The Freedom Collection Presents

CASE STUDIES OF FREEDOM IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURYUnit 4, Lesson 2

The Freedom Col lect ion Presents:

UNIT 4, LESSON 2

CASE STUDIES OF FREEDOM IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY I N T R O D U C T I O N This multi-day lesson invites students to analyze contemporary efforts to achieve freedom and democracy in Burma (also known as Myanmar), China, Cuba, and Tunisia. Students will be divided into groups and research one of the four countries using case studies provided with the lesson, oral histories found in the Freedom Collection, and analysis from the nonprofit organization Freedom House. Each group will use its research to prepare a mock newscast and present it to the class. G U I D I N G Q U E S T I O N S

⋅ How can we understand the importance of freedom by studying contemporary struggles for democratic government and individual rights?

⋅ How successful have movements for democratic government and individual rights been in the case studies provided in this lesson?

⋅ How have external factors contributed to progress or setbacks in the case studies provided in this lesson?

O B J E C T I V E S STUDENTS WILL :

⋅ Research and analyze contemporary movements for freedom in Burma, China, Cuba, and Tunisia.

⋅ Explore the role of individuals in advocating for democratic government and individual rights in each example.

⋅ Consider the role of external factors in movements for democratic government and individual rights.

⋅ Work cooperatively in a group to teach fellow classmates about one of the four case studies using a mock newscast.

UNIT 4, LESSON 2 FREEDOMCOLLECTION.ORG

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L E N G T H O F L E S S O N

⋅ Day 1—55 minutes ⋅ Day 2—55 minutes ⋅ Day 3—55 minutes

C U R R I C U L U M S T A N D A R D S TEKS

⋅ WH.21.A "Describe how people have participated in supporting or changing their governments."

⋅ WH.21.B "Describe the rights and responsibilities of citizens and noncitizens in civic participation throughout history."

⋅ WH.22.F "Assess the degree to which American ideals have advanced human rights and democratic ideas throughout the world."

⋅ WH.29A "Explain the differences between primary and secondary sources and examine those sources to analyze frame of reference, historical context, and point of view."

⋅ WH.29B "Analyze information by sequencing, categorizing, identifying cause-and-effect relationships, comparing, contrasting, finding the main idea, summarizing, making generalizations and predictions, drawing inferences and conclusions, and developing connections between historical events over time."

⋅ WH.30 "The student communicates in written, oral, and visual forms." ⋅ WG.18.B "Assess causes, effects, and perceptions of conflicts between groups of people,

including modern genocides and terrorism." AP WORLD HISTORY

⋅ AP.6.3.III.A "The notion of human rights gained traction throughout the world." B A C K G R O U N D Freedom and democracy have faced a growing number of challenges during the twenty-first century. Where democracy seemed on the march in the aftermath of the Cold War, more recently a series of obstacles and adversaries have emerged as barriers to the spread of free societies. Among the threats to democracy, the role of powerful authoritarian neighbors looms especially large. Russia's invasion and takeover of parts of Ukraine in 2014 is an extreme example of this phenomenon. But dictatorships need not use military intervention to influence events. In Asia, China threatens its neighbors and tries to intimidate countries that are playing host to the Dalai Lama, the spiritual leader of Tibet. Iran provides military support to neighboring dictatorships. A second and increasingly lethal challenge is posed by terrorist groups, militias, drug trafficking gangs, and other non-state actors. A wide arc from Africa to the Middle East and over to South Asia is suffering


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from violent upheavals generated by religious extremists. Terrorist groups kill "nonbelievers," kidnap civilians for ransom, intimidate the authorities, and make societies ungovernable. Drug gangs kill police and civilian officials, force children into criminal activities, and terrorize neighborhoods. Under these conditions, the building of stable democracies becomes next to impossible. A third obstacle is ethnic division. In setting after setting, the persecution of racial, religious, or ethnic minorities stands in the way of democratic progress. In some countries—Burma, Iraq, Syria, Bahrain—the abuse of minorities is a problem that has led to riots, civil strife, and war. Even in stable democracies in Europe and North America, the presence of growing numbers of immigrants from foreign cultures represents an important challenge to political stability. Another problem is ineffective and corruption-prone leadership. The abuse of power and resources for personal gain by government officials threatens many new democracies and can erode a people's faith in elections and other free institutions. Finally, authoritarian leaders have emerged in China, Russia, Iran, and other countries who suppress the opposition, control the media, and smother civil society in ways that avoid the bloodshed and overt repression that characterized previous generations of dictators. In so doing, these new powers have found ways to achieve the age-old goal of dictators: serving as leader-for-life. This lesson examines the cases of four countries where authoritarian regimes exist or where there is evidence of an ongoing transition to democracy. In Burma, major changes have occurred in a society that for decades ranked among the world's most repressive environments. Led by a former military leader, Thein Sein, the changes have included the release of many political prisoners, a relaxation of censorship, a general improvement in civil liberties, elections in which the opposition was allowed to participate, and a visible public role for the opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize recipient Aung San Suu Kyi. A major stumbling block to further change has been deep divisions between ethnic groups. For example, the Rohingya, a Muslim group, have been the target of mob violence on numerous occasions. The persecution of the Rohingya has occurred at the same time as a rise in religious intolerance driven by advocates of a "Buddhist Power" movement. China, by contrast, has become a global economic power while retaining a one-party, authoritarian political system. While many of the intrusions on personal and family life have been lifted over the years, the Communist Party leadership has created elaborate and technically sophisticated ways to suppress freedom of expression. The state also represses minority rights, especially for Tibetans and Uyghurs, retains tight control over religious communities, and holds hundreds of dissidents as political prisoners. In Cuba, students will find a society that has endured over a half-century of totalitarian Communist rule and is now facing multiple pressures for change. Under the leadership of Fidel Castro and his brother Raul Castro, Cuba has kept a rigidly controlled, socialist economy. Political dissidents have been imprisoned or exiled, private property has been nearly abolished, the press remains under state domination, and foreign travel is prohibited for many citizens. More recently, in the face of mounting economic decline, the government has allowed some private enterprise and relaxed controls on foreign travel. Challenges to the Communist Party's political control are still quickly put down, however.


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Tunisia stands as the only country to have emerged from the Arab Spring with its democratic reforms largely intact. Yet Tunisia also faces severe challenges due to a weak economy, tension between secular (not religious) reformers and Islamists, and religious extremists who have sought to undermine the country's democratic revolution with terrorism and political assassination. R E S O U R C E S

⋅ Students will need copies of the following: ⋅ Handout 1, Mock Newscast Assignment ⋅ Handout 2, Mock Newscast Plan ⋅ Handout 3, Mock Newscast Rubric ⋅ Handout 4, Understanding Twenty-First Century Freedom Movements ⋅ Handouts 5−8, Case study handout for their group's assigned country

⋅ Access to the Internet for the following: ⋅ Freedom Collection videos, www.freedomcollection.org ⋅ Freedom House country analysis, www.freedomhouse.org

P R E R E Q U I S I T E S

⋅ None. However, it is highly recommended that the lessons in Unit 4 be taught together and

sequentially.

N O T E S T O T H E T E A C H E R Students will need access to computers and the Internet. This is a multi-day lesson that allows time for students to prepare and present a live mock newscast. The goal of the lesson is to hold students responsible for teaching their peers about freedom movements in Burma (Myanmar), China, Cuba, and Tunisia using the case studies provided and external websites. A minimum of three days is suggested, with two days devoted to research and preparation and one day for presentations. To stay with this schedule, students might need to prepare some of the material outside of class. The procedures are based on a class size of 32 students, divided into four groups of 8. Within each group, two students will be assigned the same role. These numbers may be adjusted for smaller classes. Teachers should make every effort to balance the roles and responsibilities of all students. If time to prepare for the newscast is a concern, consider having students create a poster incorporating the same elements as the newscast. Once student posters are complete, they can be placed around the room in a gallery-walk format so that the class can learn about the other countries and complete the notes chart in Handout 4.

http://www.freedomcollection.org/


http://www.freedomhouse.org/



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If students are interested in videotaping their presentations, rather than doing the live newscast, an extra day or two may need to be added to the lesson plan to allow time to record and polish the newscast. P R O C E D U R E (times below are suggested) DAY 1 1. (5 minutes) Warm-Up: Introduce the lesson by showing an opening clip to a major network evening

news program (for example, ABC's World News Tonight). Ask students to note the various ways the news anchors set the stage for the remainder of the newscast. Then explain that they will be divided into groups to prepare an 8- to 10-minute mock newscast about the ongoing struggle for freedom in one of these countries: Burma (Myanmar), China, Cuba, or Tunisia.

2. (5 minutes) Divide the class into four equal groups and assign their country of study. Then assign

students roles within each group. For example, if you have a class of 32 students, each group would have 8 students: 2 anchors, 2 field reporters, 2 reporters on the street, and 2 editorial reporters. For smaller classes, adjust the assignments based on your assessment of student abilities to handle their role alone or in pairs.

3. (5 minutes) Give each student a copy of these handouts: Mock Newscast Assignment, Mock

Newscast Plan, and Mock Newscast Rubric; also provide the case study handout for their assigned country. Next, explain the roles and requirements of the mock newscast to students.

4. (40 minutes) Instruct students to begin their work by reading the case study for their assigned country. Next, in their groups, have students briefly discuss general observations about the struggles for democratic government and individual rights facing the citizens of this country. Before the end of class, students should begin researching their portion of the mock newscast, as outlined in the Mock Newscast Assignment handout. They should complete their individual research and portion of the Mock Newscast Plan for homework.

DAY 2 1. (55 minutes) Instruct students to fill out their Mock Newscast Plan handout and have it checked by

the teacher prior to preparing their stories and practicing their newscasts. NOTE: Teachers will need to check the bullet points and content to ensure the information is relevant to learning about human freedom in the country. The purpose of this day is to ensure content is accurate and allow students time to practice their presentations.

2. Students may need to complete their preparations outside of class as homework.

DAY 3


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1. (5 minutes) Prior to class, set the classroom in a mock newsroom style to facilitate the group

presentations. When students arrive, pass out the Understanding Twenty-First Century Freedom Movements handout and instruct them to take notes on the newscasts they observe. Explain to students that they will use these notes in the next lesson.

2. (40 minutes) Allow each group 8 to 10 minutes to present its mock newscast to the class. 3. (10 minutes) To conclude the lesson, have students get back in their groups and discuss what they

have learned. Ask students to review their notes on the three presentations they saw, discuss their reactions, and compare to their assigned country. Encourage students to add information they might have missed to their notes. If there are significant questions or gaps in information, students should discuss them as a class. (NOTE: If teachers plan to do Unit 4, Lesson 3, students will need a completed chart.)

E N R I C H M E N T / E X T E N S I O N A C T I V I T I E S

⋅ Ask students to complete individual research on another country currently experiencing a freedom movement and write a "Letter to the Editor" about how individuals could help that country's freedom advocates.

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MOCK NEWSCAST ASSIGNMENT O B J E C T I V E S ⋅ Analyze one of the following case studies about a twenty-first-century movement for freedom and democracy:

Burma (also known as Myanmar), China, Cuba, and Tunisia. ⋅ Examine the role of individuals in advocating for freedom and bringing about change. ⋅ Evaluate the success of the movement to date in advocating for democratic government and individual rights. ⋅ Understand the role of internal and external factors on the success of the movement to date. D I R E C T I O N S Working with your group, you will create and present a Mock Newscast about a contemporary country where individuals are advocating for more freedom and a voice in their government. To begin the process, you will read a case study that provides much of the necessary information for your group's newscast. Additional information, including interviews with people involved in the movement, can be found here: ⋅ Freedom Collection videos, www.freedomcollection.org ⋅ Freedom House country analysis, www.freedomhouse.org R E Q U I R E M E N T S ⋅ The Mock Newscast must be 8 to 10 minutes long. Points will not be given if the time requirement is not met. ⋅ All group members must be equally involved in preparation and presentation. ⋅ One or two anchor reporters will sit at the news desk to provide the introduction to the newscast and present

the lead story, which should include a brief overview of the current state of freedom in the country. The anchor reporters will coordinate the remainder of the newscast.

⋅ One or two reporters in the field will provide a report giving the historical background necessary to understand the current movement for freedom. The report should also outline the general experience of freedom in the country today.

⋅ One or two reporters on the street will report on current opposition and dissent against the government. The report should include at least one excerpt from an oral history found in the Freedom Collection.

⋅ One or two editorial reporters who will provide a "Point/Counterpoint" debate on the importance of external versus internal influences as well as the potential for the freedom movement's success given current conditions.

E X T E N S I O N ( I F T I M E A L L O W S ) ⋅ Include a public service announcement or commercial that introduces the culture of the country; this should

include as many of the students in your group as possible.





O T H E R H A N D O U T S ⋅ Mock Newscast Plan: The teacher must check and approve your group's plan prior to implementation. ⋅ Mock Newscast Rubric: The teacher will use this rubric to evaluate your group's newscast.

MOCK NEWSCAST PLANMock Newscast on ____________________________________________

I . A N C H O R D E S K R E P O R T E R S : _________________________________________________

Lead Story Topic: ______________________________________________________________________ Length (minutes): _______________________________________________________________________ Brief Country Overview (bullet points): _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ I I . R E P O R T E R S I N T H E F I E L D : __________________________________________________ Length (minutes):________________________________________________________________________ Historical Background (bullet points):___________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

I I I . R E P O R T E R S O N T H E S T R E E T: ______________________________________________ Name of Freedom Collection Dissident: ____________________________________________________ Length (minutes): _______________________________________________________________________

Dissident Interview Story (bullet points): ___________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

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I V. E D I T O R I A L R E P O R T E R S : _____________________________________________________

Length (minutes):________________________________________________________________________

Debate summary on the importance of internal and external influences and potential for freedom movement success: Point____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Counterpoint______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

V. C O M M E R C I A L ( R E Q U I R E S T E A C H E R A P P R O VA L )

Length (minutes):________________________________________________________________________

Outline (bullet points):__________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Props needed, if any:

MOCK NEWSCAST RUBRICMock Newscast on ___________________________________________________________

Group Members: _____________________________________________________________________

1. Overall Time Limit Met (8 to 10 minutes): (5 pts.) ____________________

2. Introduction to the Newscast: (5 pts.) ____________________

3. Elements of the Newscast: (15 pts. each) Lead Story ____________________

Historical Background Story ____________________ Dissident Interview ____________________ Internal vs. External Influences Story ____________________ Total Points Awarded ____________________

4. Use of Research: (15 pts.) ____________________

5. Production: (5 pts. each) Accuracy of Content ____________________ Collaboration/Balance in Group ____________________ Coordinated and Rehearsed Production ____________________

Total Points Awarded ____________________

6. Extra Credit for Commercial (no more than 10 pts.) ____________________

General Comments: ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

TOTAL GRADE ________________

HANDOUT 3

CHINABURMA (MYANMAR)

Situation in the Country /Historical Background

Individual’s Experience of Freedom

Dissident’s Perspective

Effect of Internal/External Forces

How You Would Rate Levels of Freedom Today (low, medium, high)

UNDERSTANDING TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY FREEDOM MOVEMENTS

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DIRECTIONS: As you listen to other groups present their Mock Newscasts, use this chart to take notes.

CUBA TUNISIA

Situation in the Country /Historical Background

Individual’s Experience of Freedom

Dissident’s Perspective

Effect of Internal/External Forces

How You Would Rate Levels of Freedom Today (low, medium, high)

BURMA CASE STUDYBurma gained independence from Britain in 1948. The military seized power in 1962, when General Ne Win

led a coup that toppled an elected civilian government. The ruling Revolutionary Council consolidated control of all

institutions of government, introduced radical socialist policies, and isolated the country from the rest of the world.

The new rulers also changed the country’s name from Burma to Myanmar. Once among Southeast Asia’s wealthier

countries, Burma declined to the point where it was one of the most impoverished societies in the region.

A junta, or military group controlling the government, led by General Than Shwe dramatically asserted its power

in 1988. That year, the army opened fire on peaceful, student-led, pro-democracy protesters, killing an estimated

3,000 people. In the aftermath, a younger generation of army commanders created the State Law and Order

Restoration Council (SLORC) to rule the country. The SLORC refused to give up power after it was defeated in an

election by the National League for Democracy (NLD) in 1990. The NLD won 392 of the 485 parliamentary seats

in Burma’s first free elections in three decades. The junta responded by nullifying [making legally void] the results

and jailing dozens of NLD members, including party leader Aung San Suu Kyi. She went on to spend 14 of the

next 20 years in detention. Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 for her nonviolent

struggle for democracy and human rights.

Although the ruling junta talked to the democratic opposition through the years, the military kept firm control of the

country’s political affairs, resisted political and economic reforms, and suppressed protests that sought political

change. On May 30, 2003, many NLD leaders and supporters were killed when regime thugs ambushed an NLD

motorcade. The attack came to be known as the Depayin Massacre.

The military also put down a large protest movement in 2007 that became known as the Saffron Revolution.

The protests were triggered by a 500 percent increase in fuel prices. The protests were led by political

dissidents but also included thousands of Buddhist monks and nuns. Soldiers, riot police, and members of

the paramilitary Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) and the Swan Arr Shin militia group

responded with violence, killing at least 31 people. The crackdown targeted important religious sites and

included the public beating, shooting, and arrest of monks, further delegitimizing [reducing the authority of]

the regime in the eyes of many Burmese.

Unlike other countries where military coups or violent revolutions were influenced by the Cold War and competition

between the United States and the Soviet Union, the military takeover in Burma was pushed forward by dynamics

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within Burmese society. However, China’s rising economic and political power in Southeast Asia has had an

influence on developments in Burma.

T H E I N D I V I D U A L’ S E X P E R I E N C E O F F R E E D O M

Burma’s former military government introduced an extreme variant of socialism, called the Burmese Way to

Socialism. All industries were placed under state control; only agriculture was left in private hands. Conditions

were eased somewhat after 1988. Some private enterprise was allowed along with a modest amount of foreign

investment. Yet Burma remained one of Asia’s poorest countries. Even small private businessmen often experienced

state intrusion in their enterprises, and corruption was rampant.

Although the policies of the military did not single out women for special repression, domestic violence and sex

trafficking have been serious problems in Burma. The military has also been accused of systematically using rape

and forced marriage as a weapon against ethnic minorities.

Ethnic divisions have long posed a problem for the Burmese government. Roughly 35 percent of the country’s

population is composed of national minorities, many of which live in areas bordering on neighboring countries. The

military authorities justified their dictatorship in part on the grounds that movements for independence or autonomy

by ethnic minorities posed a threat to the country’s unity. The military government, however, was at least partially

responsible for the decision by minorities to take up armed rebellion.

Especially in border regions, the military has killed, beaten, raped, and arbitrarily detained civilians. The Chin,

Karen, and Rohingya minorities are frequent victims. Tens of thousands of ethnic minorities in Shan, Karenni, Karen,

and Mon states live in squalid [very dirty] relocation centers set up by the military. Over the years, several million

Burmese have fled as refugees to neighboring countries. Some ethnic rebel armies maintain low-grade insurgencies

[rebellions], and have reportedly displaced villagers and used forced labor. Both the Burmese armed forces and

rebel armies recruit child soldiers.

A military dictatorship ruled Burma until 2012. Competitive elections were not permitted. The former junta

drastically restricted press freedom and owned or controlled all newspapers and broadcast media. While the

market for private publications grew through the years, the military censored [removed content it considered

inappropriate] private periodicals before publication and impeded [slowed or prevented] the importation of

foreign news sources. Academic freedom was severely limited. Teachers were subject to restrictions on freedom of

expression and held accountable for the political activities of their students. Since the 1988 student pro-democracy

demonstrations, the junta has sporadically [occasionally] closed universities and relocated many campuses to

relatively isolated areas to disperse the student population. Unauthorized outdoor gatherings of more than five

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people were banned. Authorities regularly used force to break up or prevent demonstrations and meetings, most

notably during the 2007 protests.

The former junta also controlled the legal system. Those accused of political crimes were often held without

formal charges for up to five years if the junta concluded that they had threatened the state’s security or

sovereignty [independent authority]. Decree 5/96 authorized prison terms of up to 20 years for aiding activities

“which adversely affect the national interest.” Political prisoners were frequently held incommunicado [without

communication] in pretrial detention and tortured.

The groups that were singled out for surveillance were political dissidents, ethnic minorities, and independent-

minded Buddhist monks. Political dissidents and bloggers were treated harshly, with some receiving prison terms

of 100 years. The policies of the military severely retarded [slowed] Burma’s economic and technological growth.

In a region once notable for its economic advancement, Burma stood out for its backwardness and poverty. Burma

has been especially slow to join the new media era, with a tiny percentage of the population connected to the

Internet and prevailing [ongoing] high costs for Internet use.

D I S S E N T A G A I N S T T H E G O V E R N M E N T

Beginning in 2011, the military junta began a process of political change that has lessened the atmosphere of

fear that had existed in Burma since the initial coup in 1962. The motives for reform remain somewhat unclear.

The person most responsible for change is Thein Sein, a former member of the military junta who took office as

president in 2011. The new policies are believed to have been influenced by Burma’s international isolation,

including economic sanctions, or restrictions, imposed by the United States and European countries. Another

important factor was the growing power of China in Southeast Asia. Burma’s leaders believe that enhanced

relations with the United States and other economic powers were needed to balance China’s increasingly

dominant role in the region.

Among the steps Thein Sein took were easing [reducing] controls on the media, releasing a number of political

prisoners, encouraging the return of political exiles, and legalizing peaceful demonstrations. He also began talks

with pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi. In April 2012, Aung San Suu Kyi’s NLD party participated in

elections for both chambers of the national parliament. The party won all 37 seats up for election that year in the

lower house, with one seat going to Aung San Suu Kyi.

The authorities have also liberalized [opened up] the environment for foreign media operating in Burma, eased

restrictions on internet access, and cut back considerably on domestic censorship. Aung San Suu Kyi appears

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regularly in the national media. World leaders who previously avoided travel to Burma have paid visits to the

country since the reforms were put in place.

A visit by U.S. President Barack Obama in November 2012 was regarded as a clear sign that the

democratic world regarded the reform policies of Thein Sein as important steps. However, going forward,

a major obstacle to further democratic gains is the country’s ongoing ethnic and religious division. While

progress has been made in talks to persuade the Karen minority to give up hopes for autonomy, the Kachin

minority continues to carry out armed conflict.

Perhaps more disturbing has been an upsurge in violence targeting the Rohingya minority—Muslims who the

government asserts are illegal migrants from Bangladesh—and other Muslim groups in the country. Most of the

violence has been carried out by armed mobs led by extremist Buddhist monks.

The upsurge in religious violence indicates that there are significant challenges that must be met before Burma

achieves genuine democracy. The steps taken by the Thein Sein leadership, however, have moved Burma from

a position among the world’s most repressive governments to a situation where expectation for a freer future

predominates. While Thein Sein and his government have led this process, the role of Aung San Suu Kyi and

other dissidents has been important. The outside world, and especially the leading democracies, also played a

significant part. By imposing economic sanctions on Burma for its internal repression, the United States and other

democracies sent Burma’s leaders a message that relations would not be made normal until Aung San Suu Kyi and

other dissidents were given full rights as citizens, including the right to compete for political power.

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CHINA CASE STUDYThe People’s Republic of China was established after Communist forces under Mao Zedong won a civil war

in 1949. Until Mao’s death in 1976, the Chinese people suffered under a system that combined elements of

traditional Soviet-style Communism with features unique to China. These unique features included campaigns

against religious belief and traditional Chinese culture, measures to eliminate private ownership of land by

peasants, and recurring efforts to purge the party leadership [get rid of certain people].

Deng Xiaoping, who eventually succeeded Mao as party leader, eliminated many of the harsher features of

the Mao period. The state became less involved in the individual’s personal life and reduced its tight central

control over the economy. There was, however, no change in the Communist Party’s monopoly on [complete

control of] political power. While under Deng the number of political prisoners declined, dissidents who

promoted the idea of democracy with competing political parties and freedom of speech were invariably

[continually] handed lengthy prison terms.

Ironically, the 1989 collapse of Communism in Europe and the 1991 break-up of the Soviet Union had the

unanticipated effect of strengthening the Communist Party’s control over political affairs and weakening the cause of

democratic change. In the opinion of the Chinese leadership, the lesson of European Communism’s failure was not

that there were fatal flaws in the system, but rather that even modest concessions to [changes in favor of] political

democracy would lead to the collapse of the regime. In 1989, China’s government violently suppressed pro-

democracy demonstrations in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square.

The political authorities, determined to avoid Communism’s fate in Eastern Europe, grew more resistant to

political reforms of even the most modest type. Moreover, the ability of the Communist leadership to maintain

total one-party control has been reinforced by the unwillingness of the world’s most powerful democracies,

especially the United States, to seriously challenge the repressive and anti-democratic features of the Chinese

system. While the United States has issued intermittent [occasional] criticisms of Chinese government policies,

successive presidents have declined to base relations on China’s failure to adhere to [meet] international

standards of human rights or democracy.


The most significant changes made in China in the period after Mao have been in the economic sphere. While

a substantial part of the Chinese economy is owned or controlled by the state, considerable segments have been

privatized. To a substantial degree, China has focused its economy on the production of consumer goods [items

bought for personal use] for a global export market. This in turn has led to the growth of urban areas as workers

from the countryside migrate to jobs in the cities.

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The growing Chinese economy has meant jobs and economic opportunity for millions of workers and a major

reduction in poverty, but it has also generated a series of problems. Corruption is rampant in all levels of economic

life. Politics and business are closely intertwined, encouraging various forms of corruption. Real estate values have

boomed, leading to land seizures that benefit local officials and business interests over ordinary citizens. A massive

wealth gap has opened up between the new super-rich and workers and farmers. The rich also take advantage of

class privileges to ensure that their children get admission to the best schools, have opportunities to study abroad,

and obtain employment in lucrative [high paying] jobs in the private sector.

Most Chinese remain subject to the one-child policy, which limits families to one child. In recent years the

authorities have allowed more public criticism of forced abortions and other excessive ways local officials

have enforced this policy. However, despite growing criticism and some small changes to the one-child rule,

the policy remains in place.

Despite its emergence as an economic powerhouse and its integration into the global trading and diplomatic

universe, China has increased its repression of ethnic minorities. This is especially true for two groups, Tibetans and

Uyghurs. In recent years the central government has done more to dilute indigenous [native] Tibetan and Uyghurs

populations by encouraging the in-migration of Han Chinese, the country’s predominant group. The authorities

have also imposed strict controls over religious practices of Tibetans, who are primarily Buddhist, and Uyghurs,

who are Muslim. Thus Communist Party authorities determine who is allowed to make the annual pilgrimage to

Mecca, set restrictive guidelines on the observance of Muslim holy days like Ramadan, and penalize [punish] civil

servants for following Muslim religious traditions. The authorities have also waged a lengthy campaign to discredit

the Dalai Lama, the spiritual leader of Tibet. The leadership has taken this campaign beyond China’s borders by

punishing foreign countries whose political leaders meet publicly with the Dalai Lama.

The authorities also persecute religious believers of other faiths who deviate from [do not follow] state guidelines.

Catholics and evangelical Christians who worship in unofficial “house churches” and do not accept state control

are harassed and subject to imprisonment. Followers of Falun Gong, a sect that combines spiritual elements with

traditional Chinese exercises, have been the victims of torture and imprisonment under harsh conditions.

Unlike some authoritarian governments, the Chinese authorities decided that if their country became part of the

global economy, it would require openness to modern technology. Thus China accepted the Internet and other

forms of new media, to the point where the country boasts [has] the largest number of Internet users in the world.

At the same time, the Communist Party leadership also decided that the introduction of new communication

technologies would be combined with the introduction of new forms of media control and censorship in order to

prevent the Chinese people from getting access to “subversive” ideas [ideas considered threatening to the state].

Among the themes subject to censorship are criticism of the party leadership, information about foreign political

movements that challenge the rule of repressive regimes (as in the Arab Spring), or commentaries sympathetic to the

Tibetan and Uyghur causes, and multiparty democracy.

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To enforce this new and highly complex system of media control, China has established a network of hundreds

of thousands of people involved in the censorship, control, and manipulation of the Internet. While the authorities

tolerate the circulation of information about some sensitive domestic problems—railroad accidents or food

contamination scandals, for example—those who send messages over the Internet that are critical of one-party rule

or single out individual party leaders for criticism are often arrested and imprisoned.


Since the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989, the Communist Party leadership has developed a set of policies

that are designed to prevent the emergence of a nationwide dissident movement that seeks broad democratic

change. The regime’s strategy of political control thus concentrates on the suppression of potential sources of

political dissent before they become a serious threat.

Part of the regime’s strategy is to tolerate, and even placate [soothe or make to feel less angry], protest movements

that seek specific, localized objectives. The authorities have thus pressured employers to agree to the demands of

striking workers for high wages and better conditions. The authorities have allowed protests over environmental

degradation [damage], and in some cases have agreed to protest demands.

But dissidents who have advocated for [called for] sweeping political changes have been repressed. The

authorities have responded with special harshness to critics who want to build a national following for their

ideas. Thus Liu Xiaobo, a Nobel peace laureate, received a lengthy prison sentence for his promotion of political

reform. A number of dissidents have emigrated [left their country to live somewhere else] to the United States and

other democracies. Given the regime’s control over the circulation of sensitive political commentary, though, the

influence of exile dissidents is minimal.

The question is how long the Communist Party can maintain its current grip on political power. While China

has made significant economic strides [steps, changes], the reaction of ordinary people to acts of injustice and

growing inequality has been growing steadily. The government admits to some 80,000 public protest actions—

ranging from strikes to demonstrations to riots—each year. In response, the party leadership has declared a

growing number of subjects off-limits for public discussion.

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CUBA CASE STUDYThe Republic of Cuba is an island country in the Caribbean, some 90 miles south of the United States. From

1492 until 1898, Cuba was a colonial possession of Spain. After Spain was defeated by the United States in the

Spanish-American War, Cuba came under the control of the United States. Cuba gained its nominal [in name only;

not actual] independence in 1902.

The country endured a difficult political history during the first half of the 20th century in which periods of ineffective

democratic rule alternated with periods of dictatorship or military government. During the 1950s, an insurgency

[violent rebellion or uprising] led by a young radical named Fidel Castro gathered momentum as it capitalized

on [used to its advantage] the unpopular rule of the country’s dictator, Fulgencio Batista. In 1959 Batista fled the

country and Castro and his guerrillas [soldiers or fighters who do not belong to a regular arm] entered the capital,

Havana, in triumph.

During the civil war, Castro had assured journalists and foreign representatives that his movement would transform

Cuba into a constitutional democracy. In fact, Castro had been drawn to socialist economic ideas and Communist

methods of political control. Once in power, he moved quickly to impose a Communist dictatorship. He eliminated

competing political parties, took control of the media, oppressed the Catholic Church, made the legal system an

instrument of the ruling party, and began a process of expropriating, or taking, property that would eventually

destroy privately owned business in Cuba.

Within a short time after seizing power, Casto made clear his hostility to the United States and his intention to

align [associate] Cuba with the Soviet Union in the Cold War struggle. Relations between Cuba and the United

States worsened after an American invasion in 1961 was repulsed [driven back, pushed back] by Cuban forces

and a 1962 crisis over the placement of Soviet missiles raised the specter of [created concern that something bad

could happen] nuclear war between the two superpowers. Subsequently, Cuba tightened internal repression while

offering military and other forms of support to Communist revolutionaries in Latin America and Africa. In response,

the United States imposed a ban on economic relations with Cuba.


Under the Communist leadership, Cuba has endured one of the world’s most rigidly controlled socialist economies.

The new regime first gained domination over large businesses, after which it brought under state control small

enterprises and the agricultural sector. Private ownership of agricultural land was eliminated, and farmers worked

on state-owned collective farms.

In the 1980s Cuba opened its doors to foreign-owned hotels in an effort to stimulate the tourist industry. Large

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hotels that cater to foreign tourists now dot the country’s beachfront landscape. Nevertheless, the state has taken

steps to ensure that Cubans who work for the private tourist industry do not enjoy a standard of living that is higher

than Cubans who work in the state economy.

The Cuban revolution declared that the transformation of racial, class, and gender relations ranked as an important

priority. To some extent, these aspirations have been fulfilled. Women have made major gains in education and

in employment. The political leadership also committed itself to eliminating inequalities between dark-skinned and

lighter-skinned Cubans. Homosexuals, on the other hand, were subjected to relentless repression and public scorn

during the early years of the revolution, though Fidel Castro subsequently declared support for gay rights.

The results of these policies are mixed. Cubans today endure a shared poverty that affects the lives of men, women,

and people of all racial groups. While groups once treated as second-class citizens have more rights, they have

few opportunities to raise their standard of living and create a better life for their families. Furthermore, there are

few women and practically no black Cubans in the political leadership.

While in its early years Castro’s Cuba registered some gains in economic modernization, it has more recently

fallen well behind the rest of the world in its embrace of the Internet and other forms of new media. The Communist

leadership regards new media as a threat to its control over news and information. While political elites have

access to sophisticated information technology, average citizens face a number of rules and restrictions that

discourage easy use of the Internet.

Cuban citizens enjoy few democratic freedoms. Cuba is a one-party state, no opposition parties are permitted,

and elections are meaningless exercises to ratify the decisions made by the political leadership. The state has an

effective monopoly over information. Reports on both domestic and foreign developments are heavily censored.

While Cubans are relatively well-educated, they are largely ignorant of the outside world due to the absence of

a free press. There are few, if any, genuinely independent private organizations. Organizations that challenge

political decisions are repressed. The judiciary and other institutions of the legal system are under state control.

Political opponents of the regime are routinely harassed, detained, or put in prison.

Cuba is a police state, and citizens face a pervasive surveillance system. In addition to the usual techniques—

wiretapping, electronic eavesdropping—Cuba is notable for the role of neighborhood watchdog groups. These are

Communist Party loyalists who watch over the comings and goings in their neighborhood and report to the police

on individuals who might have dissident ideas or are engaged in “suspicious” activities.

In a society in which such watchdog committees monitor the private life of individuals, it follows that personal

autonomy [choice or free will] overall is highly restricted. Throughout the Communist period, the state has made

many of the key decisions that are left to the individual in democracies. The state has assigned jobs and housing,

and made crucial decisions on children’s education. Travel abroad has been highly restricted.

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As the Cuban economy faltered, the regime introduced a series of potentially important changes. In 2011, the

government announced that Cubans would be allowed to engage in certain, carefully prescribed, small private

businesses. At the same time the regime began a process that has shrunk the number of people who work directly

for the state. In 2013, the government announced that it would grant visas good for up to six months to ordinary

citizens for travel abroad, including to the United States.

Among the main targets of the Castro regime was the Catholic Church. Religious believers were subject to

economic discrimination, were treated as enemies by official propaganda, and were denied membership in the

Communist Party. The hierarchy of the Cuban Catholic Church was persecuted. After several decades the more

virulent [hateful or angry] forms of repression were eased, but years of discrimination, hostility, and anti-religious

propaganda have had a serious impact on Cuban religious belief. Fewer than 5 percent of Cubans attend mass

and a fewer number attend church services regularly.


Political dissent has existed throughout the Communist period. Initially, the leadership dealt with dissidents through

harsh reprisals—long terms of imprisonment in labor camps and sometimes execution—and by encouraging

emigration [leaving one’s country to live in another]. The Castro regime distinguished itself from other totalitarian

systems by its ruthless suppression of political opponents decades after it seized power. While other regimes

relaxed the most repressive features of the system over time, Cuban Communism has defended its political

orthodoxy [way of thinking].

Harsh repression has made organized opposition extremely difficult. Individual dissidents, however, have

emerged in recent years to advocate for basic human rights and publish critiques of the regime’s policies. The

blogger Yoanni Sanchez is one prominent example of this phenomenon. Another is Oswaldo Paya, a dissident

who in 1987 founded the Christian Liberation Movement to carry on the struggle for human rights. He earned

international attention by organizing the Varela Project, which circulated a petition calling for democratic

reforms that garnered 25,000 signatures. Paya, however, was killed in a 2012 car accident under mysterious

circumstances.

In 2003 the government imprisoned 75 nonviolent dissidents in a crackdown that became known as the Black

Spring. In response, the female spouses and family members of the Black Spring prisoners began to protest

peacefully and demand the release of their loved ones. Although the Black Spring prisoners were released after

many years, the group of protesters known as the Ladies in White (Damas de Blanco) continues to march and

advocate for greater political rights and civil liberties in Cuba.

An important constituency that has long opposed the policies of the Castro regime is the Cuban exile community

in the United States. Many came to America after the state seized their property and persecuted their families. The

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exile community has largely supported U.S. economic and travel sanctions on Cuba, though there is debate on

this subject, and has given moral support to dissidents back in Cuba.

Although organized dissent has failed to have a major influence over Cuban government policies, it has had an

effect outside Cuba’s borders. Dissident activists and writers, including some who were Fidel Castro’s comrades

during the initial revolutionary period, have influenced the perception of Cuba in Latin America, Europe, and the

United States. Their advocacy has shaped a view of the Cuban system as an economic and political failure that

clings to orthodoxy and rejects change.

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TUNISIA CASE STUDYTunisia (formally, the Republic of Tunisia) was a French protectorate from 1881 to 1956, when it gained

independence. For the next 30 years the country was ruled by President Habib Bourguiba, a secular [not religious]

nationalist [strong believer in one’s nation]. Bourguiba favored free market economic policies and had a relatively

liberal attitude toward social development. Thus he favored guaranteeing a wide array of rights for women,

especially in education and at the workplace. At the same time, he severely limited political freedoms and turned

Tunisia into what was effectively a one-party state.

Prime Minister Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali overthrew Bourguiba and seized the presidency in a bloodless coup d’etat

[overthrow of the government] in 1987. Ben Ali continued to support market economics and maintained Tunisia’s

policies of support for women’s rights. However, Ben Ali also instituted policies that worsened repression

against potential political opponents, independent journalists, secular activists, and Islamists. The regime

reserved particularly severe tactics for the Islamist Ennahda movement, a number of whose leaders were jailed

under harsh conditions.

Developments in Tunisia followed a course that was common to many Middle East countries that had rid themselves

of colonial domination after World War II. While some countries embraced forms of socialism, others, like Tunisia,

embraced free enterprise policies. Where some Arab countries aligned themselves with the Soviet Union in the

Cold War struggle, others, like Tunisia, developed friendly ties with the United States and Europe, including its

former colonial power, France. While the United States was often critical of the absence of democratic institutions

in other countries in the region, the U.S. government seldom singled out Tunisia for condemnation despite the

oppressive features of Ben Ali’s rule.


Tunisia has generally followed free market policies. While a number of the early leaders in the struggle for

independence emerged from the trade union movement, Ben Ali limited independent labor activity, especially when

he felt that unions posed a threat to his political power.

Even during the time of extreme political repression, Tunisia had a reputation for modern policies toward social

issues and gender equality. This was especially true when Tunisia was compared with other Arab societies, some

of which greatly restricted the role of women in the workplace and education and limited women’s standing under

family law. Tunisia grants women equal rights in divorce, and children born to Tunisian mothers and foreign fathers

are automatically granted citizenship, which is not the case in many neighboring countries.

Under Ben Ali, Tunisia was relatively open to new technologies, including new media and the Internet. However,

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the government dealt harshly with websites that hosted critics of the regime. The government banned access to an

array of Internet sites dealing with topics like democracy and human rights, and opposition media websites were

often defaced [ruin the appearance of]. Social-networking and video-sharing sites like Facebook and YouTube were

intermittently blocked, and online journalists and bloggers were routinely monitored, harassed, and arrested.

During the Ben Ali years Tunisia’s election system was manipulated to ensure the predominance of [domination

by] the ruling Democratic Constitutional Rally. Tunisia had one of the worst media environments in the Arab world.

The regime used an array of methods to silence dissent. Television and radio stations were often controlled by

the state or by Ben Ali’s friends, and commentators frequently lavished [gave in excess or abundance] praise on

the president and his family. Tunisian journalists were subject to surveillance, physical assault, and dismissal,

and many went into exile. Civil society organizations were subject to closure, especially if they were involved in

political causes. Human rights activists were routinely harassed, slandered, and abused.

Although highly repressive, the Ben Ali regime was not pervasively intrusive in the lives of private citizens.

Those who were not involved with the political opposition or were not publicly critical of the government

were generally not subject to harassment or surveillance. The regime did keep careful watch over political

opponents and, especially, Islamists [those who believe that government and society should be organized in

accordance with Islamic law].

Although Tunisia’s state religion is Islam, the small population of local Jews and Christians were generally free to

practice their faiths under the Ben Ali regime. The government closely monitored mosques for extremist activity.

Mosques were open only during prayer time, and imams were appointed and paid by the state and thus subject

to state control. “Sectarian” dress like the hijab [headscarf] was prohibited, and both men and women with

conservative religious appearances were often subject to police harassment.


What is popularly known as the Arab Spring began in Tunisia in December 2010. The uprising began with the

self-immolation, or self-burning, of a fruit vendor who was protesting police harassment. Soon nationwide protests

were launched and supported by all sectors of society. Ben Ali was forced to go into exile after a series of clashes

between demonstrators and the police.

Tunisia has experienced a tumultuous period since the overthrow of Ben Ali. Many of the formal institutions of

democratic government were established in the first year of freedom. There are a number of competing political

parties, and elections have been judged competitive and honest. A wide range of civil liberties are in place.

Commentators regularly criticize the political leadership in ways once unthinkable under Ben Ali. Civil society

organizations have begun to flourish, and the restrictions on expressions of religious belief have been dropped.

Political parties inspired by Islam have become a key force in Tunisia’s newly vibrant political life. At the same time,

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the strengthened role of Islam in public life has contributed to a growing political polarization between secularists

and Islamists and threatened the country’s stability. At universities, students with a secular [not religious] outlook

often engage in violent clashes with Salafists, adherents of a pure form of Islamic teaching who have been

accused of attempting to impose their convictions on Tunisian society. Salafists have physically attacked movie

theaters and art galleries that have featured works that the protestors regarded as blasphemous. Islamic extremists

are also believed to have carried out several assassinations of prominent liberal political figures.

In 2011, Ennahda, the formerly outlawed Islamist party, won a plurality of the vote [more than any other party but

not necessarily more than half] and 89 of the 217 seats in an election for a Constituent Assembly. The Constituent

Assembly was charged with drafting a new, post-dictatorship constitution and has served as a temporary

legislature. Ennahda has served in coalition with parties that have secular orientations.

Despite divisions between secularists and Islamists and intermittent violence, Tunisia has made important strides

toward a democratic future. The principal [main] institutions of democratic government are already in place, and

key groups, such as moderate Islamists and the military, support democracy. Tunisia has a large population of

unemployed young people whose economic conditions have not improved under the new government. A major

challenge for the future will be ensuring that democracy works to advance material prosperity for ordinary citizens

and thus give them a stake in the country’s future.

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