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6?
THE fPTOHT OP THE BRITISH^ DI3IMEGM1PI0N
OF THE OLD ORDER
The year 1826 stands out as a landmark In the h i s to
r i ca l development of Assam. This year marks the beginning
of British occupation of Assam, * and the advent of the Bri
t ish b r o u ^ t a sea change into the entire Sooio«*economic
foz^aations of Assamese society. The introduction of British
administrative and economic policies not only made Assam a
part of the Colonial econotay, but more important, i t to ta l ly
uprooted the existing social formations and gave bir th to
ne« soeio-econo^c forces vhich were to have a las t ing impact
1. For the purpose of our study in this uortc Assam i j i l l be taken to mean Assam proper, i . e . the d i s t r i c t s of the Brahmaputra Valley %;hich are, Kamrup, Darrang, Wowgong, Sibisagar and Lakhimpur* Goalpara wi l l not be included because that d i s t r i c t voa a Z^indar i area and hence the socio-economic developments there ^jere someuhat different. Besides, "the Ahom Kingdom of Assam roughly correspcmds to the rive present d i s t r i c t s of the Brahmaputra Valley division - Kamrup- Darrange, Norsgong, SBLbsagar, Lakhimpxir and portions of the Sadiya frontier t ract"* (S,K, Bhuyan, ^l<i7M^m^^^ P^^aton§ 1771-l826t Gauhatii197^, p . l ) .
2, For the deta i ls of Brit ish occupa^on of Assam, see amongst otijers, H.K. Barpujari ( ed . ) , £a3i4icd.3ii i2£S: of Assapy 1826-1919j Vol^l. (Oaubatij 1977); 3.K. Bhuyan ^P?.ffir43a^^gfi H§?-fl14gtll9 1771-1gg^» OEisSl^^i A. C, Banerjee, .Tfae Bgs.f yn ;^9nt;i,Qy oT^fel^tA^h pi^^ Calcutta, ^9&*}iw
66
on the procesaea of development of Assamese society. The
Imposition of British rijle In other parts of India stopped
short the normal process of development of the Bidlan bom*-
geolsle ^hlch bad beg\an to emerge from the merchant capital
of the earlier decades, and that changed the character of
the nascent Hidlan bourgeoisie.^ Bit the tragedy of Assam
vas that the 3iq)er-imiK>sltion of British Rule brought a
semi-tribal, semi^feudal econoa?y within the folds of the
World capitalist order* This process had some happy and
progressive consequences but by and large, the pulling of a
backward economy through almost tyio stages of economic deve
lopment had the most unfortunate consequences fof the
Assamese econosjy affecting various classes of people in the
Society,^ The realignment of forces t*at took place resulted
in the total dialntegratlon of the old order of the pre-
oolonlal Assamese socie^*
In the six centuries before the coming of the British
.Ml o o Tlstnt po^errlin Assam was that of the Ahom kings who
3* For details discussion on the character of the !todlan
hm The character of t*e Assamese economy vlll be dealt with at length in the course of the next few pages,
5. These consequasces and fallouts will be exhaustively studied in the next three chapters of tJils wottc.
67
had entered Asaara and eatabllafeed their rule In the early
thirteenth century. The Ahom, ".••an offshoot of the ^ 1 ^
or the great Shan stock of South Bast Asia,..**" "were only
abo\at a few thoiisand In niiaher when ttiey first altered
Assam from the east through the Patkai mountains, and so
they had perforce to adopt aany of the customs and practices
of the people with whome they came into contact and also to
Intermarry with the local people of the region In order to
Increase their own numhejss,' Otherwise, the Ahomj Interfered
very little with the tribes like Morons and Borahls in the
beginning, because these tribes carried on a dry cultiva
tion whereas the Ahoms were wet rice cultivators. Since the
tribal lands were only suited for diy cultivation, the Ahoms
left their lands alone and carried on their own ,3a).i or wet a
rice cultivation. Through collective effort, the Ahoms
reclaimed marshes and made th^i suitable for wet rice etilti-
vatlon. All such lands which were Jointly reclaimed became
community lands and were to be distributed amongst the varlotis
families*^ This communal ownership of land was thus the basis
6. H.K. Barpujarl (ed^), fQUPlVi^.P^^PPXr Qt ^^m ^ol* I» QP,»(Bit. « P«2.
7. see a.K, Bhuyan (ed, & translated)
Assam'', ^!mm,.^muM^.mAMQ%PXM^ii9in. ^mmt VOLUX. Ho.3, September 1966.
9. See also
68
of the entire Ahom State, and althoiigh In the slzteenth
and seventeenth centuries «ltii the further development of
the Ahom monarchy in Assam there were some changes and
oodiflcations, the basic structure, vhich ^as prloarily
tribal in nature, remained unchanged. From the thirteeith
to the fifteenth centuries the Ahom State vas "quasi*
feudalistic"'** with many agricultural villages at the base,
and nobles and officers appointed by the king, administer
ing the units of administration comprising a number of
village settlements. There were no market of anjsr sort worth
the name and tAiere vaa a total absence of minted money,
"The earliest Ahom coins bear a date equivalent to A,D. 15^3 and vere struck by Suklenmung Oargaya Ha^a In the fourth year of his reign. More than a century elapsed before any of his successors followed his esai3ple,.,»"11
It Is worthy to note tijat even when coins began to be minted
more regularly, coins of lower deonominatioo which could be
used by the common people were almost absent from cireula-
tXort* There was no copper coinage in the Ahom period and
^^tchange of products was mainly effected through the sys-
tem of bartering.** The &hora econouQr was a very simple one
10. This term has been used by A.Guha in "Tribalism to Peullallsm in Assam": 1600»1750", The Indian Historical Review, Vol* I, Ho.V. March 197*f. The term can also be used to mean semiwtribal.
11. E. Gait, 4 matory of Assam (Calcutta, 1963), p. 276. 12. IbJ^., P. 2777
69
vlth land coozmanally o^ned and barter as the chief means
of exchange. Shlabuddln Tallsh, a vriter vho had accompa
nied Mir JXimla to Assam, had reported that buying and
selling of food In the market place vas not the practice in
Assam, The people stored a year's supply of food in their
houses and so there was no need of bujrlng or selling any
eatables • ^ Even at the height of Ahom rule In Assam in
the seventeent*! and the first half of the ei^teenth centu
ry the basic conditions remained, the sase. Although at the
political level a certain number of feudal characteristics
had developed, but these characteristics could not sustain
themselves because development of economic feudalism was
veiy difficult under the conditions vhich prevailed in
Assam during Ahom Hule.
The first major difficulty in the growth of feudal
ism in Assam lay in the Ahom administrative syst^n, known
^ ^ 6 Pftjk (an adult male citizen) system under which prl*
vatisation of land was not possible and hence a great hin
drance to the acquisition of private property. The essence
of the paik systoa was that there would be no hereditary
posession of et rice lands, except in a vQry few exceptional
cases. The g^esis of the palk system lay in the fact that
• ii'i'i • ! ! i w — — » III mMmmmi^» ''iii n • i lui mmmmtmmmmmmmmmimmmmmm
13* Paraphrased from Sfeiabuddln Talish as quoted l^ E, Gait, Sjia», p* 153.
70
in a sparsely populated and land abimdant area like
Aaaaa,^ vhere the density of popiilaticaj during the Ahoa
Rule (till the late elghteentti century «hen civil ar
broke out) vas only about 83 persons per square ndl©,^
and ^here the Joint effort of the communily was needed
for reclamation of vet rice lands, the best use had to
be made of the population and the land so tJiat neither cul-16
tivation nor royal service suffered*'" ThQ entire adult
male population, called pajUcSy in the 1?».6o age group vere
organised into gots or units of four and then into larger
functional units or l fils.. Each paik was given three puras
of vet rice land free of tax, but in lieu of tax each naik
had to serve the State for three monttis in a year* So that
in rotation, one g^t completed within itself one year of ^h^ The population of Assam vas about 2^ lacs at the time
of Ra^eswar sangha (Refer R.B» Pemborton, RopoFjb on "'" Judia (Gauhatij 1966)
Las
^rote vould not exceed 300,00*»«" S»K, Bhuyan, Ang^ ^3§P^?g.i Mu^^Pnf ,177ilTlg^^» a£USAi»» P^l* vrote that "The population of the K igdom before the commencement of the I^maria Revolt in 1769-1770 i-?as estimated by Gunabhiram Barooah to be about ^ milli<m,**
15* Tbls has been calculated from the extent of the Ahom Kingdom as ^ven by W. Robinson, ADeacrintive Account of Assam. 18^1, as 500 x cO miles a 3OGOO sq. miles and •ttie population as cited by S.K^^uyan, Anglo Aaaamea^
164 For deta i l s of SS^ system see, S.K. Bhuyan, Tungkhungia ^a??an.1i op.cit, . , pp. XOTIII-XXX; 3,K. Bhuyan. ^jglo
'AsaQBIg^iQ.ito^^ffin^ fil2*£jLt,, pp.10-12} E. Gait, A.,Hi^i^O' a f . ^ 2 p a E f t S l $ . t pp. 2^7-^0; B, Borborua, ^ tomc 2 ia (Gauhati, 1981), pp. 123-12^^; H,K. Barua Sadr Amin, Asom SasmSl (S.K. Bhuyan, ed . ) , Gauhati I962), pp.120-12Bl
71
manual service to the State* From this organisation the
&hom aristocracy and a section of the Ahota officials vere
excliided; this small talnorlty OTJoyed the manual service
of the pqtllca as payment for their service to the State,
There were «iree categories of pfil|t3 • the r l naite^ gave
their manual service to the State for the wet rice land
they enjoyed; the phjaiayta p^iP^ belonged to the artisan or
professional kheXa and they paid their state dues In kind
(like manufactured goods etc*) Instead of manual service;
the a^pa^kayi chpiauaa were those who had paid conanutatlon
money and «ere thus freed from all service (manual or pro
fessional) to the State, Into this last group belonged the
top aristocracy of the land,*' The wet rice lands ^hieh
were given to the palks were not hereditary and "were redls« 18
trlhuted at the death of a naik.' This was roughly the
system which prevailed in the Ahom Kingdom till e British
occupation of Assam, The system was given a !J«)re organised
form during the reign of King Pratap aingha during the first
decades of the Seventeenth Century, ^ that time it can be
fairly well assessed, that Ahom Bule had become stable, as
well as well«established and was expanding*. The need was
17, Refer also amongst other works mentioned for deta i ls of paik system A, Guha, "Land Rights and Social Classes in Medle^^ Assam**, ftp^cj^,
18, See E, Gait, A„,H^3^yy. 9t ^^M^ Si£U£M^» P* 251^.
72
therefore felt to sake the hold of the caonarchy stronger
over the admmiatratlon and the populace. A high official
of the king, the Barbarua,'° who was usually in charge of
the judiciary, advised the King Pratap Singha (1603-16V1)
that the najjcs and officei^ should be better organised so
that the State got better service and the people also did
not suffer. Accordingly, a census of the p^ks vas under*
taken and a gradation of officers ^QB created. Over twenty
pfi ka (or $ gots) a pp fi vas appointed vho vas himself a
paiky Over a hundred paiks a relatively vell«to»do p&±'^ 20
vas appointed .MMfl, and a ?^a ie^a ^aa appointed to
supervise a thousand piaiks. I t i s interest ing to note here
that the Bnyanjia have recorded that the officers l ike
nQVm* Mitelaa and Hgtg iK l g were not a l l £22iSasi« ^ e r e
were ^sml Hazar^kas and ggQxi i^ ; l .^a and these officers
had to serve the royal household or tdie higdbest <fihom a r i s to
crats • the Borgoh^tin, Bura Qohain and the Barpatra Qohain •
as the other pa ljca did.^^ I f the King so desired he could
19. The Barbarua as raenticmed in B, Barborua, iflfapmog £Ja» fi£«£|J., p. 83; S.K. Bhuyan, ff?^QrA.§^mQ3g ,.P,gX ;|a.aoa} QE*Sii.» p . 11; Harakanta Barua £fedr Axni^nrMmiMmiXf Qpf.pit.. p,VO; ^as Moiaai Tamuli Barbarua who was the f i r s t Barbarua.
20, According to H, Borbarua, /^mor ft^jp, ^fej^., a man who had sixteen paiks working for him t^as appointed a Saikia.
21* Refer H. Borborua, Ahomor Din. fi)idfS 3.K, Bhuyan, iml9T^^mff^± l ^ 4 ^ ^ W > SSiSiJU; 3.^^. Bhuyan, fflgKI ViBg'
. % Wj:, Baruah 3g' Ly Qp.^tTf HiK. Baruah 3adr Amln, Asbm
73
raise 3 K^^ Hasarlka to tbe rank of a Cppnm^L Hasarlka,
but this ^aa not done easily because creating too many
ejianmaa «ould reduce the nvmber of palks and that would
have affected s t a t e service, including the strength of the
mil i t ia .^^ fhe higher rank of officers above the Hazarlkas
and Slalklas consisted of the Boruas, Phukana and Bajkhovas,
and occupying the highest position were the ttiree OohaSns
maitloned ea r l i e r . All these officers were not paid in
cash but vere given revenue free lands and fanas and jkhatSy
with a Varying percentage of the pallida under them al lot ted
to them for personal services. Ftom this arrangement feudal
ism in IfiBid could have develop^ If these of f icers ' posts
and the perlcs they enjoyed vere hereditary. The important
fact to note about the pre<-colonial se t up in Assam i s
that there was neither any h e r ^ i t a r y oimership of ^ot r ice
lands nor were the offices of the Ahom administration here
di tary . The only posts i^hich were hereditary were those of
the three highest ministers Bora Gohain, Borgohain and
B^ppatra Qohaln, and these ttsree ministers were to be appoint
ted only from a few specified families*^^ The ot*er off ic ia l
posts including those of the two most important, the
22. See H.K. Barua Sadr Amin, Aaom Barap^l^^ aa*fiii»» P»128, 23. Befer 3.K, Bhuyen, A fflp^^ afiWgafi ^QlatolflS t.^o fiJkt*
pp. 8»10; E. Gait, ft J^?t^yT, P t Ass^ t fl^i^»f pp. 2hhm2k€),
1h
ferbarua and Barphulfem vere not hereditaryt Further, I t vaa
a rule tha t the Barphukan and the Barbarua eoiild not be
selected from *' , . , the families from which the three great
Gohains ii^ere respectively recrui ted.••• The object of this
exclusion seeiBS to have been to prevent the accumulation of
too much pover in the hands of a single family.*' The three
Gohains each had 10,000 paiks a l lo t ted to them and Uieso
paiks were almost l ike the personal retinue of the Gohains
because they vjore ex^pted from a l l othey service to the
State except for serving the Qohain and going out to tjar
only t hen ^ e Gohains ^ere called upon \f^ the King to do so. ^
These g^ks worked on th© private agricultural lands of the
Gohains and they also supplied a l l other goods required by
these chiefs. In fact , the Gohains were almost independent
within the jur isdict ion of the t e r r i t o r i e s a l lo t ted to them,
and the 10,000 paiks were organised lander Boras, Saikias,
Bazarikas, Baruas and Phukans as in the res t of the State,
the only difference being that the pjaiJk and the officers
were amenable to the Gohains instead of the sonarch. Had
aooifiDUlation of wealth taken place in the hands of the
aristocracy and had a major share of the to ta l landed property
2U. E« Gait, A,H^^yy,9f.j^gggs^, 2M^.» P» £^* 25. See B, Borborua, Ahogor Din, op.c^t.j p.529? E. Gait,
A History of A3sam> Ibid>^ T).21»?^ H.K. Barua Sadr Amin, i^m ^9^m^^ p» i 8»
75
under them been ocaitrolled by them, a change in the entire
revenue syatem could have taken place and there aa a
possibility of feudallam in land developing under these
bluest nobles. But even this possibility could not ornte-
rialiae because the production relations in the territo
ries otmed t?y this section could not be different from the
production relations of the paik system that existed in
the rest of the state and t^e vox^dngs of the pal|c system
as V© have disottssed earlier did not allow privatization
of land*
A H ottier offices in the Ahoo State beginning from
the Barphukan and Barbarua down to a Bora vere however not
hereditary, and although each officer got a certain percent
of the paiks under his jurisdiction for his personal service,
these pai]^ yere attached to the office and not the officer*
The following table uill give an indication of the possibi
lities of the growth in power and influence of the officers
if ^eir offices had been hereditary.
(For table see next page)
76
} Ibtal \ Percentage of J Actual immb r numbeF of ! paiks allotted \ of palks palks under j for personal | allotted for bis 4uri3- { service j personal
Office
Barbarua Barpbukan Hyaya Sodba Phulcang Pbukans Bajlcbovas
1»f,000 lU OOO
6,000 6,000 - UjOOO
3,000
%
7$
^
0 , ^ . 0,75^ 0.3^
980 980
120 30 10
ab^c^i Calculated from figures given in H, rborua,
op,cit,, pp. 5^-5^1, 2)5
From the above laiblo it ia evident that the officers
of the Aboa State had ccsisiderable aenount of pejrsonal influ-
mcB arfd control over the p^i?(^. Coaled vith this, each
officer vaa given cultivable rent ft^& lands and KhrLJbs for
their personal i^intenance, Yet there vas very little growth
of personal property in land because the Barbarua, Barphukans
and the other officers vere not hereditary officers and all
nalks and rent free lands vere part of the official perks,
The only lands which could be said to be privately owned
vere the hosjestead or Basti lands, the dry lands " reclaimed
26, Although H, Borbarua has not referred to any Bftyap^i in giving bis dates his figures are roughly eoroborated by B,K, Barua 3adr Aminj A^Q!^n%rMlAa>» 8£U£lJ^*i PP.1l8»123, who has given tiSdicationa and information about the kind of perks and the status enjoyed by the officers.
77
a t pi^vate in i t i a t ive . • • (and) held as private property, , ."?^
i3aQ estates ^jtiieh ^ere granted to tbe Qohalns and some
scions of the royal f^si ly, and l a t e r on ^ e land grants
«hich ^Qre made to t©spies, Brahmins and the Vaishnava
oonastrles or ,gs tgaa«
Any significant growth in the f i r s t t»o types of
private property, i , e , homesteads and dry lands depended
on the s ize of the family, because as mentioned ea r l i e r
Assam's land-man ra t io was low and the functioning of th©
JSS4^ s y s t ^ doaanded tha t one section of a family had to
he a^ay on s ta te service al^rays and so a surplus labour
force was almost non-existent, Also, these types of pro
perty could not produce the ^ealt* which the r ice lands
could, and since '*the people supplied the Qove«iment and
the Chief families with everything required free of cost
. • • , , ^ markets also had not developed where goods other
than food crops could be bought and sold. As ^liabMdin
Wallah recorded, in 1662, tbe Ahom capital had only a single
narrow bazar road and " ^ e only traders who /*satJ7 in the
27, A, Cuba, ^Tribalism to Feudalists in Assamj iSOO-l??©**, pp. < it « P«69»
28, 3e© F. Buchanan Hamilton, A^,.^pcpuipt of Asaa^ (Gauhatii 1963) ^bo wrote, "Erreryman who has a faim must in g^ieral woric i t himself for labourers, as I have said, cannot be procured e i ther for a share of tbe crop or for money,,,,«. p,. 153,
29, S, Gait, A M; ^ 9yy. pf, ^9^^$ o p . c l t . , p,25V.
78
Xiazar /"were^ betel Ifeaf sellers\^° ®ven though aoae
ehanges had taken place by the eighteenth caitury ana
there "was a glightly voider clroulationof coins and some
gjtj th of blaring and selling, but even ^en there vers no
such developaents in markets and trading which could have
changed the entire character of the ^onoEy of Assaaa,
"In the absence of a proper laoney economy land could not
become a coiaeiodlty..• <ln Assam) till 1826,,.»^' so much
so that, as /^alendu Guhe has %»rltten, even the hereditary
private lands «» the homesteads and dry lands -. vere
unsaleable because transfer of lands outside the clan coiild
not be considered In the existing conditions of Assam,^^
The third category of pxlvate property, that of
the Oohains, could have become landed wealth of some conse
quence and the Sohalns with their families could have
become feiadal lords like the asnorlal lords of feudal Euro;pe,
but for two very basic factors. The first factor we have
already mentioned • that land did not become a private
transferable commodity till 1826, The second factor which
hindered the growth of feudalism In Assam was, as we have
30, Shiabuddin Talisb as quoted by E, Gait, I M S A , P»1?3« 31, A, Guha, "Itand Rights and Social Classes in Medieval
Assam", s^^^* ,^ 32, A. Guha,^Sg7»iSfi*Sii.
79
4l3CU33$d ea r l i e r , the existence of the pajp^ systea. I t
must also be taken into account here that tiie maSnatay of
«ie %?ealtf3 of the aria tocracjr was the paj.k^> HI the
luKurlea of l i f e and the aut^Jlus ^;ealth of the aristocracy
was created for theai by Ui© oai^a or free peasant®,
Althou^ the aristocracy did have their own slaves or
•unfree* paiks these constituted only 10^ of the popula-
tlcss vhile the Kanri paik$ or free peasants constituted
6 ^ Of the population,^^ Ifeerefore, \^ithout t^ie service of
the i^pik^ t^e top aristocracy and even a l l the other of f l -
(Jers of the Ahom Govemaent tJould have been nowhere so far
as personal wealth was concerned, The Bpr?^,^^^ contain
^aough evidence to show that the nobil i ty ^oa quite r ich,^
^ t in this sea l - t r iba l se t up of the pre •colonial Assamese
eoonoJ^j where sonetisatdLon was a t a very low stage of deve
lopment and eonsequently ^her© a jronetised econotay had not
developed, a l l the wealth of the nobili ty was in the fona
of eonsxuaer goods and not cosE^dities and therefore as soon
S3 the service of the paik^ was l o s t to the nobili ty their
wealth also vanish^*
33. %e percQJtage of paik^ and slaves to the population are taken from a calculation eiade by A. Guha, Hand Sights and Social Classes in Medieval Assam*', m±^.
3U, For instance a Barphufean*s daughter on her faarriage took with her 2 elephants, 1o horses, 500 buffaloes, 1000 cows, 100 slaves. 300 boxes of clothes, 18 pieces of gold u tens i l s , 18 pleees of s i lver u tens i l s . 1 gold saddle and several seta of gold and s i lver jewellery,, (See A, Guha, M ^ . )•
80
Icpnofflloally therefore there wore ©any di f f icul t ies
ir» the development of feiidaiissi. fb& only groups ^hich had
the po ten t ia l i t i es of grmtng ln*o a feudal power^ere the
Ahota landed ariatocpaey» But these groupa *l*e« th© ruling
Ahoffl faiallies ¥ho held Khata and monopolised ^ e offices g
a3 v e i l aa ^ e privileged Br^mlns^ perhaps constituted
some 1^ of the t o t e l population. I t la th is top stratum who
held the hulli of the slaves and ^jaM* Iherefore, sine©
the to t a l number of slavta ^oa 10^ of the population the
ra t io of mas tea? and these slaves trotald he a ©ere 1>10«
However^ even th is sisiail 1^ of the popuiati;^ ccmld have
had enough impact on the Agsamese economy i f other factors
^©re conducive to the gi?ovth of feudalism, But» the aeol»
t r i ba l character of ^ e ecmow^ where land was not o^ned
heredi tar i ly and taher© the majerily of the population ( 6 ^ )
were free peasants (and not serf^) who were a l lot ted land
by the 8tat©> the product of which they consume theEiselvea,
and whoa© services were in prlncipie to the s t a t e and not
to an overlord* the growth of econosdlc fetidaliSB- was doomed
to be a v^ry slow and d i f f i cu l t process* % the e i ^ t e e n t h
centuryt thereforej feudalism in laM hod not developedj
except to a certain extent in the Brahmanical and ^aishnava
ins t i tu t ions . But the mm nobUlty and the officers had wm>itf»r»mmm'r>f'>ir~'Mtmmmmitif!mmtmmmmim0mfmm'immf^^
3?,* if^p***-f'
81
begun to aoq^uire aoae characteiristics of the feudal lords
of Kogfeul India, In thel? s tyle of li-^rlng and spending.
1!hl3 feudal l i f e - s ty l e vas eaalntalned through a "ruthless
exploitation (of the free peasantry) by the off ic ia l a r i s
tocracy *?hich was alloved to ^ a o t unpaid likchop service
fros thera.**^ I t ^as therefore, but natural , that the pfiik^
shoiild begin to resent this service to the off icials and
the aristocracy* 'They also began to feel that they would
have b^en bet ter off eccasomically if they could bring WOTQ
t?aste land under cul t ivat ion. But since 4 of their labour
tiaie T!?a3 given to s ta te service, and sometimes even more
than i i f the off icials tjere ruthless enough, they could
not afford to bring imjre land mder cul t iva t ion ,^ '
From about the fifteenth century onwards ttie
Vaishnava oov^acBt had begun to take roots and by the seven
teenth century the Ahoai oonarehs began to show due respect
to the Vaishneva jSossgilugg and made land grants to the Val-
shnava scffiastries or ^^i^s^* *'*® nai^i^ who belonged to the
Qatra^ tsere eseaspt from giving tnantial service to the state*^
36, A, Cuba, "Tribalism to Feudalism in Assam", pp^cit^, p .7 |s ^ e also B. Gait, Ji^M^PJ^MaPtJt^f^f S S ^ S P M ^ p»l88, where he t j r i tes , «Sie KaUta Phukan vas dismissed in 177*'' e i ther in consequence of the complaints of his enactions mBd& by the people of Kgkipayanpia:*. • , •"
37, Befer also A, Guna, "Land Mghts and 3bcial Class in Medieval Assaa", OP. eit>
38, See ^ J . Sarma, ^,§Ji^-Vafs]^^^yite Mgyeme t {^4 t^^ ^:tei^,^3^?¥rf^^l?.CT g^J^^?^ (Gauhati, 1966), p, 193; S, G a i t , ^ 2 . £ 3 ^ , , p . m .
82
Sb, gta&vmXly froo the elimas of Ahom rule onvards, vhen
tijo Abtsa off icials ^ere fcegluning to ndstiae the i r off ic ia l
s tatus more rampantly^ sore and «ore pa lk^ sought refuge
In t*!0 , ^ t o a » i " ora^r to evade manual service to the
s t a t e . Thi3 disaffection of the B^^^lth thei r temporal
overlords, eoupled with the growing wealte and splendour
of the Gossains «ho "enjoyed a l l the prerogatives of a
sovereign excepting Kekoy^-dolas or royal sedans and
elephants",^^ ^as paving the ^ay for a confrontation between
the s t a te and the peasants ^ho were supported by some
^^SSB.» ^J^i^ confrontation finally tools place -when the
Moamarla rebellion broke out in %jhicb the disciples of the
Mayamara .Slatt^^ led I n i t i a l l y by the Ifeyamara Mahanta hinw.
self» challenged the power of the King. Hhe Civi l War
that broke out In 178a and continued intermittently t i l l
180^ not only heralded the ©id of Ahom Bale in Assam but i t
also created such chaos in the country that the process that
39. 3«K. Bhuyan, ( ed . ) , ^fg.^^Rg,^ ,%y^jj;<, OBaidL^*; P*16. ifO* putting taie causes of the Civil Wars (the Moamarla
Bebellion) that shook the Ahom monarchy in the l a s t decades of the e i ^ t e e n t b century so succintly i s simplifying the issue too tauch. As the Moamarla rebel* lion can be th$ subject of a separate study i t cannot be, ©shauatively discussed here. Therefore, w© are mentioning merely the root cause of the rebellion. For further deta i ls see, B.Gait, A History of Assam, o p . c i t . j 3.K. Bhuyan, (1) Tm pj jJIWI l ^yfffl.Uy im>aAllf (11) ^R:i^rA^flffln^^P ,%?-aUOIl^» £m*SiJ^} A« Guha, **The Moamarla Revolution} Was i t a Class War?", M M S ir^bune^ I8th October, 1950| A*Guha, "lleo Valshnavlsm to Insui^encyj A Study of the Hoamarla Peasant l?prising3 in I8tb Centuiy Assam"• Occasional Paper ^^ 67 of the Centre for Studies in ^ i a l doience, Calcutta.
83
toad s tar ted In gradually transfoiralng the eoonooy from
tidballsiB to feiidaliSBi «as e«t short* Tho massacres which
tjere perpetrated by both the ro3rali3t3 and the rebels
brought about t^ldespread depopulation of the countiy. For
Instance, " i t ^as estimated that out of 80,000 ^j^k^
uau^ ly under the charge of the Buragohain tJiere remained
only ^3«000 after *•• the Civil Wars of the Moamarias",
Because of the chaotic conditions Irt the coimtiy the pfi^a
began to flee the i r fields and take refug© in the h i l l s
and neighbouring t e r r i t o r i e s . This fleeing of the paiks
meant not only the breakdown of the jkhel; and the palka UP system, but I t also meant that cul t ivat ion, the mainstay
of the ^hora economy, suffered and with the pja Jfeg leaving,
the wealth of tiie ^om nobil i ty and officers also began to
decline, Thus, the process of fei;^al development was shayply
affected and the aristocracy found that wealtti and power
was beginning to s l i p from i t s h^ds»
Barely had the Moamaria rebellion subsided and some
Sort of order was being restored by the Aboro Minister Purna-
nanda %ragohaln and the reigning taonarch Kamaleswar Singha,
when the Burmese Invaded Assam in 1819. ,%e Bunnese invasion ^»1.. A^j. ^ ^ £ S ! y^^^« ^^pgyt f?fl!' A^?m i ^V« Appendix
K-B p . xxyii i ,
pp. 351-252.
8U
of ksaam and tb© foXlowing Bartaeso Rule from 1819, 1<* a
short break till 182U, eame in the afce of the Civil Wars
and the bitter rivalry that ensued aaongst the ruling class
itself arising fros conflict over the distribution of eco"
nomic surplus (produce from land, pfiJka etc,)* - l&ie
final seal on the total ruin of the Ahom econoi57 ^sos placed
by the Bunaes© rulers with the unimaginable atrocities
which they cocEnltted ith rtitbless energy, on the people of
As3aia# During this period the pf4!ks left their fields in
large nuabera and the Burmese were said to have diminished
the po35>tilatlon by half during the yeai^ 1817 to 1825.
Prom the above discussions it is clear that the
Ahosis brought about significant changes in the techniques
of production in the region but before these changes could
bring about a total transfoxsation in the relations of pro
duction conducive to the development of a feudal aode of
production, the k>ao!aa:iLa a^ebellion and the Burmese invasions
••3. ^e also 4. Guha, "tribalism to Feudalism in Assam'^ SSiS^^i P«76#
Mf* 5:he records of Burmese rule can be found not only in the later Ahoa Buranjis and published commentaries of Assam history but also in the accounts of British travellers like W. Robinson, -A Pgsff |i|t,te ,teM<^ 9t^ A|2M (Calcutta, 19^)5 8,.K, Bhuyan, Bay^^^^^^^QJI. (Gauhatl, 192V),.
85
changed tbe eovaeae of the history of ^sam in a manner
that stimted the possihilities of a natural growth of th©
econooy of Assaa, Thus, when the British received Assao
from the Btiraese after th© third Anglo-Buimese War, hy
the Treaty of TaMabo in 1826,^^ the old order in Aasaa
ISQB hastened and aided by the British with the estahlish-
raent of the new order in Aaaom,
The advent of the British not only heralded the
growth of new forces in Assamese society, but it also
arrested the process of a normal transition from a semi-
tribal eeonoi^ to a feudal economy, which as we have shown
earlier was very difficult in the Ahom econondc order, but
which nevertheless might have developed especially with the
growth of the TTaishnava aatyaa. We have already discussed
before that the pre-colonial Assamese econ^ay was baslcal*
ly tribal with markets remaining almost undeveloped and
the circulation of money very limited. Therefore, Assam
was not ready for a revenue system based on cash payments,
and still less was Assam ready to face the World capitalist
order into whose folds she was drawn with the British occu
pation. At the time when the British first sent troops to
AssEUB to oust the Bujaaese, the Fort William authorities
ii^-liSliGauhatl, 1963), p. 16.
86
proclaimed to the population of Assam t^jat "ve are not led
Into your country by the tb l ra t of conquest| but are forced
in oup defence • to deprive our en sales of the means of
annoying tis,,,,** ' Again In 182U t*e Bri t ish Coivemraent
re i tera ted tha t , "although by our expulsion of the Bxinnes©
from the te r r i to ry of Assam» the country vjould of r ight
become ours by conquest, the Oovemor»General-'ln-Councll
does not ccwtemplate the peimanent annexation of any part
of i t to the British dosilnion, " ^ But these pious Inten-
tlons were not able to overcome the temptation of colonial
exploitation of the rich resources of Assam which were
lucidly described 1^ Bri t ish travellers l ike R»B, Peaberton,
P. Hamilton and the l ike .^^ The Brit ish Govewiment there
fore decided to annex Assam alttJough i n i t i a l l y only I.ower
Assam ( i»e . the d i s t r i c t of Kasrup and a part of present
Darpang upto Blshwanath) i;hich "yielded a revenue of upwards
of ttiree lal^s**«,«^ ^as annexed and Upper Assam (the
February 20, J'o, 15^ Quoted In Ibl<a.y n-i*^. U8. gs?fw,,lfj^ag^mnsftt^,,,§^KU^ » vo i , 662, p, 173*5
Quoted in , II>1^. ^9» J'or de ta i l s of accounts of Asacm's rich resources and
the prospects of «hat could be extracted from Assam see araongst otjjers. R.B. P^ber ton. J^he Eastern Frontiey Qf Sy l t l ahJ^d ia (Gauhati, 1966) pp. 82-85| F,B. Hamll-|Qn< ,(in AgfiQm^ f t ^^mfi aa^sii .» PP\ ^s^th. For a furmer discussion on this point see also H. Oohain-Lscussion on this ^ I n t see also H. Oohain,
H* K, Barpt 50
j3£«Sl|«, p» 19.
87
eeatre of the Moamarla reliellton and ^ e ^om State) whose
revenue ^•• , Scarcely reaebed, « n t i l 1828, a lalJh of
rupees•••"^^ «as restored to a scion of the Ahom family
for ^ t h financial and s t ra tegica l reasons, fbe Brit ish
f e l t (although I t vas nearer declared ID SO eaany ^ords) that
If the restored Ahom King would pay a large enou^ sumf= of
ffion^ to the Brit ish then the (bvemsent ^rould get the
e<|uivalent of revenue collection from Upper Assam and vouLd
also be sa^ed the costs of atfejteiatration of the region,
Tt^ farce of restoration ^ould also help, the Bri t ish
bought , In lessening the antagonism of the Ahoia nobil i ty
towards British Bule* But by 183^ the Tea Committee, se t up
by tord William Bentinck» the Gbvemor General found that
the tea plant vas indigenous to Assam,^ 35iis report coupled
^ t h the other information gathered on the natural poten
t i a l s of Assam, changed the whole a t t i tude of the Bri t ish
towards Assan and in I838 Upper Assaai too tjaa annexed to
the Brit ish doMnions*
The prlae in te res t of the Bri t ish in annexing the
d i s t r i c t s of Kananip, Darrang, Howgon , Sibsagar, and
•iii>iNii»«""«»"
?1. P>id* 5r2, For details of tea industry see H.A, Antrobu?.
(Tea and axbber Hail* London;i sfee gilso H,K» Barpu4ari, Mmmn^.,^^^ ,P^y§.„m„.te,„^m!mR^y» s&kOl^^i pp.2i6.228.
I*akhl©p«p» was ^ e ext^Riction of the raaxlmum revenue poasi*
ble ttom tfce^e aafeaa, I) airl4 36ott, tfee agent to the Sovemor-
General iii loyth l a s t Frontier, a t f i r s t t r ied to re ta in the
organisation of thQ ^ipl avst^a and «©rK the Brit ish revenue
IJoHcies throtjgh the PRIIE syatea that bad operated success- •
fulXy during tbe Ahoia Bule* Ba Upper ^ a a a the Ithela vere
therefor^ retained in t a c t | but the revenue «as demanded in
oash instead of in kind or personal services as under the
#S0a Itaie,^^ l^t the demands of a ursinetlsed e^onoti?^ and orga
nisation of a s e ^ » t r i b a l ox^er cotild not go h ^ d in hand.
BesidesJ
**for ^ e suecessful working of the idiel syst€8n, a l l the segibers gf a par t icular ^ Ichel (say of sono^^s) £ or gold ^ a s h e r s ^ should reside as Closely as possible*,, fhB unparaU.elM deaths and desertions in the ^ake of Burmese invasions led to such a lalxing up of py|f_es: of different taiits that the | ^ | ^ became mlsfiomey^ and their organisation was one of eonfu* aion ^orse confounded* Sv#n to a man of experience I t became Impossible to do lus^iee to the Inhabitants of the ^ e l s scattering from tlie r iver ©IMjoij to the ©haiislrl and f*t«a the loh l t % the
. .. . w ».-»9.9
Pto'ther, not only t^ere the paiks scattered but they bad l e f t
their fields and fled during th© c i v i l «ax^ end Biamese inva^
sloh, ^ d the deffl^d of cash revenue by the Brit ish Goveironent lliW!HIHiH.«llll)
53. ^ e * f,K* Barpu^an ( ed . ) , ?^MtiQgi Ha,s.^rr.-#f . a an ,,
^* p i d . . t p#-i©« •
89
\)Q3 no Incentive to them to return to cultivation. Thus
vihom cultivation had gone down and money was scarcet
Scott'3 hopes of collecting a good revenue from Oppep
Isaam were not fulfilled. After the period of esperliaeot-
Ing ith restoring Upper Assata to the Ahom Klng« la I838
British adtainistration in the form present in ^ e rest of
India was introduced in Upper Assam also*^^
In the rest of /isaaia, i,e. in Kamrupj Novgong and
Darrange, farmers of revenue were appointed and were given
the responsibility of collecting the taxes assessed by the
Bxltigh, In Samrup, l^e Choodhuries were entrusted with
the duty of revenue collection, while in Uowgong and Darrang
initially arrangements were made with two individuals,
Aradhan Ray and Lata Panl Hiukan, but later as British rule
was consolidated the whole of Assam came under an uniform
British administrative system*^
l^ls administrative system, despite tbe early attempts
made by David Scott to retain a semblance of the pre-colonial
55• For an eshaustive discussions and for details of revenue administration in Upper and Lower Assam see H.K. Barpuja-
^, gx Aaaa if. OP. C3>S.. unapta* A. JLAJ., i.v ana Auiiroauc 56. H.K. Barpu^arl, Political HJ^storv of Aaaaj fi sm%&U.^
pp.11*
90
se t up» was •«« "in structure and ftmctlon as well as
name... Anglo Mughul,• • ** ' rather than Anglo-Ahom» The
systeia »as tixas to ta l ly foreign to Assault and the old Ahotn
administrative machinery MQ3 111 equipped to deal with
this system. For the proper ftmctioning of the system a
con5>letely new machinery was needed, "The doslgnatlon of
many of the posts - ^lanar nagls or reg is t ra r ; ^hm^St>X
or treasurer; tehsildar or d i s t r i c t revenue collector were
unfamiliar to the Assamese,"^ ©ie ent i re system and i t s
officers were so unfamiliar to the Ahom tradit ion that the
old Ahom officials sffid nobi l i ty became redundant in the
new socio-economic order. I t was therefore, inevitable that
they pxt>ved themselves to be incotrqpetent in the new jobs
entrusted to them and consequently "their very presence
caused a great labour and trouble to the European functiona
r ies ,"^^ I t was therefore not d i f f i cu l t to overthrow the
Ahom officers who had been direct ly linked with the Ahom
administration, l ike the kheldarg and heads of various
khels. With the overthrow of these officers the na Lk system
57. N. Barooah, jpftYAd <aill? ^ 3n ^^9^1; Fa,<yt. JnHU l^ftP-lfill: ^ 4 : ^ p7133.131,;
59« B^ga l Pol i t ica l Consultati<»i. I83I5 10 June, No^ ^0, ci ted in H. K, Barpujari ( ed . ) , £234ii£aUliSJfe2SZ-2i:
91
fSually came to an end. The res t of the Ahom aristocracy had
begun to decline and disintegrate from the mid eighteenth
century when the c iv i l wars began, and as we have already
discussed, their wealth and consequently power could not
survive the onslaught of the Moamaria rebell ion, Burmese
invailon and f inal ly British occupation. Having neither exper
t i s e to run the ne« Bri t ish administration, nor vcaltij of
the nature tisat ^ould make them of some economic and social
consequence, the Ahom aristocracy vas a spent force In tJie
colonial se t \xp of Assam,
With the annexation of Upper Aasaa I t was clear that
the Bri t ish Government had come to stay and the people of
Assam began to react to that r ea l i ty at various levels . On
the one hand there vas a certain amount of dissatisfaction
and _rebelli93is,ness^ on the other hand there was definite
trend to^^ards accepting the inevitable and adjusting to
British Rule,
I t vas this second trend ^hlch ^QB to create new
forces in Assamese society. In the I n i t i a l period of British
Hule in Assam, vhen local people a}tild not be employed in
60, The years 1828-1830 there ^ere a series of ant l -Bri t ish revol ts . For de ta i l s refer H,K, Barpujari ( ed . ) . f9XXPi<^-S^M^%ory .9t Agaffl, fiSaSl^,; H.K. Barpujari, Assam I n t h e Dava of t^^ Company, £m&siJ|,| A Guha,
to Swarfi.l3 Fre^Qm„3truggIeand Sleetoral , ^ i^^mlm-mi (New"gem, 1977);
K*H. Dutt, ^M (Gauhatl, 1969)7
92
the administrative macblnepy, It was Inevitable that 1*e
British should find the less expensive ^ay out and the
administrative posts hegan to be filled vlth people from
the neighbouring state of Bengal where British admlnlatra-
tlon had alreacfy created a group of traSned administra
tors and clerks« "The one exception ysoa in the revenue
administration, for there the help of the Assamese
Qnaniangpg was essential and so the thVQe top posts were
given to the three Majinder Baruas - Joglram, Kashl and
Bhudhal*"^ Sb, during the first few decades of British
Bule in As3^1, the clerical and bureaucratic posts in the
administration isere by and large monopolised by people from
Bengal the highest posts being of course al ays in the hands
of the British Officers, But tJ^roughout this period the
Assamese people »ere avare that for their own economic
^dstence and survive they must adapt themselves to the
new conditions. The primary qualifications for entering the
new administrative machinery vas e acquisition of at least mil m i l III Ill <i 1 . n n iiiiM iiM II • wi II II iliiini i i i w i I i m i — » — — » — » — — « • — ii «i iiii
61, Majinder Baruas were l ike the King's Private Secretary, They announced royal orders, despatched envoys to foreign courts, drafted diplomatic epis t les and genera l ly served as an inteimediary between the King and his principal officers and nobles. See S,K, Bhuyan (ed.) y>ffl 1l< mng;?. ,P rgi JA» aiUSP** P « 2 3 6 ; H^K,Barua Sadr
62, Bengal Secret and Pol i t ica l Consultations, 7 April, 1826, Ho, 9 , Scott to Stfinton lOtb March. 1$26, Refer, H. Barooah, P,a7;>,Pi.„Se?9tf. ,r;i',!Q, ^9n\i ^§^%„ JtihP>* filUSl^*, p . 135.
93
the ppellmlnarles of western education as lEqparted toy the
British. So gradually Asaameae youngmen began to emerge
vith the basic qualifications for entering the new adml«*
nistration. The process «as however very slow because the
spread of Sngiish education in Assam ^oa not keeping pace
«lth the constant groTath of the administrative machinery.
For Instance in 1870, only S3 students appeared for the
Entrance Examination in Assen and only 13 passed, t hile
in the same year only 6 students appeared for the First
Arts examination out of vhom <aily U- ts ere successful, - Hov-
ever, slow though the process vas, a new force was begin
ning to take shape in Assam.
The social position and influence which the nobles
and officers of the Ahom Rule bad earlier held was now
being taken by the revenue collectors like Maugfida|*a and
Chaudhuries and the bureaucratic clerks. These categories
were not only all Important for the British administration
but they were also ttie people who could begin to acquire
wealth and position in the society, % e Qiaudhuries, for
example, had no claim to property in the soil or to produce
and they cou3xi be removed at the pleasure of the government,
63, Figures taken from H„K, Barpujari (ed,), poj^tjic^]. H^f jfftyy, qf ,f? ,gga, SS^S^^^ Appendix B,
9
but since members of the same family were usually appoin
ted again ttie posts became almost hereditajsy. «T[n
theory, the Choudhxiry was to be elected by the people,
but In practice not only did he bribe by false promisea
and even by money, but he resorted to the same method
among the aml^^g and the aad^ station, and this amount
together vith the revenue and a profit to himself were
afterwards exacted from the ryots. ?%>reoiver,• • he exacted
on all sides sometimes five or six times the real aQU>unt
of rent collected.,••"^ These Choudhuriea and the
^^ZQd^y^ and other such officers began to hold a very
important place in Assamese society and the groiifth of these
forces heralded the development of a nev order in Assam,
The old order had already crumbled, t*Jlth the
demise of the Ahom aristocracy, officials and thus th©
entire Ahom system. With the crumbling of that old order
the norms and values of that order had also begtm to
become weaker, although the feudal nonaa and ideas %?hlcb
had entered the Ahom systoa still continued to permeate
the higher echelons of the new order. The Ahom monarchy
had disintegrated as the Ahom economy began to disintegrate, III m> ••.imiMrj » i i » I . I I I liiin • I . I I I • • • ! • < • . < i • . I l l , 1 1 1 1
6V. R.K. Barpu;)ari, ^s^mJU. .P\. V(f,%M^:m.9L«^}3S«9QmimXt
^ Xsarpujari (ed*), foU^Xml.^^tf91^,Qt. M^m*
95
and the new econozaic system vblch the Brit ish Introduced
into Assam brought in I t s vake a «hole range of changea
in the sooio-eoonomic l i f e of Assam, tflith the development
of British administration a se t of new forces also began
to develop and these forces, as %7e shal l discuss in a
l a t e r chapter, began to play a vexy v i t a l role in the
shaping of the socio-economic developments in the history
of Assam. This role voa sometimes progressive and sometimes
far from being so, but whatever be the character i t vas a
role vhich was to have a last ing impact on &ssam.
The developnent of ^ i s new order and the new
forces, wittJ their new norms and values, vas a positive
aspect of Bri t ish occupation of Assam, But the impact of
the introduction of a to ta l ly alien economic s ^ t e a into
the s®ni»trlbal bases of Assamese economy was not a very
healthy one for the grovjth ^idclevelopment of the A 3aame3e
economy. %e consequ^ices of this were not happy e i ther
for the economic development of Assan or for the develop
ment of the new social groups that weire being formed. Ibe
growth and development of both were crippled in such a ^ay
as to leave indelible marks on the i r character and evolu
tion. For a fu l l comprehension of th is colonial heritage
96
It Is necessaify that the Impact of British Rule on the
economy of Assam, the nature of British Rule and the con
sequences of It are understood clearly. In the next chap*
ter therefore ve shall examine the first results of the
imposition of an alien economy into Assam, as a prelude
to understanding the position and role of the new forces
that emerged In Assam in the Colonial period,