n: g
row
th r
ate
s b
y d
ecade
1951-61 1961-71 1971-81 1981-91 1991-01 2001-09
Fig. 3 sector employment
050
10
015
020
0
Em
plo
ym
en
t in
the
pri
va
te s
ecto
r: g
row
th r
te b
y d
ecade
s
1951-61 1961-71 1971-81 1981-91 1991-01 2001-07
11
The overall picture, which should be treated as a fundamental why-question, is that of a
-
run economic performances cannot be explained in terms of exceptional cases of local
development against the background of fairly homogenous and positive performances by
other cities. Firstly, cases of decline and stagnation are numerous in each time unit;
secondly, the values of the growth rates are not concentrated but rather distributed over the
entire spectrum within the range.
On observing the values over time of the medians (and means) of the growth rates, two
three
decades of the period examined; b) the phase of extensive growth in the decades 1950-1980
was followed by a relative stagnation (on overage).
-question which is
highly significant in
growth rates.
Fig. 4 -2007
02
46
8
Tota
l gro
wth
rate
s 1
951-2
007
Private sector Manufacturing sector
Let us consider first the box-plots of Fig 4, which clearly express the extraordinary
-run growth performances in the period 1951-2007. In order to
avoid cases of extreme relative growth, only the cities with populations of more than
150,000 inhabitants are considered in the graph. Apart from the outlier (Sassuolo), total
growth rates in employment in the private sector range from a minimum of 63% (the old
industrial town of Terni) to a maximum of 430% (Rimini, the largest seaside resort in
12
Italy)
urban system as defined in the paper, the dispersion would be even larger: a number of
cities exhibit growth rates considerably higher than that of Rimini, and the corresponding
average is 266%.)
drawn from the scatter plot of Fig. 5, where the x-axis depicts employment in the private
sector in 1951 and the y-axis depicts absolute changes in this variable in the period 1951-
Florence (whose scales are comparatively too large to make the graph manageable). To be
explanatory power (confirmed by a value of the correlation coefficient between the two
variables of 0.55): cities that at the beginning of their development trajectory displayed
local production systems similar in size (employment) have experienced strikingly different
total growth rates. The two vertical lines drawn in the graph help to show this crucial
feature.
Fig. 5 -2001)
0
20
000
40
000
60
000
80
000
10
000
0
Em
plo
ye
d in th
e P
riva
te s
ecto
r: a
bsolu
te c
han
ge 1
951
-200
7
0 10000 20000 30000 40000
Employed in the Private sector (1951)
13
4. The time profile of urban growth trajectories
The previous analysis has evidenced how large the differences in long-
growth performances have been in the Third Italy, but it has not given information on a
further crucial feature, namely the time profile of the growth rates
trajectories. The importance of the time profile resides in the fact that its analysis brings out
a class of phenomena which remain hidden when the focus is exclusively on total
performances but which may be decisive in explaining total performances.
To explore this issue, let us start by comparing the long-run growth trajectories of
Bologna and Florence, which are by far the most important cities in the Third Italy. As Fig.
6 shows, their overall performances differ greatly. During the period under scrutiny, both
cities experienced remarkable growth in population and employment, but Bologna
significantly outperformed Florence.
Fig. 6 -run growth trajectories
Bologna
Florence
10
000
015
000
020
000
025
000
030
000
0
Em
plo
ym
ent
in th
e P
rivate
secto
r
1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001
1951-2001
To be noted is that these growth trajectories have the same profile (or shape). Decade by
decade, both cities recorded positive (and comparatively high) growth rates, but those
exhibited by Bologna were somewhat higher in each decade. The cumulative effect over the
47000 more jobs than Florence in the private sector. Focusing on these two cities, the
14
relevant why-questions seem to be the following: a) why did Bologna and Florence
experience such notable extensive growths? b) why did Bologna record growth rates
persistently higher than those of Florence?
Given the sizes of Bologna and Florence with respect to those of the other cities in the
Third Italy, a counterfactual exercise is warranted: what if Florence had followed the same
long-run growth trajectory as Bologna? But the counterfactual perspective, which points to
order to explain regional performances, appears unavoidable when exploring the time
growth performances.
Fig. 7 Long-run growth trajectories: selected cities (I)
Modena
Parma
Reggio Emilia
Prato
Livorno
Terni
Breakdowns
0
20
00
04
000
06
000
08
000
01
000
00
12
00
00
14
00
00
Em
plo
ym
ent
in t
he p
riva
te s
ecto
r
1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 2011
1951-2007
Rimini
Sassuolo
Lucca
Pisa
Pisa's breakdown
0
20
00
04
000
06
000
08
000
01
000
00
12
00
00
14
00
00
1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 2011
1951-2007
Fig. 7 depicts a set of growth trajectories that confirm the importance of looking at the
time profile as a source of relevant why-questions. Let us start by focusing on the growth
trajectories of the three largest cities in the Third Italy after Bologna and Florence, namely
Modena, Reggio Emilia and Parma. Since 1951 these cities have grown at similar and very
high growth rates and, given their size, they have contributed greatly to regional and
macro-regional performance. The first aspect to note is that, differently from Bologna and
Florence, they have continued their growth trajectories along the same steep trend without
15
showing any signs of a slowdown in the past three decades. The remarkable and steady
extensive economic growth of these three cities poses an interesting why-question when
compared to the decreasing growth rates of Bologna and Florence, but also to the much
lower and uneven performances of cities of comparable size.
Let us now turn to Prato whose growth trajectory is also depicted in Fig. 7. This city
attracted much attention in the decades of the Italian industrial take-off because of its very
rapid economic and demographic growth. The third largest manufacturing pole in the
Third Italy in 1951 and one of the largest in Italy Prato was conceptualised as a
remarkable example of endogenous growth and as such much researched so that it
After exhibiting the same trend
-91. Apparently, the crisis was followed by prompt recovery
in the subsequent decade. But this rapid recovery notwithstanding, the collapse experienced
in the 1980s put Prato at a significant distance from the other three cities.
Fig. 8 Long-run growth trajectories: selected cities (II)
Piacenza
Ancona
Ravenna
Perugia
0
20
00
04
000
06
000
08
000
0
Em
plo
ym
ent
in t
he p
riva
te s
ecto
r
1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 2011
1951-2007
Ferrara
Forlì
Arezzo
Carpi
Ferrara's Breakdown
0
20
00
04
000
06
000
08
000
0
1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 2011
1951-2007
Analysis of the trajectories of Ferrara, Terni and Livorno, depicted in Fig. 7, makes the
issue of the heterogeneity more complex. At the beginning of the period, these cities were
important manufacturing centres, not particularly different in size from Modena, Reggio
16
Emilia, and Parma. Their trajectories, however, differed significantly. Ferrara behaved as a
boom city in the 1950s, but after a dramatic economic breakdown in the 1970s, it followed
a sluggish growth trajectory, making a modest contribution to the extensive economic
growth of the Third Italy. Terni and Livorno, two of the largest manufacturing centres in
1951, entered a trajectory of slow growth during the 1950s, experienced an economic
breakdown in the 1980s, and continued along an even more slow-moving growth path.
The above-
in the 1960s, which was a boom decade for practically all the important cities in the Third
Italy. This means that we should not omit from analysis social, economic or political events
that are city-specific events that, as in the case of Ferrara, may deeply and for long affect
the economic history of a city
breakdown in the 1980s was not an isolated event. In the same period, Livorno and Terni,
among the cities analysed, manifested similar behaviours a finding which suggests that
of stagnation for
the Third Italy and for Italy as well. But, as already underlined, a number of cities and
among them important ones like Modena, Reggio Emilia and Parma continued to move
along the same trend, unaffected by the shocks that instead impacted negatively on other
cities.
Consideration of Figures 7 and 8 raises a further theoretical question concerning the
resilience of cities: that is, the rapidity with which they recover after a crisis. As one can
gather from Figures 7 and 8, some cities recovered very rapidly, others very slowly, whilst
others entered a trajectory of decline from which they were unable to escape.4 This finding
the Third Italy have shown different degrees of resilience (adaptation capacity), not just
different degrees of resistance to external shocks.
5. Macro-regional factors and urban performances
- a set of
contiguous administrative regions in Central Italy in the case examined in the paper
4 The private sector as a whole in cities increases also as a consequence of increase in value added
per employed
17
Hence, a macro-region is a theoretical construct based on the (hypothetical) identification
of macro- -
regional performances (the causal line [a] in Fig. 9.) In research on the Third Italy,
(informal) institutions characterising it according to the received framework among
others, trust, the redistributive orientation of leading firms within their networks of firms,
the orientation to pooling resources within the family are assigned the status of causal
factors of economic performances. The -regional
manufacturing base is also assigned the status of a causal factor of the diffused
industrialisation observed.
Research on the Third Italy has had two focuses. Besides the above-mentioned causal
relatio
particular, it focused on how macro-regional features manifested their effects on the capital
accumulation rate in this type of local system. The analysis of industrial districts was mainly
conducted in terms of a Weberian ideal-type. In its turn, the industrial district became a
dominate the scientific and policy discourse, prevented comparative analysis of industrial
the largest and economic more important local systems, on the other. As depicted in Fig. 9,
if we want to reconcile local and regional (or macro-regional) analysis, it is necessary to put
the entire urban system at centre stage and, consequently, as the foregoing empirical
-run
growth performances.
Fig. 9
The observed heterogeneity of the economic performances of the local systems into
18
which a macro-region can be decomposed requires the attention to shift to explanation of
ces as an intermediate step towards explanation of macro-regional
growth performances (Fig. 9). However, this shift raises a fundamental methodological
question: what effects do macro-
general, on loca
both the static and dynamic dimension of the problem.
The first solution to this methodological problem is to treat the configuration of macro-
, whose effect is to shift upwards the relationship between
-run growth performances within
the same macro-r -specific states of the
normally limited, for methodological
reasons, to the medium period. (See Cirilli and Veneri (2011) for a recent empirical
exercise on Italian cities conducted from this perspective). In these models the focus is on
identification of the class of factors to be introduced into the model a question recently
addressed from a conceptual perspective by Storper (2010). In an explanatory framework of
this kind, macro-
different macro-regions are compared.
A more complex but theoretically well-grounded framework, which may better capture
the variety of contributions by macro-regional features to the explanation of local
development trajectories, can be developed by introducing the -and-
proposed by Hirschman (1994)
The basic idea behind this methodological perspective is best illustrated by way of example.
contracts. Following this causal chain, one finds that low transaction costs are associated
with vertical dis-integration, and vertical dis-integration with networking processes
(Williamson, 1985). A local production system of this kind will then have the observed
intermediate features (flexibility, on-going innovation, low production costs) and the final
economic one (high accumulation rates).
that not all the steps in the causal sequence have a necessary and sufficient condition in the
previous one. For instance, in the above-outlined case, low transaction costs generate
vertical dis-integration only if the production technology makes vertical dis-integration
transaction costs might be, technological factors prevent vertical dis-integration. It is of
equal interest that effective innovation processes in networks of firms require and this is
cognitive
19
expected causal effect: if vertical dis-integration is impeded by technological factors or by
a new configuration of relative prices
potential actual effects have to be empirically
ascertained with respect to a specific city or a given typology of city.
The observed heterogeneity of urban growth in the Third Italy raises, with regard to the
macro-regional perspective on urban performances, a further methodological question
concerning the dynamic (or evolutionary) dimensio
stressed, a macro-region is a theoretical construct based on a given set of factors treated as
as is typical
of development theory the following question inevitably arises: can these factors be
-run performance? That is: can they be
the long-run is highly questionable or simply wrong (North, 1990; Kuper, 1999). Whether
or not a structural factor changes over time is an empirical question, and it should be
treated as such. To introduce as an heuristic device the hypothesis that the macro-regional
features have remained constant over the period of analysis is warranted in many research
situations, but it remains an hypothesis that should be tested and relaxed when necessary.
Some macro-regional factors may be regarded as continuously re-generated as a side-
effect of the macro-
fundamental feature of polycentrism was re-produced by the diffused nature of its
industrialisation (which, in turn, depended on the spatial diffusion of the industrial base at
the beginning of the period). Yet one cannot rule out the possibility of macro-regional
factors changing over time. Since the 1950s, formal institutions a
and concerning the fiscal regime, labour-market relations, and local policy-making
processes, have undergone dramatic changes in the Third Italy. During the same decades,
fundamental changes driven by economic growth have also oc
while the redistributive orientation within the family has been weakened by modernisation.
The introduction of the phenomenon of change into the configuration of factors
defining a macro-region has important consequences. Firstly, a region may lose its
specificity because of changes in the factors previously identified as region-specific. (But it
can also acquire region-specific factors. -and-off
-regional features may profoundly
the changing configuration of macro-regional factors combines with local factors in
historical time
features, too, change over time. Therefore, neglect of the evolution of the configuration of
20
casual factors regional and local factors may lead researchers astray in the interpretation
-run growth.
These methodological remarks point to the task of building an evolutionary model of
-run trajectories. Differences in the observed long-run growth trajectories of
and by the diverse modes in which the evolving local factors combine with macro-
regional and other external factors in generating economic performances. In turn, this task
may be pursued by focusing on case- -
But as has been stressed, we do not lack a sound epistemology with which to address the
study of social phenomena from this perspective (Flyvbjerg, 2001). Even when the aim is to
outline a general theory of city growth, lingering on the inner logic of change as manifest in
specific cities appears to be particularly useful.
6. Conclusions
The empirical analysis conducted in the paper has revealed the marked heterogeneity of the
long-
growth model. And in fact, the why- -run
performances has remained unanswered: we do not have an explanation of the dynamic
performances of the key local systems i.e. cities of this macro-region; and a theoretical
framework on which to base urban development policy is simply non-
but without it being possible to connect them to the underlying urban structures. This is a
rather critical state of affairs. With an urban system made up of cities whose economies are
manufacturing-based in most cases, with city-size distribution skewed toward small and
medium sizes, with some cities already in profound social and economic crises and under
the pressure of globalisation and territorial competition the Third Italy is entering a very
difficult phase of its economic history. The lack of a theoretical framework on which to rely
tial growth trajectories may prove a severe obstacle against the
construction of an effective policy-
in this macro-region.
the
received interpretation of the economic development trajectory of this macro-region, and
namely the casual relationship that runs from macro-regional factors to macro-regional
performances. This is a point of methodological relevance that goes beyond the case-study
performances force conceptualisation of macro-regional growth performances as the
. But this raises a fundamental
21
methodological question: how to frame the effects of macro-
-
city-specific structural features to determine formances. The paper has
-
in the underlying macro-regional
and urban structures must be taken into consideration.
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Statistical Appendix A Employment 2001
ID Cities de facto Population Number of Total Manufacturing Private Private
2009 communes land sector sector sector
1 Bologna 773776 32 2047 88819 307604 297653
2 Firenze 709754 19 1263 63616 261799 251010
3 Modena 335797 14 641 42759 129862 119235
4 Reggio nell'Emilia 333783 19 869 44918 121946 110533
5 Parma 312751 24 1547 41806 117907 107411
6 Prato 275697 9 409 41941 98042 97271
7 Rimini 226355 8 326 15524 83962 66798
8 Perugia 223321 6 807 16331 67848 59269
9 Ancona 215721 11 404 18103 66783 60826
10 Piacenza 212134 26 1287 19545 70170 60006
11 Ravenna 198368 3 781 13174 68740 55877
12 Terni 190762 18 1133 13492 47996 44686
13 Livorno 182614 5 295 9980 50974 44595
14 Pisa 181714 5 449 7776 49717 44705
15 Ferrara 181392 10 724 12335 51392 49479
16 Sassuolo 167650 11 573 41547 74700 73092
17 Lucca 162190 6 475 18291 56173 52612
18 Forlì 153717 5 462 18296 53052 48268
19 Arezzo 138230 8 798 17317 48295 48043
20 Carpi 133433 6 357 26472 49221 49276
21 Pistoia 130136 4 368 11378 35924 35054
22 Pesaro 129014 16 289 20417 49517 44970
23 Montevarchi 127594 11 718 14250 35338 33461
24 Cesena 124369 6 652 14063 42231 39222
25 Montecatini-Terme 123455 12 303 9943 33715 33471
26 San Benedetto del Tronto 121072 12 300 12623 37186 33202
27 Fano 120988 14 490 15575 39187 32074
28 Viareggio 119414 3 185 7674 33719 28715
29 Pontedera 116373 15 635 15764 37906 34517
30 Ascoli Piceno 114107 17 864 12416 32204 27980
31 Siena 113645 12 1519 7092 34757 31200
32 Empoli 106684 6 341 13549 33790 31705
33 Grosseto 104951 5 1404 3127 26986 22465
34 Lugo 103136 9 480 12611 30084 27850
35 Cesenatico 103035 9 189 10641 38121 29874
36 Santa Croce sull'Arno 102200 6 301 18187 36179 35731
37 Mirandola 102152 10 638 18662 35518 34114
38 Civitanova Marche 99940 5 179 18040 36671 34804
39 Recanati 96076 9 312 17565 32795 30140
40 Imola 93881 8 479 13741 33173 28943
41 Faenza 88005 6 598 8856 25944 23770
42 Fidenza 87122 10 589 10081 27733 25103
43 Foligno 85649 5 522 7157 23080 21140
44 Massa 81371 2 111 5908 22831 19606
45 Jesi 80193 15 368 11643 28731 24467
46 Cento 80053 7 298 11932 23657 21784
Employment 2007
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