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This article was downloaded by: [128.174.170.142] On: 18 July 2018, At: 09:22 Publisher: Institute for Operations Research and the Management Sciences (INFORMS) INFORMS is located in Maryland, USA Organization Science Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://pubsonline.informs.org The Decline of Social Entrenchment: Social Network Cohesion and Board Responsiveness to Shareholder Activism Richard A. Benton To cite this article: Richard A. Benton (2017) The Decline of Social Entrenchment: Social Network Cohesion and Board Responsiveness to Shareholder Activism. Organization Science 28(2):262-282. https://doi.org/10.1287/orsc.2017.1119 Full terms and conditions of use: http://pubsonline.informs.org/page/terms-and-conditions This article may be used only for the purposes of research, teaching, and/or private study. Commercial use or systematic downloading (by robots or other automatic processes) is prohibited without explicit Publisher approval, unless otherwise noted. For more information, contact [email protected]. The Publisher does not warrant or guarantee the article’s accuracy, completeness, merchantability, fitness for a particular purpose, or non-infringement. Descriptions of, or references to, products or publications, or inclusion of an advertisement in this article, neither constitutes nor implies a guarantee, endorsement, or support of claims made of that product, publication, or service. Copyright © 2017, INFORMS Please scroll down for article—it is on subsequent pages INFORMS is the largest professional society in the world for professionals in the fields of operations research, management science, and analytics. For more information on INFORMS, its publications, membership, or meetings visit http://www.informs.org

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Page 1: The Decline of Social Entrenchment: Social Network ... · Benton: Social Network Cohesion and Board Responsiveness to Shareholder Activism OrganizationScience,2017,vol.28,no.2,pp.262–282,©2017INFORMS

This article was downloaded by: [128.174.170.142] On: 18 July 2018, At: 09:22Publisher: Institute for Operations Research and the Management Sciences (INFORMS)INFORMS is located in Maryland, USA

Organization Science

Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information:http://pubsonline.informs.org

The Decline of Social Entrenchment: Social NetworkCohesion and Board Responsiveness to ShareholderActivismRichard A. Benton

To cite this article:Richard A. Benton (2017) The Decline of Social Entrenchment: Social Network Cohesion and Board Responsiveness toShareholder Activism. Organization Science 28(2):262-282. https://doi.org/10.1287/orsc.2017.1119

Full terms and conditions of use: http://pubsonline.informs.org/page/terms-and-conditions

This article may be used only for the purposes of research, teaching, and/or private study. Commercial useor systematic downloading (by robots or other automatic processes) is prohibited without explicit Publisherapproval, unless otherwise noted. For more information, contact [email protected].

The Publisher does not warrant or guarantee the article’s accuracy, completeness, merchantability, fitnessfor a particular purpose, or non-infringement. Descriptions of, or references to, products or publications, orinclusion of an advertisement in this article, neither constitutes nor implies a guarantee, endorsement, orsupport of claims made of that product, publication, or service.

Copyright © 2017, INFORMS

Please scroll down for article—it is on subsequent pages

INFORMS is the largest professional society in the world for professionals in the fields of operations research, managementscience, and analytics.For more information on INFORMS, its publications, membership, or meetings visit http://www.informs.org

Page 2: The Decline of Social Entrenchment: Social Network ... · Benton: Social Network Cohesion and Board Responsiveness to Shareholder Activism OrganizationScience,2017,vol.28,no.2,pp.262–282,©2017INFORMS

ORGANIZATION SCIENCEVol. 28, No. 2, March–April 2017, pp. 262–282

http://pubsonline.informs.org/journal/orsc/ ISSN 1047-7039 (print), ISSN 1526-5455 (online)

The Decline of Social Entrenchment: Social Network Cohesionand Board Responsiveness to Shareholder ActivismRichard A. Bentona

a School of Labor and Employment Relations, University of Illinois, Champaign, Illinois 61820Contact: [email protected] (RAB)

Received: February 8, 2016Revised: July 5, 2016; November 28, 2016Accepted: January 25, 2017Published Online in Articles in Advance:April 5, 2017

https://doi.org/10.1287/orsc.2017.1119

Copyright: © 2017 INFORMS

Abstract. Shareholder activism through corporate governance proposals is a prominentavenue for investors to voice their concerns in corporate governance matters. However,shareholder proposals have an uneven effect on corporate governance. This paper con-tributes to research on shareholder activism by joining social movement approaches toactivism with network theoretic approaches to corporate governance. The paper exam-ines how firms’ position within cohesive sections of the board interlock network, termed“social entrenchment,” predicts (1) the likelihood of being targeted by activist investorsand (2) firms’ responsiveness to proposal demands. First, a firm’s position in the boardnetwork serves as a salient network prism, attracting activists’ attention. This is especiallytrue for activist investors who lack other backchannel avenues for engagement or seekto use public reputational penalties as part of their activism strategy. Second, the boardnetwork traditionally served as an important collective infrastructure among managerialelites helping them preserve autonomy and power. However, the network has becomefractured in recent years, raising questions about its continued role in supporting elitecohesion. Results indicate that prior to the mid-2000s socially entrenched firms were lessresponsive to shareholder proposals. After the mid-2000s, socially entrenched firms wereno less responsive. Findings suggest that the board interlock network may have tradition-ally helped protect corporate elites from external shareholder pressures but the networkmay have lost its capacity to help corporate leaders preserve their cohesion and autonomy.

Keywords: corporate governance • social networks • organization and management theory • network analysis • governance and control

IntroductionShareholder activism has become an increasinglyprominent means for investors to affect corpora-tions in the United States. Grounded in longstandingdebates about the effectiveness of individual “voice”in organizational settings (Hirschman 1970), share-holder activism scholars have examined the firm andinvestor characteristics that elicit shareholder activismas well as how activism affects a range of strate-gic and corporate governance outcomes (Goranovaand Ryan 2014). Advocates argue that shareholderactivism has the potential to hold corporate managersmore accountable to investors (Bebchuk 2005). How-ever, critics worry that activism degrades managerialautonomy and refocuses incentives toward short-termshareholder returns and myopic strategies (Stout 2012,Zhang and Gimeno 2016).1A particularly visible form of investor activism is

the shareholder sponsored proposal, where an investor(or group) presents a proposal to be included inthe firm’s annual proxy materials and voted on byshareholders at the annual meeting. Shareholder pro-posals are a prominent external governance mech-anism intended to promote shareholder interests,rein in managerial autonomy, and activate internal

governance mechanisms that bind managerial incen-tives to shareholder interests (Aguilera et al. 2015).These proposals address a range of corporate gover-nance matters including rules about shareholders’ vot-ing rights, executive pay, board structure, and directorelections (Bizjak and Marquette 1998, Brav et al.2008).2 Corporate governance shareholder proposalshave won increased voting support from investors andhave been increasingly effective in achieving corporategovernance reforms (Ertimur et al. 2010, Renneboogand Szilagyi 2011). Research largely demonstrates thatshareholder proposals tend to target large and under-performing firms as well as firms where top managersare more entrenched against shareholder scrutiny(Goranova et al. 2017, Renneboog and Szilagyi 2011).Nevertheless, shareholder proposal effects have beensurprisingly uneven across corporate America and keydeterminants of their success remain empirically puz-zling (Goranova and Ryan 2014).

Despite considerable research on shareholderactivism, researchers have yet to consider theoreticalor empirical links between shareholder proposals andone of the traditional sources of managerial auton-omy and control: elite social networks in the formof board interlocks. Board interlocks are network ties

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that form when a director sits on the board of mul-tiple firms or an executive from one firm serves onthe board of another. Historically, board interlocksembedded corporate leaders in a network of mutu-ally supportive peers and these ties have traditionallyfunctioned as an important infrastructure for collec-tive resources among corporate elites. Moreover, boardinterlocks have helped preserve managerial autonomyin the era of shareholder primacy (Benton 2016, Kangand Kroll 2014). However, since the early 2000s, theboard network has become increasingly fractured (Chuand Davis 2016, Mizruchi 2013), raising questions ofwhether the board network still serves its traditionalrole in supporting managerial autonomy or protect-ing managers from external governance pressures. Asa result of the network’s dissolution, corporate elitesmay be more focused on the interests of their focalfirms and less on their shared interests as a cohesivesocial group (Useem 2015).This paper introduces the concept of “social en-

trenchment” to describe how cohesive social networkstructures can support collective resources amongembedded corporate actors (Moody and White 2003).Whereas managerial entrenchment typically refers tocorporate governance provisions that support man-agerial autonomy and limit shareholder power withinfirms (Bebchuk et al. 2009, Gompers et al. 2003), socialentrenchment describes how social networks amongcorporate elites facilitate managerial interests at thenetwork level and among connected firms. Unlikemanagerial entrenchment, which describes particular-istic arrangements within firms, social entrenchmentdescribes generalized resources embedded withinsocial networks. Social entrenchment is most pro-nounced within cohesive and tightly knit sectionsof the board interlock network, where managerialistbehaviors are most robust (Benton 2016).

Drawing on social movement theory (Bartley andChild 2014) and structural theories of collectiveresources (Coleman 1988, Moody and White 2003,Simmel 1950) this study examines how social entrench-ment predicts shareholder proposal targeting and imple-mentation outcomes. This framework is testedwith dataon shareholder proposals targeting firms in the S&P1500 between 1998 and 2013. First, when selecting tar-gets for shareholder proposals, corporate governanceactivists are likely to respond to a firm’s visibility andstatus, as signaled by its position in the board net-work (Podolny 2001, Sullivan and Tang 2013). Target-ing highly connected firms allows activist investors toexpose governance concerns to a wide audience andexert reputational penalties on corporate targets. Atthe same time, activists are likely to exhibit consider-able heterogeneity in their propensity to target sociallyentrenched firms and this heterogeneity aligns withactivists’ resources and interests. As a result, sociallyentrenched firms are more likely to be targeted by less

powerful and institutionally legitimate investors, par-ticularly individual retail investors and union funds, ascompared to less connected firms.

Second, social entrenchment is likely to reduce firms’responsiveness to corporate governance shareholderproposals, particularly in the early period when thenetwork was more robust. Considerable evidence indi-cates that the board network traditionally supportedmanagerial autonomy and helped offset the pressuresassociated with shareholder primacy (Benton 2016,Davis 1991, Kang and Kroll 2014). Through behav-ioral governance mechanisms of diffusion, socializa-tion, and norm enforcement, embedded corporateeliteswere able to draw on collective resources and pre-serve managerial power. Consequently, more sociallyentrenched firms were likely less responsive to share-holder proposals. However, the board network hasbecome increasingly fractured since the mid-2000s andscholars have raised questions about its continued rolein preserving managerialism (Chu and Davis 2016).The board networks’ fracturing has removed an impor-tant collective infrastructure leaving fractured corpo-rate leaders more susceptible to shareholder activists’demands and pressures. As a result, the board net-work’s dissolution may have had important conse-quences for corporate governance as corporate elitesbecame increasingly isolated and focused on firm-specific concerns. The evidence indicates that socialentrenchment once reduced managers’ responsivenessto shareholder proposals but that this effect has disap-peared in the more recent period.

In what follows, this paper first introduces back-ground information on shareholder activism, share-holder proposals, and corporate governance. Next,the paper draws on social movement and socialnetwork theories to develop hypotheses about share-holder activism and social entrenchment. The hypothe-sis development suggests that activist investors vary inhow they view the board network and use it in select-ing activism targets. This argument also suggests thatcorporate leaders traditionally relied on the board net-work as a collective resource, preserving their auton-omy and reducing their responsiveness to investoractivism. However, as the network has become increas-ingly dissolved, this traditional function of the networkhas receded and even connected corporate leaders aremore responsive to activists than they once were. Afterpresenting an analysis of shareholder proposal target-ing and implementation outcomes, the paper discussesconclusions and avenues for future research, particu-larly the implications of a fractured corporate elite inthe era of shareholder primacy.

Background on Shareholder Activism andCorporate GovernanceShareholder activism, as an external governance mech-anism, has become a prominent means for investors

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to express their dissatisfaction and attempt to affectcorporate behavior (Aguilera et al. 2015). Shareholderactivism can directly affect how firms create valuefor shareholders, as when activists attempt to forcea firm to return value to investors through a stockbuyback. Activism can also activate internal gover-nance mechanisms, as when activists promote moresensitive CEO-pay for performance criteria or a moreshareholder-friendly board of directors. Finally, share-holder activism can interact with other external gov-ernance mechanisms if activists pressure the board torescind a takeover defense or draws media attention.Shareholder activism can take many forms, includ-ing private backchannel negotiations, campaigns toreplace the board or CEO, and shareholder proposalsdesigned to elicit voting support from other investorsand advise directors about a preferred course of action.Though not as confrontational as a lawsuit or at-

tempting a takeover, shareholder proposals are aparticularly public and confrontational activism tac-tic available to most investors, including those withsmaller ownership stakes. In this regard, share-holder proposals are somewhat unique among thealternative activism strategies. Shareholder proposalshave received considerable research attention, in partbecause of data availability but also because they areused by many different types of investors and addressa wide range of issues. In a typical scenario, an investoror group submits a proposal to be included in thefirm’s annual proxy statement, the document mailedto investors before a firm’s annual meeting.3 About20% of all shareholder proposals that are initially filedare eventually withdrawn by the sponsoring investor,which typically occurs when the sponsor and man-agement have come to a private agreement (Baueret al. 2015). To appear on the firm’s proxy statement,a proposal must also meet certain legal requirements.After a proposal meets these requirements, the spon-soring investor prepares a supporting statement andthe board prepares a corresponding response state-ment, all of which accompany the proposal in theproxy materials. Boards almost always recommendthat shareholders vote against investor sponsored pro-posals. Finally, investors vote on the proposal, alongwith other governance matters, at the annual meetingor viamail. To pass, the shareholder votemust exceed apredefined firm-specific threshold, usually 50% of thevotes cast, excluding abstentions; however, firms use avariety of voting thresholds to determine whether ornot a proposal has passed.Shareholder proposal votes are nearly always only

advisory in nature and management is under no obli-gation to adopt a proposal even if it passes. How-ever, a shareholder vote that goes against the board’srecommendation sends a powerful signal to externalaudiences, including financial analysts, the media, and

potential hostile bidders. Board members and man-agers risk reputational penalties, negative stock mar-ket reactions, future activism, and even dismissal ifthey routinely fail to respond to shareholder propos-als. As a result of increased shareholder primacy, firmshave grown more responsive to shareholder propos-als in recent years. The top panel in Figure 1 plots theincidence of properly presented shareholder propos-als, those that passed a shareholder vote, and boardimplementation outcomes for all firms in the S&P 1500between 1998 and 2013. The figure indicates that share-holder proposals peaked in the mid-2000s but haveremained high compared to earlier decades (Thomasand Cotter 2007). During the same time, incidentswhere the proposal passed a shareholder vote contin-ued to fluctuate while implementation outcomes haveremained fairly steady since the mid-2000s.

Most research on shareholder proposals examinesthe firm-level antecedents to being targeted. Priorempirical evidence indicates that larger firm size (totalassets and market value), poor performance, and man-agerial entrenchment increase the likelihood of beinga proposal target (Goranova and Ryan 2014). Firmsalso differ in their likelihood of implementing propos-als. In a study of shareholder activism between 1996and 2005, Renneboog and Szilagyi (2011) find thatmore entrenched managers are less likely to imple-ment proposals, indicating wide variation in boards’responsiveness to shareholderactivism.However, otherevidence on implementation outcomes is fairly incon-sistent, including effects related to the size and salienceof the proposal sponsor (Ertimur et al. 2010).

For the purposes of the present study, corporate gov-ernance shareholder proposals are a particularly suit-able context to examine shareholder activism. Unlikeprivate negotiations, filing a proxy proposal is a strongindicator that an investor wishes to publicly con-front and even embarrass top managers and direc-tors (McCahery et al. 2016). Shareholder proposalshave the capacity to disrupt business as usual, attractmedia attention, and publicly shame corporate lead-ers. However, unlike waging a costly takeover bidor lawsuit, shareholder proposals are available toeven marginal investors of limited size and salience.The center panel in Figure 1 underscores this point.Unions and individual retail investors rarely wieldthe institutional legitimacy or power of large institu-tional investors, yet they are far more prolific proposalsponsors. While large institutional investors typicallyhave private backchannel access to corporate managers(McCahery et al. 2016), more marginal investors likeunions and many individuals rarely have comparableaccess or resources. Shareholder proposals offer a tacticfor even marginal investors to publicly confront firmsover corporate governance matters and leverage repu-tational penalties to pressure managers and boards.

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Figure 1. Shareholder Proxy Proposals Targeting the S&P 1500; 1998–2013

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Sponsor typeIndividualsUnionsPublic pensionsOther investment fundsSpecial interestsReligious and SRI

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OthersVotingCompensationAntitakeoverBoard

Sources. Institutional Shareholder Services. Implementation outcomes hand-coded from SEC filings.

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Social Entrenchment andProxy Proposal TargetingConnectedness in the board network is likely to shapehow activist investors view potential target firms.Social movement theory suggests that when engagingin protests, boycotts, and other tactics, socialmovementorganizations select corporate targets based on theirvisibility, status, and vulnerability to activist demands(Bartley and Child 2014, McDonnell et al. 2015). Evi-dence indicates that highly visible and respected firmsare attractive targets for social movement campaignsbecause they are more “shameable” than less rec-ognized targets, having more reputation or status atstake (Bartley and Child 2014, King 2008). Even whenactivists fail to achieve their stated objectives, the tar-get firm’s visibility can aid broader movement goalsby attracting media attention and airing criticisms to awider audience, including others in the business com-munity. Consequently, activists are more likely to tar-get high profile firms who inhabit a central role in amarket or value chain because successful reforms aremore likely to diffuse to other firms in the field (Bartleyand Child 2014). Social movement scholars refer to the“corporate opportunity structure” to describe how fac-tors like visibility, status, and position shape firms’ vul-nerabilities to social movement activists’ and influencethe target selection process.It is likely that social networks also shape the corpo-

rate opportunity structure for activists. Podolny (2001)points out that a firm’s social network ties can senda powerful signal to external audiences about a firm’sstatus, reputation, and underlying quality. Externalaudiences often view a firm through the “prism” ofits social partners and audiences may infer both pos-itive and negative information from a firm’s networkties. Strategy and management researchers documentmany examples of how networks send signals of exter-nal audiences in contexts such as strategic allianceformation and venture capital financing where ana-lysts and others rely on the status of a firm’s networkpartners to develop their evaluations (Podolny 2001,Stuart et al. 1999). Similarly, interlock ties can func-tion as prisms signaling to external audiences abouta focal firm’s governance quality, status, and positionin the corporate community (Sullivan and Tang 2013,Zaheer et al. 2010). For instance, appointing a promi-nent firm’s CEO to the boardmay increase a firm’s ownstatus among investors, analysts, and potential strate-gic allies (Davis and Robbins 2005). Alternatively, shar-ing a director with a firm that has been implicated in anunethical act can damage a firm’s reputation, leadingfirms to break ties to ethically compromised partners(Sullivan et al. 2007).

Given that interlocks can send salient signals toexternal audiences, it is likely that they also affect

a firm’s position in the corporate opportunity struc-ture for corporate governance activism. There areseveral reasons to believe that some activist share-holders use board interlocks as a salient prism whenselecting proxy proposal targets. First, interlockingsends a negative signal about governance quality, par-ticularly regarding board monitoring. Critics arguethat “overboarded” directors are less effective mon-itors because their attention is divided across boardappointments (Ferris et al. 2003). Similarly, both schol-arly and business media accounts note that highly“entangled boards” may not have investors’ interestsin mind and are more deferential toward managers(Krantz 2002). Hillman et al. (2010) find that investorsare more likely to express discontent, in the form ofwithheld votes, toward directors who hold a largernumber of outside directorships. In either case, inter-locking sends a salient signal about a firm’s corporategovernance andmay prompt greater criticism and con-cern from activist investors (Hillman et al. 2010).

Second, interlocking distinguishes members of thecorporate elite as an identifiable social group and con-nects firms to other organizations in the corporate com-munity (Davis and Thompson 1994, Useem 1984). Thisvisibility and status, conferred by their network posi-tion, makes embedded firms extremely salient targetsfor activists wishing to confront corporate elites andhave their activism reach the largest possible audience.As noted earlier, shareholder proposals are a viablestrategy for less powerful investors because they allowthem to publicly confront firms without needing togain backchannel access. A firm’s visibility can alsoincrease media coverage of an activism event or attractthe attention of analysts and shareholder advocates,putting increased pressure on the firm and depress-ing the share price (King and Soule 2007). The threatof public embarrassment is part of the reason whycorporate managers avoid shareholder proposals andare often willing to negotiate with activist investors(Bauer et al. 2015). Activist investors may also prefertargeting well-connected firms to achieve greater visi-bility in the business community and beyond. Conse-quently, a firm’s social entrenchment, or connectednessin the board network, sends a salient signal to activistinvestors about a firm’s underlying governance qualityas well as its visibility and status within the corporatecommunity. These traits shape a firm’s “shameability”and its position in the corporate opportunity structurefor activist investors. Thus, for governance proposalsponsors, interlocks function as an important networkprism, increasing the likelihood of being the target of ashareholder proposal.

Hypothesis 1. Social entrenchment increases the likelihoodof being the target of shareholder proposals.

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Social movement theory suggests that activists varyin both resources and tactical repertoires. Althoughmore powerful and institutionally legitimate socialmovement organizations wield greater resources, theymay also be more readily co-opted and pacified bycorporate targets. For social movement organizations,gaining backchannel access to corporate decisionsmakers can have contradictory effects on movementdevelopment and corporate reforms (Selznick 1948,Trumpy 2008, Westphal and Bednar 2008). In partic-ular, institutionalization and insider access has thecapacity to pacify activists and reduce their willingnessto aggressively pressure corporate decision makers forfear of losing access, alienating current constituents,or undermining their own legitimacy (Hond and DeBakker 2007). Gamson (1975) suggests that accessand institutionalization leads social movement orga-nizations to prioritize maintaining acceptance at theexpense of obtaining new advantages. Conversely,more marginal social movement activists, and thosewith more radical political agendas, are less at riskof co-optation or pacification and may actively spurnopportunities to cooperate with corporate decisionmakers (Hond and De Bakker 2007). Consequently,marginal social movement actors tend to develop moreconfrontational and innovative activism tactics thatchallenge powerful incumbents (Wang and Soule 2016,Fligstein and McAdam 2011).

These arguments from social movement theory yieldimportant insights in the field of corporate governancerelated shareholder activism. Investors exhibit consid-erable heterogeneity in their willingness and capac-ity to affect management through various tactics andin their institutional legitimacy in the financial com-munity (Connelly et al. 2010, Desender et al. 2016).Relevant dimensions include an investor’s size andsalience, investment time horizon, the presence of busi-ness ties with the target firm, and backchannel accessto corporate decision makers (Davis and Kim 2007,McNulty and Nordberg 2015, Westphal and Bednar2008, Zheng 2009). This heterogeneity shapes theirwillingness to engage in activism, the types of strate-gies they adopt, and the types of corporate targetsthey select.

Large institutional investors, particularly those withlong-term investment horizons and low portfolioturnover, such as many private pension funds, publicpension funds, and somemutual funds, tend to engagein private bargaining with management and boardsand are generally more reluctant to adopt public con-frontational tactics (Cvijanović et al. 2016, Davis andKim 2007, Jung et al. 2015, McNulty and Nordberg2015). In a recent survey of institutional investors,McCahery et al. (2016) report that 63% of their respon-dents engaged in private discussions with top man-agement in the previous five years while only 16%

submitted a shareholder proposal during the sametime period. Even when institutional investors do sub-mit shareholder proposals, they are more likely thanothers to eventually withdraw them, indicating thatparties successfully negotiated a favorable outcome inprivate (Bauer et al. 2015).

Public pension funds, such as the California PublicEmployees Retirement System (CalPERS), are a goodexample. Public pensions were traditionally amongthe most well-known governance monitors; between1987 and 1994, just two public pensions CalPERSand the New York City Employees’ Retirement Sys-tem sponsored over 10% of all proposals (Gillan andStarks 2000). However, in the more recent period, pub-lic pensions rely on their size and salience to pro-mote governance reform though private negotiations,reserving overt activism for situations where nego-tiations fail (Gillan and Starks 2007, McCrum 2013).At the same time, many public pensions increasingly“outsource” shareholder activism efforts by allocatinginvestments toward activist hedge funds, although thattrend has also declined because of high managementfees (Hartley 2014).

There are four primary reasons why powerful insti-tutional investors tend to favor less confrontationaltactics and are more likely to engage in private nego-tiations. First, private negotiations are far more suc-cessful than submitting proxy proposals. Comparedto smaller investors, institutional shareholders havegreater incentives and resources to pursue privatenegotiations because of the potential for larger payoffs(Desender et al. 2013). Second, institutional investorsare widely viewed as credible and experienced mem-bers of the investment community (Useem 1996). Thesefactors confer greater salience and legitimacy, afford-ing them backchannel access in private negotiations(Gifford 2010). Such insider access has proven to givecorporate managers an opportunity to pacify insti-tutional investors through interpersonal interactions(Westphal and Bednar 2008). Third, some institutionalshareholders have an incentive not to adopt hostile orpublic activism tactics for fear of losing access, particu-larly if they have an existing business relationship withthe firm (Cvijanović et al. 2016, Davis and Kim 2007).For instance, some have argued that mutual fund fam-ilies face conflicts of interest in their proxy voting (andby extension, monitoring role) because they providepension benefits to the companies in their portfolios.Fourth, institutional investors likely forego confronta-tional tactics to avoid attracting reputational damageor media attention to target firms that could depressthe share price.

Given their institutional legitimacy, backchannelaccess, and ongoing business relationships, institu-tional investors are unlikely to adopt publicly con-frontational or overt activism tactics toward corporate

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targets like shareholder proposals. Moreover, wheninstitutional investors do sponsor proposals, they areunlikely to select particularly high-profile or high-status firms. Institutional investors may use share-holder proposals when corporate managers have beenparticularly intransigent to negotiation (Bauer et al.2015) or the governance concerns and potential pay-offs are high (Gantchev 2013); however, institutionalinvestors are unlikely to use targets’ position in theboard interlock network as a salient signal of firm’s sta-tus or visibility. Consequently, social entrenchment isunlikely to constitute a salient network prism for insti-tutional investors.In contrast to most institutional investors, financial

outsiders such as unions and individual investors lackthe resources, institutional legitimacy, or backchannelaccess to engage in private negotiations with firms.Theymay also actively spurn backchannel negotiationsto avoid the potential for co-optation or because theyview negotiation as irrelevant to their goals. Giventhis lack of access, they are much more likely toadopt confrontational activism tactics such as share-holder proposals. Confrontational tactics are buoyedby a corporate opportunity structure that presentstargets with greater visibility and status. For unionsand individuals, interlocks serve as salient networkprisms, making highly connected firms particularlyattractive targets for reputational purposes. These out-siders may also believe that targeting highly visiblefirms attracts greater media attention and reputationalpenalties. Whereas many institutional investors maywish to avoid exerting reputational penalties on portfo-lio firms, this strategy would be well suited for unionsand individual investors seeking to pressure managersthrough confrontational tactics.

Consider shareholder activism from union pen-sion funds. Multiemployer union pension funds, oftencalled Taft-Hartley funds, have been around since the1940s but have fewer assets under management ascompared to public pensions or most private mutualfunds. As of 2015, the AFL-CIO’s main investmentvehicle, the AFL-CIO Investment Trust Corporation,had only about $10 billion in assets under managementwhile CalPERS had nearly $300 billion and Fidelityover $2 trillion in assets under management. More-over, their affiliation with organized labor affords themless institutional legitimacy in the financial domainas compared to other institutional investors. Never-theless, union pension funds have become increas-ingly engaged in shareholder activism in the last fewdecades and are now among the most prolific proxyproposal sponsors. Between 1998 and 2013, unionssponsored nearly 30% of all shareholder proposalstargeting the S&P 1500, second only to individualinvestors and nearly five times greater than either pub-lic pensions or other investment funds (e.g., mutual

funds, hedge funds, university endowments, otherinvestment managers).

Shareholder activism has emerged as a centraltactic in unions’ “corporate campaigns,” attacks ona company’s routine business to put pressure onmanagement and extract concessions (Agrawal 2012,Jacoby 2008). Unions often present proposals thatare confrontational and personally costly to managersand board members, including proposals addressingCEO pay, board structures, and director elections.Gillan and Starks (2007) argue that union funds havebeen among the most innovative and confrontationalactivists around—developing newproposals, using themedia to pressure management, and taking to the floorat annual meetings to make proposals. Clearly, unionpension funds do not have the credibility or legiti-macy of other members of the investment community,which limits their access to private negotiation chan-nels. However, union shareholder proposals are explic-itly designed to pressure management through publicconfrontation and disruption. In their efforts to lever-age confrontation and disruption, unions are particu-larly likely to target proposals at socially entrenchedfirms where the board network functions as a prismsignaling status and visibility in the corporate commu-nity. Consequently, the board network likely affects thecorporate opportunity structure for union sponsoredshareholder proposals.

Individual activist investors are another group offinancial outsiders who regularly sponsor shareholderproposals, constituting the largest proportion of cor-porate governance shareholder proposals. This groupis further concentrated among a handful of “gadfly”investors—individual investors who sponsor a largenumber of similar proposals across multiple firms(Duhigg 2007, Solomon 2014). In 2013, just two indi-viduals, John Chevedden and William Steiner, alongwith their relatives and family trusts, accounted for31% of all proposals targeting firms in the S&P 1500.4The most prolific individual activists hold very smallownership stakes, often right around the $2,000 mini-mum requirement, and stand to earn negligible returnsfrom their activism. Nevertheless, individual activistsare particularly confrontational, regularly sponsoringgovernance proposals designed to embarrass corporateleaders and raise criticisms about CEO compensationand managerial entrenchment (Sikavica and Hillman2008, Solomon 2014).

Accounts in the business press offer useful insightsinto individual activists’ goals and tactics. Anecdotally,corporate gadflies actively spurn backchannel access tocorporate decisionmakers and express a preference forpublic confrontation. When asked about John Cheved-den, corporate executives and lawyers reply, “There isno reasoning with him” (Kerber 2013, p. 4). GregoryLau, a retired director of General Motors’ and chronic

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target of Chevedden’s proposals, told a reporter that“some of his proposals are good, but you can never talkto him about his positions or his supporting statement.He wouldn’t change them voluntarily.” In response,Chevedden concluded that companies are rarely seri-ous about substantial reforms when they reach outand only “want to talk you to death” (Kerber 2013,p. 4). Individual activists also express a commitmentto holding corporations accountable on behalf of allshareholders, a desire that likely extends to selectinghighly visible corporate targets. For instance, JamesMcRitchie, another prolific corporate gadfly, told areporter, “ ‘we can’t put cops in every boardroom,’ buthe and his cohorts ‘hold our institutions accountable’ ”(Solomon 2014, p. 3). Expressing a similar sentiment,Kenneth Steiner, argued that he behaved “altruisti-cally for all shareholders because the mutual fundswould not bring these proposals ‘because they can’tlose access’ to the companies’ management” (Solomon2014, p. 3). These quotes suggest that individual gad-flies are particularly prone to adopting public and com-bative tactics in shareholder activism and also spurnopportunities to negotiate.As a result of these tactical choices, individual

investors are more likely to turn toward highly visi-ble methods of public shaming in an effort to extractconcessions and exert reputational penalties on cor-porate targets. Similar to unions, individual investors’best tactical option is to use shareholder proposals todisrupt business as usual, warranting the label “corpo-rate gadfly.” By relying on a firm’s notoriety and vis-ibility, as signaled by their network position, individ-ual activists can pressure managers. Targeting highlyvisible firms also increases the activists’ notoriety inthe corporate community, earning them press cover-age (Solomon 2014) as well as the attention of othercorporate leaders (Duhigg 2007). As above, position inthe board interlock network sends a powerful signalto individual activists about a firms’ status and visi-bility. As network prisms, board interlocks increase afirm’s vulnerability to individual activists by signalingthe targets’ status and visibility in the corporate field.Given individual investors’ limited access to privatenegotiation channels, status as corporate outsiders,and preference for confrontational tactics, cohesivelynested firms are likely to make particularly attractivetargets.Hypothesis 2. Social entrenchment increases the likeli-hood of being targeted by union and individual sponsoredproposals.

Structural Cohesion andActivism OutcomesWhile certain activist investors are more likely to tar-get socially entrenched firms for visibility and repu-tational reasons, these efforts may not always lead to

reforms in the targeted firm.Historically, the board net-work helped foster collective resources among corpo-rate elites that may have affected shareholder proposalimplementation outcomes. However, given that thisnetwork has been in decline since the mid-2000s, ques-tions remain about whether interlock-based behavioralgovernance mechanisms are more historically contin-gent than previously recognized. Behavioral corpo-rate governance theory advances the idea that socialnetworks among corporate leaders, including boardinterlocks, helped maintain assumptions and socialobligations that competed with the prevailing norm ofshareholder primacy (Westphal and Zajac 2013). Forinstance, in a study of board interlocks and corporategovernance in the early 2000s, Kang and Kroll (2014)show that firmswhose boards where highly embeddedin the corporate elite network tended to adopt moreprovisions that protect managerial power and auton-omy, including takeover defenses and limits on share-holder voting rights. Similarly, studying interlocksthroughout the 2000s, Sauerwald et al. (2016) find thatfirms with highly interlocked boards exhibited exces-sive CEO pay. Given that these ties enhanced manage-rial power, it is also likely that managers in these firmswere less responsive to shareholder demands.

Historically, interlocking shaped managerial powerthrough two primary mechanisms. First, board inter-locks helped diffuse information and resources thatsupported managers’ interests. Davis (1991) finds thatboard interlocks helped spread the poison pill takeoverdefense during the corporate takeover wave of the1980s. The takeover wave threatened many top man-agers’ autonomy; however, they were able to draw onresources embedded in the board interlock networkto protect themselves by learning about an importantgovernance innovation through their social connec-tions. More recently, Bizjak et al. (2009) find that boardinterlocks helped spread the practice of stock optionsbackdating in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Back-dating is a controversial practice that enriches seniormanagers by manipulating the timing of stock optiongrants; the board network served managerial interestby spreading the controversial compensation practice.Other research confirms that board interlocks havetraditionally played a central role in diffusing gov-ernance devices and strategic innovations across thebusiness community (Bouwman 2011, Connelly et al.2011) often in support of managers’ interests (Davisand Greve 1997).

Second, board interlocks supported norms of reci-procity, group consensus, and mutual monitoringamong connected corporate leaders. These normsserved managerial interests and reduced directors’willingness to criticize management (Lipton andLorsch 1992). For instance, in a study of interpersonalinteractions among corporate leaders in the late 1990s,

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Westphal and Khanna (2003) find that corporate direc-tors exercised informal social sanctions against peerswho participated in shareholder-oriented reforms suchas repealing a takeover defense or delinking the CEOand board chair positions. Directors who participatedin such reforms reported having their opinions andsuggestions ignored and being excluded from informalmeetings and conversations. These informal sanctionssocialized directors into the normative expectationsand collective interests of the corporate elite, limitingtheir willingness to participate in future governancereforms. Moreover, directors who witnessed socialsanctions against peers were also less likely to par-ticipate in future governance reforms at other boardswhere they served. Consequently, social sanctioningamong corporate directors reinforced managerialistgovernance norms at the network level, ensuring thatsocially entrenched directors were more likely to deferto the CEO and less likely to constrain CEO autonomy(Kang and Kroll 2014, Westphal and Zajac 2013).Social network theory suggests that information dif-

fusion, norm enforcement, and consensus formation,which are the theorized collective action mechanismsundergirding social entrenchment, were most potentwithin structurally cohesive groups where mem-bers are connected through multiple overlapping andredundant pathways. These behavioral mechanismsthrive within cohesive network communities for tworeasons. First, cohesive networks increase the diffusionpotential within a group by providing alternative path-ways through which information can spread (Moodyand Benton 2016). Densely connected groups are lessreliant on network bridges or individual brokeragepositions to spread information. Rather, dense net-work topologies allow information to rapidly spreadthrough multiple channels, improving the speed andreach of information propagation in the network. Sec-ond, dense cohesively connected groups encouragecooperation, trust, and consensus (Krackhardt 1999,Simmel 1950). Defecting behavior is more easily uncov-ered and sanctioned within dense groups and, as aresult, these network structures support social obliga-tions and norms that serve as resources for individualand collective action (Coleman 1988). Mutual member-ship within dense groups also promotes trust betweenactors even if they are not directly tied (Buchan et al.2002). As Granovetter (2005, p. 34) summarizes,

the denser a network, the more unique paths alongwhich information, ideas, and influence can travelbetween any two nodes. Thus, greater density makesideas about proper behavior more likely to be encoun-tered repeatedly, discussed and fixed; it also rendersdeviance from resulting norms harder to hide and, thus,more likely to be punished.

All of this suggests that cohesive network structureshelped facilitate behavioral governance dynamics that

reinforced managerial autonomy and decreased share-holder power. Structural cohesion describes ameso-levelnetwork structure where actors are embedded withindensely connected webs of overlapping and redun-dant ties (Moody and White 2003). Rather than simplycounting the number of interlocks, structural cohesionreferences the extent to which firms are nested withintight-knit network communities. In a study of boardinterlocks and corporate governance between 1998 and2006, Benton (2016) finds that firms nested withinstructurally cohesive sections of the board interlocknetwork tended to exhibit higher levels of managerialentrenchment. Moreover, cohesive networks reducedinstitutional investors’ capacity to shape corporategovernance outcomes, further reinforcing managerialinterests against shareholder power. Crucially, cohe-sive network structures were the relational antecedentto social entrenchment. Whereas the former referencesan observed relational structure in the network, thelatter references behavioral governance mechanismsthat are an emergent property of that structure. Giventhe behavioral governance mechanisms that accruedwithin socially entrenched firms, it is likely that socialentrenchment decreased managers’ responsiveness toshareholder activists.

Hypothesis 3. Social entrenchment decreases the likelihoodof implementing passed shareholder proposals.

The preceding discussion outlines how the boardnetwork supported managerial autonomy and powerduring a historical period when the interlock net-work was highly connected. However, recent evi-dence indicates that the board network has becomemore fragmented in recent years, particularly since themid-2000s (Chu and Davis 2016, Mizruchi 2013). Manyobservers and shareholder advocates have becomeincreasingly critical of “overboarded” directors whodefer to topmanagers andmake less effectivemonitors.As a result, firms are much more reluctant to appointhighly interlocked directors than they once were. Thisshift in director recruiting preferences has led to awidespread fracturing of the board network—averageinterlocking has decreased, path distances betweenfirms have increased, and firms are nested within lesscohesive communities than they once were.

Not only has the board network become more frag-mented, but many traditional functions of the boardnetwork may no longer hold, raising questions aboutits continued role in preserving managerial auton-omy. The structure of the board network is criticalfor its effectiveness as a collective resources. As thenetwork became fractured it also became less con-sequential, even for firms who remained connected.Corporate leaders are now less able to monitor oneanother, spread information about governance, or relyon social networkmechanisms for consensus and norm

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enforcement. Although firm’s still exhibit some vari-ation in social entrenchment, a fragmented networkis less potent than a cohesive one and network-basedresources are less available in the current period. Forinstance, Chu and Davis (2016) attempt to replicateearlier findings about how the poison-pill takeoverdefense diffuses through board ties but find that fewerpathways are available to spread governance inno-vations across the corporate population. The boardnetwork also plays a more limited role in elite social-ization. New directors are less tied to a large numberof other directors and are more isolated from gover-nance norms outside of their focal firm, leaving cor-porate elites less able to maintain collective norms ofdeference to CEO power. As a result, collective socialmechanisms have become less effective at aiding cor-porate leaders in fending off shareholder pressure. Inthe absence of a wide reaching board network, corpo-rate elites increasingly focus on their own company-specific problems rather than their class-wide commonconcerns (Useem 2015).Given the widespread decline in social entrench-

ment, it is likely that the board network no longer helpsprotect managers from shareholder activists. Conse-quently, cohesively nested firms increasingly resemblesparsely nested firms in their likelihood of implement-ing shareholder proposals.

Hypothesis 4. While social entrenchment decreased thelikelihood of proposal implementation in the earlier period, itdoes not reduce implementation in the more recent period.

Data and MethodsThis study focuses on shareholder activism target-ing large and midsize publicly traded corporationsbetween the years 1998 and 2013. The sample comesfrom Institutional Shareholder Services (ISS), whichcollects data on corporate governance practices, boardmemberships, and shareholder proposals for all S&P1500 firms plus a few hundred additional large-capcompanies. Samples are regularly larger than 1500firms because ISS tracks companies that have left theS&P 1500. ISS reports corporate governance data everyother year between 1998 and 2008 and annually there-after. The analysis is divided into two analytic com-ponents: (1) social entrenchment as a predictor ofproposal targeting and (2) social entrenchment as apredictor of proposal implementation.

Dependent VariablesDependent variables focus on proposal targeting (totaland disaggregated by sponsor type) and implemen-tation outcomes. In the first analytic component thefocal dependent variable is a dichotomous indica-tor of whether a firm was the target of at least onegovernance related shareholder proposal in a given

year. Targets and nontargets are defined by compar-ing governance proposals listed in the ISS shareholderproposals database to firms in the larger ISS gover-nance database. This procedure only includes propos-als that were properly presented for a vote and werenot withdrawn or omitted from the proxy materials.Supplementary analyses model the number of propos-als targeting a firm and find similar results. Next,models disaggregate proposals submitted by distinctinvestor types using a series of dichotomous depen-dent variables indicating proposals submitted by pub-lic pensions, other investment funds (which includesmutual funds, hedge funds, university endowments,and other investment managers), union funds, and indi-vidual investors.5 Corporate governance shareholderproposals can also come from special interest groupsand religious/socially responsible investment fundsbut these are fewer in number and are less relevant forthe substantive questions in the present paper. Whileproposals sponsored by these groups are included inthe general targeting indicator, the analysis does notexplore whether social entrenchment is related to pro-posal targeting uniquely by these groups.

In the second analytic component, the focal depen-dent variable is a dichotomous indicator capturingwhether the firm implemented a proposal that passeda shareholder vote. Shareholder proposals are usuallyonly advisory in nature and management is not obli-gated to implement proposals; however, implementationis a useful indicator of managers’ responsiveness toshareholders (Ertimur et al. 2010). Unfortunately, ISSdoes not provide data on proposal implementation. Thisinformation is hand coded from company filings inthe SEC EDGAR database up to two years followinga passed proxy proposal. The threshold for determin-ing whether or not a given proposal passed dependson the relevant firm-specific voting threshold and canbe defined as (1) the majority of votes cast, includingabstentions and broker nonvotes; (2) the majority ofvotes cast, excluding abstentions and broker nonvotes;(3) the majority of outstanding shares (or votes enti-tled to be cast); or (4) super-majorities of any of thesevote calculation formulas (usually either two-thirds or75%). These voting thresholds are company specificand depend on firm policies and state law. The vot-ing thresholds and corresponding vote outcomes arerecorded in the ISS database. For the subset of propos-als that passed a shareholder vote, under the relevantfirm-specific criteria, the proposal is coded as havingbeen implemented if the firm adopted the proposalor if management sponsored a proposal that wouldput the reform into effect. Many governance reformsrequire a supportive shareholder vote. In such cases,management typically responds to a passed share-holder proposal by sponsoring their own proposal inthe following year that would put the reform into

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Figure 2. (Color online) Board Overlap Network and Cohesive Blocks; 1998 and 2013

1998 board overlap network main component

k = 9; n = 10

k ≥ 8; n = 230

k ≥ 7; n = 401

2013 board overlap network main component

n = 1,540n = 1,605

k = 4; n = 477

k ≥ 3; n = 803

effect. Such an action indicates that management isresponsive to shareholder activism.6 Admittedly, thisindicator of proposal implementation does not captureother ways that firms can satisfy investors followinga proposal. Firms may directly engage with share-holders as a means to improve transparency or offercompeting explanations about corporate governancematters. Although these types of engagements maysatisfy investors, theymight also constitute pacificationstrategies designed to limit shareholder engagementwithout substantive change. Consequently, implemen-tation outcomes offer the most unambiguous indicatorof managements’ responsiveness to investor activism.

Independent Variable: Structural CohesionThe focal independent variable captures firms’ socialentrenchment and is defined as the extent to whichfirms are nested within cohesive sections in the firm-by-firm interlock network panels. Moody and White(2003) formalize the structural cohesion of a networkedgroup as the number of independent pathways con-necting pairs of actors in a group. Equivalently, this isthe minimum number of actors who, if removed from

the group, would disconnect the group. A group issaid to be k-connected if there exists at least k node-independent paths connecting every pair of nodes (i.e.,the removal of k nodes would disconnect the group).This definition captures the extent to which pairs ofnodes are connected to one another through multipleunique and redundant pathways but also incorporatesthe intuitive idea that cohesive groups are more robustagainst dissolution. Intuitively, groups that depend ona single node to generate connections are less cohe-sive than groups that are connected through multi-ple nodes. More cohesively connected components arehierarchically nested within less cohesive components.Thus, nodes can be nested in more or less cohesive por-tions of the networkwith some firms embeddedwithinthe sparse periphery and others deeply nested in thecohesive core.

Figure 2 illustrates the analytic approach to structuralcohesion for the main component from the S&P 1500board overlap network in 1998 and 2013. The nodesin the figure represent firms while ties represent atleast one overlapping board member (both CEO direc-tors and non-CEOdirectors). Node color represents the

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Table 1. Firm-by-Firm Board Overlap Network Descriptive Statistics: 1998–2013

1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013

Average degree 6.73 6.05 5.52 5.62 4.77 4.47 4.36 4.30 4.28 4.28 4.34Average geodesic 4.27 4.35 4.43 4.48 4.66 4.84 4.86 4.83 4.94 4.94 4.86Average structural cohesion 3.68 3.29 3.10 3.22 2.64 2.59 2.48 2.37 2.38 2.41 2.41

most cohesive block to which the firm belongs—rednodes are themost cohesively nestedwhile orange, yel-low, green, and blue nodes are less cohesively nested.The subcomponents at the bottom are nested blocks—the red block is completely connected (all nodes inthe block are tied to all others) and contains 10 nodeswith a k-connectivity of nine. This block is hierarchi-cally nested within the second and third blocks thatare larger in size but have k-connectivity scores of eightand seven, respectively.Following Moody and White (2003), structural cohe-

sion is defined as the k-connectivity of the most cohe-sive block in which the firm is nested in the annualboard overlap network.7 Network data come from ISSboard rosters and Execucomp corporate executive list-ings. ISS data include unique identifying numbersfor each board member. The ISS director rosters arejoined with Execucomp executive rosters using a stringmatching algorithm to match individual names andbirthdates and processed with extensive hand check-ing and comparison against online records. Rosters areused to construct annual square firm-by-firm undi-rected adjacency matrices where cell i, j is 1 if firms iand j share a director or an executive from one firmsits on the board of another firm and zero otherwise.This procedure yields 11 separate network matricesthat range in size from 1,512 to 1,876.The cohesive blocking routine, as proposed by

Moody andWhite (2003), uncovers the network panels’nested structure. The recursive blocking routine iden-tifies structurally cohesive groups by (1) identifyingthe k-connectivity of the input graph, then (2) remov-ing the k-cutsets that disconnect the graph into itssubgraphs. The routine then repeats the procedure oneach of the resulting subgraphs until all subgraphsare either completely connected or trivial. As Moodyand White (2003, p. 109) describe, early iterations ofthe procedure remove weakly connected nodes, leav-ing stronger and stronger connected sets. Each iterationmoves deeper into the network, uncovering the nestedstructure. Firms may be embedded in multiple over-lapping or hierarchically nested k-components but thecohesion of the most cohesive set defines its structuralcohesion score.Table 1 presents descriptive network metrics and

includes average degree centrality, average geodesicdistance (shortest pathways between node-pairs), andaverage structural cohesion. Consistent with Chu andDavis (2016), Table 1 indicates that these metrics

changed over the time period. Average degree (num-ber of interlocking firms) decreased while averagegeodesic distance increased. Correspondingly, aver-age structural cohesion decreased. All of this suggeststhat connectedness in the board overlap networkhas declined since 1998—firms have fewer interlocks,longer path-distances between node pairs, and firmstend to be embedded in less cohesive network sub-structures than in earlier years. As shown below,these trends have threatened managers’ capacity toremain socially entrenched in the face of shareholderactivism.

Other CovariatesAnalytic models also include several firm- and pro-posal-level control variables thought to affect share-holder activism. Controls come from Compustat,Thomson-Reuters, Execucomp, and ISS. Controllingfor corporate governance helps account for thesepotential confounding effects. The entrenchment index(e-index) is a count of six corporate governance char-ter and bylaw provisions that entrench top managersand are associated with lower firm valuations: (1) stag-gered boards, (2) poison pills, (3) golden parachutes,(4) supermajority voting requirements, and limits onshareholders’ ability to make (5) charter, and (6) bylawamendments (Bebchuk et al. 2009). The e-index iswidely used in corporate governance research as asummary measure of managerial power. In the mod-els, the e-index also helps control for investors’ rela-tive propensity to invest in different types of firms;for instance, if pension funds are more prone to investin firms with shareholder-friendly governance thiswould affect their propensity to present proposals(Bushee 2001).

Some research suggests that “overworked” directors,those who serve on multiple boards, are less effectivemonitors and may be more likely to be targeted byshareholder activists (Ferris et al. 2003, Hillman et al.2010). Models include a measure of the proportionof the focal firm’s board members who also serve onoutside boards. This control helps distinguish the struc-tural cohesion effect from the effect of simply having anoverworked board. Models also control for other boardrelated measures thought to affect monitoring: boardsize, the proportion of independent directors, and the pro-portion of directors appointed during the current CEO’stenure.

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Twomeasures control for CEO compensation effects.Logged total CEO compensation is the total pay of thefocal firm’s CEO in the given year, including salary,bonus, incentive payouts, and other compensation.Abnormal CEO pay is defined as the natural loga-rithm of the residual from an annual regression, whichregresses the log of total CEO compensation on totalassets and industry dummies.Other firm-level controls capture size, performance,

and ownership structure. Models include annualcontrols for logged total assets, industry adjusted return-on-assets, market-to-book ratio, and logged total marketcapitalization. HHI is the concentration of institutionalinvestor holdings indicated using the Hirschman-Herfindahl Index. Models also control for effectsassociated with ownership by diverse institutionalinvestors. Transient institutional investors follow astrategy of short-term buying and selling in broad port-folios based on short-term returns. Conversely, dedi-cated institutional investors concentrate on holding largelong-term stakes in a few firms (Bushee 1998, 2001).While holdings by transient institutional investors tendto encouragemyopic approaches to strategy and gover-nance (Bushee 1998, Connelly et al. 2010, Zheng 2009),dedicated institutional investors focus on stronger gover-nance monitoring and are more tolerant of long-termvalue creation (Chen et al. 2007, Connelly et al. 2010).Following Bushee’s (1998) institutional investor cate-gorization scheme, models control for the percent ofoutstanding shares held by transient and dedicatedinstitutional investors.8 Finally, as a proxy measure forinsider ownership, models include a measure of thepercentage of outstanding shares owned by the CEO.The final measures capture proposal-level charac-

teristics that are likely to affect implementation out-come and are only included in the second analyticcomponent. First, the implementation decision dependson the percentage of shareholder votes in favor ofthe proposal—only proposals that passed the relevantvoting threshold are eligible for consideration in theimplementation decision and proposals that receivedstrong shareholder support are particularly likelyto be implemented. Additionally, the stock-marketreaction to the proposal announcement may affectmanagement’s response. Models control for cumulativeabnormal returns during a one-day window around theproposal announcement.9

Implementation models also control for the goal of theproposal and the categorization of the proposal sponsor.Proposals are aggregated into five categories: (1) boardreforms (e.g., board composition, director indepen-dence); (2) takeover defense repeals (e.g., removal ofpoison-pills); (3) executive pay reforms (e.g., severancepay, stock options); (4) shareholder voting rights (e.g.,confidential voting, removing super majority require-ments); and (5) others (reference category). Proposal

sponsors are grouped into six categories: (1) individ-uals (reference category); (2) public pensions; (3) reli-gious and socially responsible investment (SRI) groups;(4) special interests; (5) unions; and (6) other investmentfunds (other coordinated shareholder groups, includ-ing mutual funds). This categorization is based on thelead sponsor. Although activists sometimes cosponsorproposals, it is fairly rare for cosponsored proposals toinvolve different types of activists.

Finally, models include a dichotomous indicator forwhether the firm was targeted in the prior year as wellas year dummies. Logit models predict proposal tar-geting and implementation outcomes and are estimatedwith robust standard errors (White 1980) and adjustedfor clustering at the firm level.10

Analyses focus on two stages of activism: activists’proposal targeting and management’s implementationdecisions for proposals that passed a shareholder vote.Analytic models draw on two subsamples described inTables 2 and 3. Table 2 includes means and mediansin the firm-level sample used to assess proposal tar-geting. Targets exhibit higher structural cohesion scoresthan nontargets. Table 3 presents descriptive statisticsfor the sample of shareholder proposals that passeda shareholder vote and are eligible for implementation.On average, the sample of nonimplemented propos-als cover firms with higher structural cohesion scores ascompared to the implemented proposals, but as regres-sion results will reveal, this relationship is contingenton the period under consideration.

ResultsTable 4 reports estimates from logistic regression mod-els predicting proposal targeting outcomes for firms inthe S&P 1500 ISS database.11 In general, results confirmthe argument that firms’ social entrenchment is relatedto shareholder proposal targeting. More cohesivelynested firms are more likely to be targeted in generalas well as by unions and individual investors. How-ever, the relationship between structural cohesion andboth pension-sponsored proposals and investment-fund-sponsored proposals is small and does not reachstatistical significance.

Model 1 reports results from a logit model predict-ing whether a firm is the target of least one shareholderinitiated governance proposal. In support of Hypothe-sis 1, social entrenchment (structural cohesion) increasesthe likelihood of being the target of a shareholder pro-posal, potentially because of their increased visibilityand connectedness with the rest of the corporate field.Other covariates are generally similar to other findingsin the literature. Larger firms, as defined by total assetsand total market capitalization, are targeted at a higherrate than smaller firms. Investors also target underper-forming firms as defined by return on assets. Finally, tra-ditional corporate governance variables are important.

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Table 2. Descriptive Statistics for the Firm-Year-Level Sample—Target and Nontarget Firm-Years in the S&P 1500 1998–2013

Targets Nontargets(N � 1,104 firm-years) (N � 7,021 firm-years)

Difference in Difference inMean Median Mean Median means medians

Structural cohesion 3.93 4 2.68 3 1.25∗∗∗ 1∗∗∗Entrenchment index (max� 6) 3.16 3 3.23 3 0.07 0.00Proportion interlockers 0.47 0.46 0.31 0.29 0.16∗∗∗ 0.17∗∗∗Board size 11.17 11 9.45 9 1.73∗∗∗ 2∗∗∗Independent directors (proportion) 0.77 0.82 0.73 0.75 0.04∗∗∗ 0.07∗∗∗Directors joined under CEO (prop.) 0.21 0.15 0.24 0.18 0.03∗∗∗ 0.03∗∗∗Assets ($ millions) 74,828 14,945 7,768 1,965 67,060∗∗∗ 12,980∗∗∗Return on assets 0.05 0.04 0.04 0.05 0.01 0.01Market capitalization ($ millions) 33,213 11,567 5,794 1,726 27,418∗∗∗ 9,841∗∗∗Market-to-book ratio 3.46 2.05 2.71 2.04 0.74 0.01Institutional ownership HHI 0.05 0.04 0.06 0.05 0.01∗∗∗ 0.01∗∗∗Transient inst. ownership 0.17 0.15 0.22 0.20 0.05∗∗∗ 0.05∗∗∗Dedicated inst. ownership 0.08 0.07 0.08 0.07 0.00 0.00∗Abnormal CEO compensation −1.43 −1.25 −1.57 −1.38 0.14∗ 0.13∗∗∗Ln CEO total compensation 7.06 7.10 6.69 6.76 0.38∗∗∗ 0.34∗∗∗CEO ownership (%) 0.99 0.05 1.89 0.23 0.90∗∗∗ 0.18∗∗∗

Note. ∗∗∗p < 0.001; ∗∗p < 0.01; ∗p < 0.05; differences in means is based on two sample t-tests; differences in medians is based on Wilcoxonrank-sum tests.

Table 3. Descriptive Statistics for the Proposal-Level Sample—All Passed, Implemented, and Not Implemented

Passed Notproposals Implemented implemented(N � 1,004) (N � 495) (N � 509)

Difference in Difference inMean Median Mean Median Mean Median means medians

Structural cohesion 3.77 4 3.45 4 4.17 4 0.72∗∗∗ 0∗∗∗Entrenchment index (max� 6) 3.60 4 3.84 4 3.29 3 0.55∗∗∗ 1∗∗∗Proportion interlockers 0.44 0.44 0.41 0.42 0.47 0.45 0.07∗∗ 0.03∗∗Board size 10.81 11 10.80 11 10.81 11 0.01 0Proportion independent directors 0.81 0.82 0.81 0.83 0.79 0.81 0.02 0.02∗Prop. directors joined under CEO 0.23 0.17 0.23 0.17 0.23 0.13 0.00 0.04Assets ($ millions) 47,965 11,242 63,947 11,294 27,846 11,053 36,101 241Return on assets 0.5 0.04 0.05 0.04 0.04 0.04 0.01 0.00Market capitalization ($ millions) 19,461 9,248 20,660 9,523 17,951 8,836 2,709 687Market-to-book ratio 5.02 1.92 3.11 1.92 7.42 1.90 4.31 0.02Institutional ownership HHI 0.05 0.04 0.05 0.04 0.05 0.04 0.00 0.00∗Transient inst. ownership 0.19 0.18 0.20 0.19 0.19 0.18 0.01 0.01Dedicated inst. ownership 0.09 0.07 0.08 0.07 0.09 0.08 0.01∗ 0.01∗Abnormal CEO pay −1.46 −1.45 −1.55 −1.57 −1.35 −1.36 0.20 0.21∗Ln CEO total compensation 7.02 7.05 6.94 7.00 7.11 7.10 0.17 0.10∗CEO ownership (%) 0.59 0.07 0.67 0.09 0.47 0 0.20 0.09∗∗Cumulative abnormal return 0.01 −0.00 0.01 0.00 0.00 −0.00 0.00 0.00Votes for (%) 68.06 66 71.05 70.00 64.25 62.80 6.80∗∗∗ 7.20∗∗∗Proposal type

Others (ref.) 0.01 — 0.00 — 0.01 — 0.00 —Board 0.33 — 0.42 — 0.21 — 0.21∗∗∗ —Antitakeover 0.39 — 0.26 — 0.54 — 0.28∗∗∗ —Compensation 0.04 — 0.03 — 0.06 — 0.03 —Voting 0.24 — 0.28 — 0.18 — 0.10∗ —

Proponent typeIndividuals (ref.) 0.53 — 0.50 — 0.58 — 0.08 —Public pension 0.15 — 0.17 — 0.11 — 0.06 —Religious group/SRI 0.01 — 0.01 — 0.01 — 0.00 —Special interest 0.00 — 0.00 — 0.00 — 0.00 —Unions 0.26 — 0.26 — 0.26 — 0.00 —Other investment fund 0.05 — 0.06 — 0.04 — 0.02 —

Notes. Cumulative abnormal return defined during the days [−1,+1] surrounding a proposal announcement. Market model parameters esti-mated over a 200-day period ending 20 days prior to the proxy mailing date and use the CRSP equal-weighted index.∗∗∗p < 0.001; ∗∗p < 0.01; ∗p < 0.05; differences in means is based on two sample t-tests; differences in medians is based on Wilcoxon rank-sum

tests.

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Table 4. Logistic Regression Models Predicting Shareholder Governance Proposal Targeting

Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Model 5

All Pension Invest. fund Union IndividualOutcome proposals sponsored proposals sponsored proposals sponsored proposals sponsored proposal

Intercept −8.06∗∗∗ −8.78∗∗∗ −8.57∗∗∗ −9.43∗∗∗ −8.31∗∗∗(0.60) (1.45) (1.73) (0.87) (0.81)

Structural cohesion 0.17∗∗∗ 0.17 −0.01 0.19∗∗ 0.14∗(0.04) (0.11) (0.16) (0.07) (0.06)

Entrenchment index 0.14∗∗ 0.54∗∗∗ 0.41∗∗ 0.13∗ −0.09(0.04) (0.12) (0.13) (0.06) (0.06)

Proportion interlockers −0.14 −0.50 0.14 −0.24 −0.32(0.00) (0.72) (1.07) (0.45) (0.39)

Board size −0.04 −0.07 0.06 −0.07∗ −0.07∗(0.03) (0.05) (0.09) (0.03) (0.03)

Prop. independent directors −0.33 −2.01 −0.99 −1.41∗ −1.31∗(0.43) (1.04) (1.29) (0.59) (0.65)

Prop. dirs. joined under CEO −0.44∗ −0.18 −0.68 0.17 −0.01(0.21) (0.53) (0.62) (0.29) (0.25)

Ln assets 0.46∗∗∗ 0.48∗∗∗ 0.12 0.44∗∗∗ 0.49∗∗∗(0.06) (0.16) (0.19) (0.08) (0.08)

Return on assets −1.28∗ 0.64 −0.03 −2.32∗∗ 0.56(0.59) (1.92) (2.87) (0.57) (0.93)

Ln market capitalization 0.22∗∗ −0.06 0.35 0.26∗∗∗ 0.08(0.07) (0.15) (0.19) (0.09) (0.09)

Market-to-book ratio 0.00 0.00 0.01∗∗ 0.00 0.00(0.00) (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) (0.00)

Institutional ownership HHI 0.20 0.53 −1.69 −0.67 0.39(0.69) (1.56) (2.04) (1.35) (0.85)

Transient inst. ownership −0.33 1.83 −0.56 0.45 −1.65(0.53) (1.13) (2.13) (0.75) (0.94)

Dedicated inst. ownership 0.08 1.64 2.31∗ 1.05 −1.89(0.65) (0.93) (1.13) (0.91) (1.12)

Abnormal CEO pay 0.02 0.01 −0.05 −0.02 −0.01(0.04) (0.05) (0.04) (0.04) (0.04)

CEO total compensation 0.00 −0.03 −0.06 −0.04 0.04(0.03) (0.05) (0.05) (0.04) (0.05)

CEO ownership 0.00 0.00 0.05∗∗∗ −0.03 0.01(0.01) (0.02) (0.01) (0.02) (0.02)

Targeted in previous year 1.93∗∗∗ 1.23∗∗∗ 1.23∗∗∗ 1.44∗∗∗ 1.89∗∗∗(0.12) (0.26) (0.35) (0.16) (0.14)

Year dummies Yes Yes Yes Yes YesWald χ2 968.48 180.94 146.68 579.91 784.10Log pseudolikelihood −1,747.96 −439.17 −288.03 −1,006.45 −1,198.16

Notes. ∗∗∗p < 0.001; ∗∗p < 0.01; ∗p < 0.05; significance tests use robust standard errors and are adjusted for clustering of observations on eachfirm. N � 8,125 firm-years.

Higher scores on the entrenchment index (moremanage-rialist governance practices) increases the likelihoodof being targeted, supporting existing evidence thatactivist shareholders respond to managerial entrench-ment (Renneboog and Szilagyi 2011).Models 2 through 5 disaggregate proposals by pro-

ponent type: public pensions, investment funds, unions,and individuals. First, as anticipated, models 2 and 3indicate that social entrenchment (structural cohesion)is unrelated to the likelihood of receiving a proposalfrom a pension or investment fund. However, manage-rial entrenchment (e-index) does increase the prob-ability of receiving a proposal from public pensions

and investment funds, supporting the idea that insti-tutional investors will adopt confrontational activismstrategies when management is particularly intransi-gent or corporate governance arrangements favorman-agerial autonomy. In support of Hypothesis 2, socialentrenchment increases the probability of receiving aunion sponsored proposal (model 4). Unions also targetfirms with greater managerial entrenchment, greatersize (total assets and market capitalization), and poorperformance (return on assets). Additionally, in sup-port of Hypothesis 2, social entrenchment increases thelikelihood of receiving a proposal from an individualinvestor (model 5). Individuals also target large firms.

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However, managerial entrenchment and performanceare unrelated with the probability of receiving an indi-vidual sponsored proposal.12

Table 5 presents logit models predicting proposalimplementation. Recall that shareholder proposals areonly advisory in nature; consequently, implementing aproposal indicates that the firm is responsive to share-holder demands. Model 1 reports results from a logitmodel predicting the likelihood that a passed proposalwill be implemented. In support of Hypothesis 3, thereis a negative direct effect of social entrenchment (struc-tural cohesion) on the probability that a firm will imple-ment a passed proposal. The estimate corresponds toan odds-ratio of 0.75—the addition of one unique path-way to the most cohesive set embedding the firm isassociated with a 25% decrease in the odds that apassed proposal will be implemented. Results indicatethat proposals targeting high e-index firms and firmswith abnormal CEO pay are less likely to be imple-mented, indicating that entrenched and rent-seekingmanagers are less responsive to shareholder activism.Greater voting support also increases the likelihood

that a proposal will be implemented but other predic-tors do not reach statistical significance.Somewhat surprisingly, sponsor identity is unre-

lated to the likelihood that management implementsthe proposal but this is not inconsistent with the evi-dence in the literature. In a study of shareholder pro-posals between 1996 and 2005, Renneboog and Szilagyi(2011) find that proposals submitted by pensions andother investment funds were more likely to be imple-mented, supporting the idea that powerful investorsare better able to advance their interests through share-holder proposals. However, in a similar study cover-ing proposals between 1997 and 2004, Ertimur et al.(2010) find that proposals sponsored by these investorsare no more likely to be implemented by the targetfirm. Supplementary analyses estimated the model ona subsample of proposals during this earlier periodand results closely resemble Ertimur et al. (2010) find-ings. One possibility is that top managers are partic-ularly hostile toward institutional investor proposalsand therefore unlikely to be responsive. Because insti-tutional investor engagements tend to unfold in pri-vate negotiations (Bauer et al. 2015), their proposalsare more likely to involve matters that managers havealready rejected during earlier stages of negotiation(Gantchev 2013). Consequently, managers may be par-ticularly hostile toward institutional investor propos-als, lowering their propensity to implement them.13

Finally, model 2 tests whether the negative cohesioneffect varies over time and introduces an interactionterm between structural cohesion and year. In supportof Hypothesis 4, the model indicates that year posi-tively moderates the negative direct effect of cohesionon the probability of proposal implementation. To aid

Table 5. Logistic Regression Predicting ImplementationOutcomes of Shareholder Proposal

Model 1 Model 2

Intercept −6.00∗ −8.67∗∗∗(2.53) (2.15)

Structural cohesion −0.28∗ −0.48∗∗(0.14) (0.16)

Year 0.18∗ 0.01(0.08) (0.07)

Max. cohesion×Year 0.04∗∗(0.01)

Entrenchment index −0.08∗ 0.07(0.04) (0.04)

Proportion interlockers 1.10 0.29(0.92) (0.86)

Board size 0.07 0.01(0.07) (0.07)

Prop. independent directors −0.39 −0.24(1.55) (1.44)

Prop. dirs. joined under CEO −0.05 0.07(0.68) (0.67)

Ln assets 0.35 0.34(0.21) (0.19)

Return on assets 5.80 4.23(3.23) (2.89)

Ln market capitalization −0.31 −0.23(0.27) (0.24)

Market-to-book ratio −0.01 −0.01∗(0.00) (0.00)

Institutional ownership HHI 0.85 −0.33(2.26) (2.15)

Transient inst. ownership −1.41 −0.44(1.77) (1.75)

Dedicated inst. ownership 0.36 1.14(2.15) (1.97)

Abnormal CEO pay −0.22∗ −0.15(0.10) (0.10)

CEO total compensation −0.07 −0.01(0.07) (0.07)

CEO ownership 0.22 0.06(0.13) (0.09)

Cumulative abnormal return −0.38 −0.78(1.27) (2.76)

Targeted in prior year −0.52 −0.49(0.29) (0.30)

Votes for (%) 0.06∗∗∗ 0.06∗∗∗(0.01) (0.01)

Proposal type (ref. others)Board −0.84 −0.31

(1.09) (0.98)Antitakeover −1.36 −0.78

(1.09) (0.97)Compensation −0.74 1.53

(1.19) (1.12)Voting −0.77 −0.43

(1.11) (1.02)

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Table 5. (Continued)

Model 1 Model 2

Proponent type (ref. indiv.)Public pension −0.74 −0.25

(0.48) (0.44)Religious group/SRI 0.47 0.79

(1.17) (1.18)Special interest −1.04 −1.06

(2.99) (3.01)Unions 0.39 0.15

(0.39) (0.35)Other investment fund 0.06 0.34

(0.65) (0.62)Wald χ2 82.83 92.87Log pseudolikelihood −225.92 −243.95

Notes. ∗∗∗p < 0.001; ∗∗p < 0.01; ∗p < 0.05; N � 1,004 passed proposals.Significance tests use robust standard errors and are adjusted forclustering of observations on each firm.

interpretation, Figure 3 plots predicted probabilitiesfor proposal implementation for high and low cohesionfirms across the study period. The figure indicates thatcohesively nested firms were substantially less likely toimplement passed proposals in the late 1990s and early2000s, as compared to less nested firms. However, bythe late 2000s and early 2010s, cohesively nested firmswere more similar to less nested firms in their likeli-hood of implementing proposals.

Discussion and ConclusionsThe main claim of this paper is that structural cohesionin the board interlock network, referred to as “socialentrenchment,” relates to shareholder activism in twoways. First, cohesive networks function as “prisms”attracting activist investors’ attention (Podolny 2001).Because of their greater visibility and status, share-holder activists are more likely to submit proposals atfirms that are embedded in highly interconnected por-tions of the board interlock network. However, this tar-geting reflects investors’ heterogeneous resources andmotivations. Large institutional investors have greaterinsider access and therefore have less need to pub-licly shame corporate leaders or adopt confrontationalactivism tactics. Therefore, large institutional investorsare no more likely to disproportionately target sociallyentrenched firms as compared to less connectedfirms. Conversely, union pension funds and individualactivists have less insider access to corporate leadersand rely on their ability to leverage a firm’s visibilityand status to exert reputational penalties. Given theiroutsider position and desire to attract greater attention,individual investors and union funds are more likelyto target highly interlocked firms as compared to lessinterlocked firms.Second, this study introduces the concept of social

entrenchment to describe social dynamics that pre-servemanagerialautonomyanddiscretion.Historically,

Figure 3. (Color online) Predicted Probability of ProposalImplementation by Structural Cohesion and Year

Pr(

Impl

imen

ted)

Year

0

0.2

0.4

0.6

0.8

1.0

1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012

Low cohesion (0) High cohesion (9)

Note. Figure plots predicted probabilities from a logistic regressionmodel predicting proposal implementation as a function of year andthe structural cohesion score ofmost cohesive block inwhich the targetfirm is nested.

cohesive structures in the board interlock networkhelped facilitate key behavioral governance dynamicsthat supported managerial autonomy and power, par-ticularly the diffusion of governance devices (Davis1991) and elite socialization (Westphal and Khanna2003). These network-based mechanisms affected cor-porate governance outcomes in important ways,including decisions to implement shareholder propos-als that passed a shareholder vote. Results indicatesocial entrenchment reduced firms’ likelihood of imple-menting shareholder proposals, particularly in the late1990s and early 2000s. However, by the mid-2000sthe board network began to fracture (Chu and Davis2016). The persistence of managerialist behavioral gov-ernance mechanisms depends on cohesive pathwaysthat can support diffusion and norm enforcement.As the board network became fractured it lost itspotency as a collective infrastructure among corpo-rate elites (Mizruchi 2013, Useem 2015). Results indi-cate that cohesively nested boards no longer enjoy thesocial entrenchment benefits that they once did. Inthe more recent period, social entrenchment does notreduce firms’ likelihood of implementing shareholderproposals.

These findings come with a number of importantcaveats. First, the theorization relies on the assumptionthat external audiences, in this case activist investors,rely on interlocks as a signal of governance qual-ity and status. Although the evidence is certainlyindicative, this assumption needs to be verified withadditional research. Researchers have long noted thatnetworks send salient signals to external audiences(Podolny 2001); however, this theorization has rarelybeen applied to board interlocks and more research

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is needed to clarify whether external audiences useinterlocking in their evaluations. Second, similar toother firm-level studies of interlocks and managerialentrenchment (Kang and Kroll 2014, Sauerwald et al.2016), the available data do not permit direct obser-vation of microlevel behavioral governance mecha-nisms. As with most firm-level research, the presentstudy remains confined to observing how governanceoutcomes are associated with interlocks. Althoughextensive research on behavioral dynamics and socialnorms in corporate governance support the proposedmechanisms of diffusion, socialization, andmonitoring(Westphal and Khanna 2003,Westphal and Zajac 2013),and these social mechanisms are known to operatewithin cohesive network structures, further research isneeded to discern whether these social and behavioralmechanisms can be directly attributed to the networktopology.This study contributes to research on shareholder

activism, corporate governance, and corporate net-works and opens several avenues for future research.This study incorporates the “prisms” conceptualiza-tion into research on board interlocks and activism tar-geting. Researchers have long known that interlocksspread innovations and support elite cohesion but theyhave yet to fully consider how interlocks send a salientsignal to outside audiences about a focal firm’s gover-nance quality and status (but see Davis and Robbins2005, Sullivan and Tang 2013). Future research mightconsider how interlocking affects the corporate oppor-tunity structure for social movements activists seekingto reach a broader audience or achieve greater notori-ety in the corporate community or how other externalaudiences, like financial analysts or the media, viewfirms through interlock-based prisms.

Finally, the findings highlight an important conse-quence of the corporate board network’s fracturing—the interlock network may no longer serve its tradi-tional role in supporting managerial autonomy andpower. Consequently, in the absence of collectiveresources, public corporations may be more suscepti-ble to investor demands, at least through shareholderproposals. Until the last decade, the board interlocknetwork helped account for the surprising resilienceof managerial governance models, even as the share-holder value movement gained momentum (Davis1991, Benton 2016). However, now that this networkhas become fragmented, and fewer pathways bind cor-porate elites, they face a diminished capacity to shareinformation and socialize new members. Even firmswho remain connected in the network are left withfrayed collective resources and may be more suscepti-ble to external threats. Moreover, shareholder propos-als and board interlocking are reciprocally linked. Chuand Davis (2016) show that by the end of the 2000s,firms who had been targeted by shareholder activists

had become more reluctant to appoint new directorswith other board appointments. As a result, share-holder engagements are an important antecedent andoutcome of board fracturing.

Given the evidence that the board network hasdecayed, the time is right to revisit behavioral corpo-rate governance mechanisms and elite consensus inthe context of a fractured corporate elite (Mizruchi2013). Useem (2015) argues that corporate leaders arenow more concerned with management issues at theirfocal firms and less focused on their shared interests,such as threats to managerial autonomy. Many of theclassic behavioral governance mechanisms that helpedpreserve managerial autonomy, including informa-tion diffusion, socialization, and norm enforcement,relied on corporate elites’ willingness to engage withone another and support group interests (Davis 1991,Westphal and Khanna 2003). However, these behav-ioral governance mechanisms were established duringa period of relative cohesion and stability among thecorporate elite and it is likely that these mechanismsoperate in very different ways in the contemporaryperiod. Given the dramatic changes that have befallenboard interlocks, this is an excellent time to revisit clas-sic studies on behavioral governance, elite cohesion,and interlock dynamics, as well as forge new researchstreams on the implications for collective action andorganizational change.

AcknowledgmentsThe author wishes to thank Jiwook Jung, Johan Chu, andDonald Palmer for their helpful comments on earlier versionsof this paper. The author also wishes to thank the senioreditor and anonymous reviewers for their extremely help-ful comments and suggestions throughout the revision pro-cess. Previous versions of this draft were presented at the2016 American Sociological Association meeting and 2016Academy of Management meeting.

Endnotes1For a recent review and empirical examination of the monitoringversus myopia debate, see Bebchuk et al. (2015).2Shareholders may also use proposals to affect social responsibilityissues. In general, governance related proposals receive more votingsupport and are more likely to be implemented than social responsi-bility proposals (Goranova and Ryan 2014). As this study is primarilyabout corporate control issues, the analysis focuses only on gover-nance proposals.3 Investors must own either $2,000 in market value or 1% of the com-pany’s outstanding stock for at least one year to be eligible to submita proposal.4This is the author’s calculation from Institutional Shareholder Ser-vices (ISS) data on proxy proposals targeting S&P 1500.5While public pension funds may cover public sector workers whoare also covered by a collective bargaining agreement, these typesof funds are likely to pursue very different strategies in investment,activism, and corporate governance. Whereas union funds are moreprone to pursue labor objectives through activism, public pensionfunds are more prone to pursue corporate governance and invest-ment related objectives.

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6 In 2009 and 2010, several firms received say-on-pay proposals thatwould require a company’s shareholders to approve executive com-pensation through a vote. In 2010, the Dodd-Frank Act formallyrequired say-on-pay votes and this type of proposal disappeared.Say-on-pay proposals were almost never implemented by the firms.In their SEC filings, many firms explicitly referenced uncertaintyabout upcoming legislation as the reason they were declining toimplement the proposals, saying that they expected congress toimplement say-on-pay rules. In the implementation analysis, all say-on-pay proposals are excluded—when a firm declined to imple-ment these proposals this indicates uncertainty about the regulatoryenvironment and not resistance to shareholders. However, resultsare robust to including say-on-pay provisions in the implementationanalysis.7Supplementary analyses examine alternative network metricsincluding degree centrality and eigenvector centrality but indicate thatstructural cohesion is quite distinct. Other network metrics do notexhibit statistically significant relationships with proposal targetingor implementation.8Thank you to Bushee for providing the institutional investor cat-egorization data. The final analytic models exclude a measure forthe percent held by institutional investors who follow a “quasi-indexer” strategy. Compared to transient and dedicated institutionalinvestors, quasi-indexers have highly diversified portfolios that fol-low broad indexes but follow a buy-and-hold strategy. Consequently,these investors do not engage in much monitoring and have littleeffect on corporate governance (Bushee 1998). Correspondingly, inalternative model specifications, quasi-indexer ownership was notassociated with proposal targeting or implementation outcomes anddid not change the key findings.9Cumulative abnormal returns are calculated using the market modelmethodology during a [−1,+1] day event window around the pro-posal announcement. Market model parameters are estimated dur-ing a 200-day period ending 20 days before the event using the CRSPequal-weighted index. Results are robust to longer event windows,tested up to seven days after the event.10Alternative analyses test fixed-effects models predicting share-holder proposal targeting and the results are consistent.Unfortunately, estimating fixed effects models predicting implemen-tation outcomes is not feasible because a passed proxy proposal isa fairly infrequent outcomes, making it impossible to estimate thewithin effect.11Alternative specifications use Poisson and negative binomialregression models predicting counts of shareholder proposals foreach firm-year in the ISS data base. Results are similar.12Supplementary analyses explore whether social entrenchment isassociated with the likelihood of receiving shareholder proposalsfrom institutional investors who pursue distinct investment strate-gies, as categorized by Bushee (2001). Institutional investor sponsorswere matched to their records in Thomson-Reuters and their invest-ment strategy categorization as transient, dedicated, or quasi-indexerinvestors. This procedure matched 314 proposals to their institu-tional investor sponsors. However, consistent with the main findingthat social entrenchment is unrelated to institutional investors’ pro-posals, social entrenchment does not predict the likelihood of receiv-ing a proposal from any of the institutional investor categories.13Supplementary analyses examine whether the size of the activistinvestor’s ownership stake predicts the implementation decision.Sponsors’ ownership stake was hand coded by inspecting corporateproxy statements in the SEC EDGAR database. Proxy statementsoften include information about the name, address, and shareholderownership of investors who are sponsoring a proposal; however, thisinformation is reported very unevenly. Although 1,004 proposalspassed their respective voting threshold, sponsor ownership infor-mation was only available for 652 proposals. For the other 352 pro-posals, sponsor ownership information could not be recovered from

the proxy statements. As this covariate substantially reduces theanalytic sample, it is excluded from the primary analytic models.However, alternative models test whether logged percent sponsorownership predicts implementation; results reveal that sponsor own-ership does not increase implementation probability and does notsubstantively alter the main conclusions.

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Richard A. Benton is assistant professor of labor andemployment relations at the University of Illinois. Hisresearch interests include social networks, social networkmodels, corporate governance, and shareholder activism,with particular interest in how corporate board interlocks,and their dissolution, shape organizational outcomes.