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SPECIAT 15 PAGE ISSAE

Left Wing Views Kennedy Assassination . . . page BToward Rebirth of the Fourth fnternational . . . page ll

IT|UMBER I FEBRUAR.Y.MARCH I964 IO CENTS

The National Committee of the Socialist WorkersParty expelled flve members of th6 party's left wingminority at a plenum in New York City at the end ofDecember. The five expelled supporters of the SWP'sRevolutionary Tendency are Shane Mage, James Rob-ertson, Geoffrey White, Laurence lreland, and LynneHarper, The Party Political Committee had suspendedthem two months earlier on the grounds that a ControlCommission investigation had revealed that Robertson,Ireland, and Harper had expressed "disloyal" writtenopinions privately within their own tendency. Theaccused had written that the SWP had ceased to bea revolutionary party and had become centrist, andthat an irreconcilable struggle within the framework ofparty discipline was therefore required against theMajority line and leadership. Mage and White wereaceused of having also been leaders. in a tentlency whichheld or permilted such views. Upon refusing to recantor disassociate tbemselves from one another, all fivewere summarily expelled.Disciplined Aeeeptance

These expulsions mark a new phase in the thirty-five year history of Trotskyism in the United States.The degeneration of the"party in recent years hasreached such a point that for the first time in the entireexperience of the SWP the leadership has used expul-sions to rid the party of an internal opposition whichmet the Bolshevik conditions for party membership-disciplined acceptance of the policies imposed by theMajority.'lVide SupportlVithin the party oll oppositional tendencies, dis-sidents, and critics, totaling more than a qugrter ofthe membership, rallied to the defense of the expelled

comrades following the preliminary suspensions. Among

WITCH HUNT IN THE SWPthose opposing and protesting the PC action were:Myra Tanner 'Weiss, ,several times the party's vice-presidential candidate; Arne Swabeck, a foundingIeader of American Trotskyism, together with manymembers of his tendency across the country; promin-ent party members such as Jack Wright of Seattle andWendell Phillips from Southern California; the Wohl'forth-Philips grouping; several party branches ihclucl-qns New Haven and Seattle.

Control CommlssionTwo strong reactions felt in the party are respon-sible for this outpouring of support from the mostdiverse and politically antagonistic sections of theparty. One response was bd,ignation at the exclusionof party comrades accused of having "disloyal atti-tudes." Intensifying this feeling was widespread dis-gust with the means which were, and must be, used insuch political witch hunting.- The party leaders refusedto grant even the formality of a trial. The expulsionstook place following a sordid irlvestigation led by Con:trrrl Commission member Anna Chester, wife of a PCmajority member and notorious in her own right forher fanatical beliel in the party leadership. The inves-tigators first demanded access to private rrinority draftdocuments and correspondence. Under extreme protest

and Menshevism. Failing to win such admissions, theinvestigators then turned to questioning which wasclumsily designed to entrap the young comrades intoinvoluntary confessions of guilt!(Continued on Page 8)

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2- S?ATTAGISISPAR'AC'''-publlrhcd bimonfhly by rupporlerr of the Revolullonrry fen'doncy cxpelled from the Socillirt Workeru Party.

EDITORT Jarner RoberlronW..l Cortt EDITOR: GcoftreY WhileSubrcriplion: 5Ol yelrly. Bundlo rrtrr for l0 or morc copler.phonc: UN 630fit. Wcolcrn eddresr: P.O. Box 852, Eerkclcy, Celif'91701. Telephone IH &7359.

Opinionr exprcsrcd in signed rrlicl3 do nol nece*arily ropre-rnt .n edilori.l vicwpolnt.Number I Feb.-Mar. 1964

EDITORIAL NOTESIn Lieu of a General Policy Statement:Tle are publishi+g the Splntlclsr because our er-pulsion from the Socialist Workers Party cuts off ours(pression of views within that party. We will continueto print a public organ pending readmission to the SIVPad resumption of our proper role within it.We aim to summari?E ovt viewpoint as a briefdeclrrration of "Vfhere We Stand" in an early issue ofthe Smnr.nclsr. In the meantime, while tlzrc iseue isintended to deal specifieally with tbe SWP, its wholecontent speaks for us as well in a more general way.lVe intend our periodical to be a propagandist pub

licetion directed toward the same two aims which weheve hitherto pursued exclusively within the confinesof SWP membership. We want to influence such radicaland leftward moving groups or sections as aspire totrf,arxist clarity and direction. We frankly state inadvance tbat the purpose of our action is to furthera revolutionary regroupment of forees within thiscountry such that a Leninist vanguard party of theworking class will emerge. Secondly, we want to winindividual supporters for our viewpoint from amongradical youth,.militants in the civil rights struggle, antlseek to create modest nuclei within key sections of theworking elass. Critical to our success will be the abilityof our comrades to both be involved as revolutionistsin the social struggles of our times and to untlertakeefective inquiry into the pressing theoretical and po-litical issues poaed for Maxists today..Our Name:

We chose the title, SpAnrAclsr, after the name,Spartakusbund, taken by the German revolutionary Ieftwing led by Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht dur-ing the First World War.'The German Spartacistsraged a brave struggle aEainst their imperialist rulersia wartime and, moreover, had to fight every step ofthe way in opposition to the degenerate, patriotic Ma-Jority social democrats of their time.(Continued Ncrt Qolumn)

In the United States the Trotskyist youth in theearly 1930's called their gaper Young Sportacus.It wasen outstanding journalistic fusion of an advocate ofrevolutionary ideas with a guidc to action. lVe aspireto do no more today than serve as well in honot of thengme we have chosen for our endeavor to express theviewpoint of congistent Trotskgi,sm, the authentic rev-olutionary Marxism of our epoch.And About the SIVP:

Any tendency to surrender to a sensti of grievancest the outrages committed by the party leadership mustbe resolutely opposed. Certainly tbe principal authorsof the witch hunt in the party have drawn a hard liDebiltween themselves and elementary norms of revolu-tionary socialist practice. lVhile these individuals canlikely be written off, this ig by no means the case forthe bulk of the party's ranks who have shown ratherthe lesser and more reversible weakness of insensitivityto blows against party democracy and acquiescence tomisleaders.Above all, a political response is required. Theexpulsions cut across necessary clarification of whethas underlain all the inner-party disputes of recentyears: i.e., czn the struggle for socialism be success-fully waged today with the ostensible revolutionaryMarxists acting as auxilliaries to. others ? Or does theTrotskyists' strategic aim necessarily continue to centeron therirselves winning the leadership of the workingclass? This issue still has to be concretely and decisive.ly met in the SWP. This is but the contemporary formu-lation of an old question among socialists. At bottomit resolves into the basic division-reform or revolu-tion! The presently unresolved quality to the questionis shown subjectively in the party by the contradictionin the consciousn.ess of most members. They still thinkof themselves as Trotskyists, while following revision-ist leaders ever further from Marxism ! 'We aim to'allow no organizational measures of petty bureaucratsto stand in the way of the coming polarizStion alonrprincipled lines in the centrist SWP. For we know fullwell that many who today place their factional alle-giance with th-e Majority leadership. will tomorrow findthemselves in the revolutionary left wing.We Urge:To till eupporters of our tend,eney, friends and'sgmputhizers, and, defend.ers of our rights in the ranle

of th,e SWP, we urge uou to remai,n resol'u,te in tlrc foeeof the enpu)sions, Support 'tts in our eforts to gainreodmission to the partg, Abida bg partg ilisei.pline andpersist in uphold,ing Uour aiews. In. short, stzy in ardffgbt in the SWP!We, for out part, intenil to erh,o'ust oJI rearursesto reaerse the enydsions. More-we wi,ll not be contentto merely subject the li,ne anil actions of tlrc party lonecessaru cri,ticism througlt the pages o.,/ tlr,e Srlhuosrand, elseuh,ere. It is equally our tesponsibility to sup'port the ptblic act'ions of th,e SWP in oll prtncipkilways. In particular'we ileclare our intention to portici-pote fullg in the'worh ol the poilg's 1981 pt'esiilentidcanpoign'

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FEBRUARY.MARCH I96I -3E't, ^;WITCH HT]NT(Continued from Page 1)The second major basis for the rallying to the defense of the RevolutionaryTendency was fear of the precedentset b1i such expulsions. The exclusionscame as a climax to a mounting seriesof provocations and repressions overthe past several years against all op-ponents of what has now become theDobbs regirne. The blow against theRT was broadly and clearly directedagainst the right of any organizedgroup, other than the MaJclty fac-tion, to continued existence outsideconvention periods. Thus all opposi-.tional elements know they are threat-ened with similar tr:eatment.The political logic behind the expul-sions is a simple extension of the propo-sition that the Majority's loss of arevolutionary working-class perspectivemakes party democracy euperfluous inits view. Combining this outlook withthe presence of very widespread in-ternal opposition, the Majority hasfound that the apparent luxury of dem-oc he right tofa DIe. Todayin , the DobbsIeadership openly advances, the slogan,"The Majority .Is the Party!,'POLITICAL BASISThe Revolutionary Tendency wasforlned initially as a party minority in1961 in response to the Majority's lineon the Cuban Question. The Majoritywent beyond even uncritical endorse-ment of the Castro government; theparty leadership ended up putting theCuban Revolution on a par with theRussian October as an historic modelfor emulation.The Minolity charged that this re-sponse was an irnpressionistic abdica-tion flom fundamental Leninist andTrotskyist positions on several counts.The Majority made a mockery of thePermanent Revolution by doing awaywith its most essential aspect - thestruggle to win workerst power in or-der to consummate colonial revolution.The Majqlity ripped the heart from ourunderstanding of proletarian democ-racy as a vital condition.for openingthe road to socialism. The Majoritydeny the needd party of the

! ?t""u,'.*Jr:ii$fito separate, autonomous national inci-dents, the Majority emasculated thestruggle to build the world party of thesocialist revolution, the Fourth Intet-nutional.The Revolutionary Tendency counter-posed to the specific SWP MajorityCuban line a viewpoint lvhich evolvedinto the position that Cuba had becomea dttlorntetl rcorket.s' stcfe, similar tothe outconre of the Yugoslav and Chi-nese revolutions.

Following the revision of Marxismover Cuba, the Majority leaders pro-ceeded openly to deepen and extendtheir new vision of reality. Thus BenBella in Algeria was discovered to belaying down the foundationS of agri-cultural socialism. And toward the bu-reaucratic regimes of the Soviet blocall sorts of softening and accommoda-tion took place. As a further step, theSWP brought about an internationalregroupment of forces, breaking itsten-year association with the revolu-lutionary Marxists of lhe InternationalCommittee of the Fourth International,to ally with the Pabloists who had foryears been press agents for the moreradical bureaucratic strata within theworking class.and colonial liberationmovements.As the SWP became more deeply en-meshed vicariously in the alien aspira-tions of impressiv'ely larger movements,new deterioration appeared. The partyitself became caught up in an interre-lated pattern of gross abstention fromstruggle in its own right, together witha sectarian hostility toward genuinelyleftward moving, and therefore poten-tially competitive. forces.The year 1963 found the SWP dem-onstrating the most central surrenderof all-loss of confidence in its ownearlier conception and role in the com-ing American Revolution. The partyseizd upon the growth of the BlackMuslims as a substitute for the ainr ofbuilding in the United States a unifiedvanguard party based upon Leninistprogram, not upon color. Instead, theMajority's National Convention resolu-tion projected the schema of an AllBlack Movement'for Freedom Now par-alleling the separate, white, working-class, SWP-led struggle for socialism.The resolution suggested hopefullythat the two movements rnight one dayeollaborate through cer.nenting a wor.k-ing unity between their two vanguards.For the SWP to aim to be no rnorethan a white party in the United Statesis simply to write ofr any revolutionaryperspective at all. L. D. Trotsky notedin 1939 that:"If it happens that we in theSWP are rio-t able to find the roadto this stratum [ttre Negroes],then we are not worthy at all. Thepermanent levolution and all therest would le,only a lie."fn November, 1963, the Dobbs lead-ership of the party made the first big,clear transition from revisionist ac-commodation towards petty bourgeoisformations to old-fasbioned reformistsutrender to ttonetg own" r:uling classin a moment of crisis. As shown atlength elsewhere in this issue of theSr.lntl,clsr, the iesponse of the SWPleadership to the Kennedy Assassina-tion war not different in kind fuom

Bogex Abromt, cupportar of tlw Eeo-olutinnory T endency, uat enpellpd, lromthe Soaialiet Workcre Porty, Februnry1{, by the New York City branah in aoote of 28 to 11. Comrd,.e Abrorne, o2$-yeor-oH, ehrdent, had, participatailin a h,oatdlg collail pit*et line on Jomt-ary 22 at Colurnbia Unhteraitg yrotest-ing the awa,riling of on honorary de-gree to thc Graek Queen FreilerikaAbrams figurail prominemtly in TV coo-erage of the d,enoutration uhen hewas led. owoy by guardc uho objeote,ilto his ei.gr4 "Free Greeh Politbol Prb-oners!"

Comroda Abroms oae clwrgeil by thcSWP Majoritgr ioith iotnieg thn pi*etline "withoui ybr cotwttltotion or op-yrooal of tlw bromh or branrt lpdsr-ehip." WIwn Abrornc etoteil tlwt lw toupreainrnly urwvrldre of this new polityand. thot he wq,ld, obide by it, he wosalso accrtsed, ol internol, d,blogoltg ottd,eupelkiL

ORDER NOW-(in prcporolion, mincogrcphed)llorrisl lllletin 3eriel

#2 The Neture of the SocialistWorkers Party-

Revolution-ary Tendency discussion ma-terial60 pages - 60d I copyfB The Split in the RevolutionaryTendency. - including corres-pondence in 1962 with the So-cialist Labour League30 pages - 30d a copy#4 The Erpulsions from the So-cialist Workerg Party - alldocuments on the erclusion ofRT supporters75 pageg - 75d a copy

order fron: SPARTACISTBox 1377, G.P.O.

New York, N. Y. 10001

that of the American Communist andSocialist Parties. The SWP plenumwhich endorsed this action of the cen-tral party leaders also errpelled w.

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RESCIND THE SUSPEI{SIONS!(Statenent to the National Commi,tteeof the Socialist Workcre Party by thafioe then suspended supporters of theReoolution ary T endency, Dec. 10, I 963.)

LIntroduction: Thc PoliticalCommittee Action Against Ue1. On August 2, 1963, the PoliticalCommittee adopted a motion whiehtook up some old aceusations of Wohl-forth and Philips, paraphrasing themin summary form as (l) "Hostile At-titude toward the Party," (2) "DoubleReeruiting," and (3) "Split Perspee-tive." The PC motion eoncluded by. in-structing the Control Commission tolook "into possible violations ol thestatutes of the party, especially involr'-ing Robertson, It'eland, and Harper."On October 24. after some months ofpurported investigation the CC repol't-ed, exclusively on the basis of 'rT'rittenopinions offered by Robertson, Ireland,and Harper intelnally within their owntendency, that: "In these statementsbr'. the Robertson-Mage-White trritror-ity their hostile and disloyal attitudetoward the party is cleally manifest-ed." The PC, in its motion of Novem-ber 1, found it necessaly to expand onthe CC's sole conclusion by presentinglurid accusatioris createC out of thinair and giving as sole source "as indi-eated by the Control Commissionts re-port." The PC went on to suspend frompalty membership comrades Harper,freland, Mage, Robertson. and 'tVhite.Moreover, the suspensions were rvith-out specified time limit and were tobe with "the same force and effeet" asexpulsion during the period of suspen-sion.

2. Thus for the first time in thehistory of the SWP a leadership hastaken the punitive aetion of exclusionfrom the party of minority supporterson the basis of opinions! This actionis rendered even mole grave and un-precedented by the fact that the viewsfor which punishment was inflictedwere themselves nothing more thanoersonal contributions to a private dis-cussion within a minority tendency!il.

Background: Recent Trends in the Party3. Through the period of the lasttwo party conventions (L961, 1963),the party has witnessed a systematicand general attrition of representationon the NC of all minority factionE ortendencies, dissidents, and other crit-

ics. Thus, for example, Bert Deek, thethen managing editor of the 'Interno-tional Socio.Iist Bcuiiw and associateof IUurry Weiss was rernoved fromthe NC after he ofrered a slight modi-fication to the PC line on the CubanQuestion for the 1961 convention. Inthe sanre period there hae been a sys-tenratic denial, compounded by calcu-Iatedly hysterical Majority hostility, ofthe rights of the party membership inbranches - above all in the largestbranch, Nerv York-to express opin-ions, offer recommendations to leadingbodies, or even to discuss new develop-ments or the actions and decisions ofthe party leadership.4. A year ago the Majority made anassault on the vely right of our mi-nority, and by inrplication any minor-ity, to exist within the party. A pro-vocative attempt wbs made by Major-ity suplrorters to intrude into a pri-vate Minolity gathering. As the up-shot of our informal protest to partyauthorities, it was revealed that theincident had taken place at the insti-gation antl undel the dilection of aMajolity P(l nlenrbet'. The leadershipwhite-rvashed this action by adoptinga condemnatory nrotion which accusedthe Nlinolity r,f boing the guilty partyfor having held such a private tenden-cy meeting I Thcse events are fullyde taiied in our doeument ('For theRight of Olganized Tendencies to Ex-ist within the Party!"

5, In connection with the last partyconvention, the Majority nrade severeinculsions upon party democracy andupon our party rights:a) The National SecretarY, Dobbs,without, offering anJ- reason, refusedto plint in the bulletin rnaterial on theintcrnational question which we deem-ed important to present to the party.In the -same ple-convetrtion discussionperiod the National Secretary likewisedeferred printing documentary mate-rial on the youth question. Later anopportune legal l,roblem presented it-self as an excuse foi' refusal. A keydocument in this collection has beenkept from the movement since Sep-tember, 1961, by the PC.b) At the convention itself the Ma-jority refused tc give any.represen-tation on the National Committee toour minority despite a sumcient nu-merical as rvell as clear cut politicalbasis for such representation, Thus theMajority has not only deprived us ofour proper voice within the party, butit has also put into question the legit-imate authority of the leading party

bodier, the NC and PC, by electingthem on a restricted basis.c) In reporting the convention tothe public, the Militnttt- article, ofteridentilying James Robertson and ShaneMage among others by name, statedthat "They charged that . . . the lead-ership of the SWP were in the processof abandoning Marxism." This cynicalabuse of control of the public pressby the Majority to identify and iso-late inner-party opponents is indeed anabandonnrent of the method of con-troversy among Marxists,6. In a continuous series of inci-dents over the past two years, the Ma-jority has abused its leading posltionin the party to hinder, harrass, and

immobilize supportels of our tendency.The evident general aim of the Ma-jorlty has been to make as the penaltyfor individual comrades beconing op-positionists the paralysis of ony po-iitical role, either within the party orin broader outside movements. Thusthere has aceumulated a seeminglyendless list of all-too-legitimate griev-ances on this score. Perhaps the mostoutrageous and flagrant incident ofharrassment was that against Com-rade Shilley in removing her fromSouthern SNCC work. Most conmonhas been the reEular, rarely overriddenrefusal to accept into membeuship con-tacts brought to the party by the mi-nority. Yet throughout the past sev-eral years, and whatever the provoca-tion, our tendency has always coun-selled and insisted that its supportersabide in a disciplined way by the deci-sions the Majority imposed upon theparty.7. The foregoing seetions are in-tended only to sketch the immediatelyrelevant portion of the party's organ-izational side in the past period. Wedo not suggest that these are the maincharacteristics of the party's evolu-tion, even of the organizational aspeet.Rather what is described is that partof the party's face shown to the par-ty's minorities, particularly to our owntendency. At the same time as theeomrades of the Revolutionary Ten-dency have responded in a diseiplinedfashion to developments within tieparty, we have not failed to form andoffer opinions among ourselves and tothe whole party as to the meaning,implications, and direction of the courscthe party has been pursuing in regardsto both political revisionism and or-ganizational degeneration. The deter-mination of the more Eeneral proeessesat work in shaping the party was ex-

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FEBRUARY.MARCH I95I -5actly the subject under hot discussionin the terrdency when the documentswere drafted over which the Majoritynow raises a scandal in ite desire toexclude us from the party. See, forexample, Robertson and Ireland's ttTheCentrism of the SWP and The Tasksof the Minority" (September 6, 1962),and elso the earlier besic tendencystatement, "In Defense of a Revolu-tionary Perspective" (in 1962 SWPBulletin No. 4).Suffice it to say that the most salientfeatures of the party's overall motionin the last period have been as fol-lows:a) In general political approach theparty has sought after substitutes fore revolutionary wolking class per-spective-notably the surrender of allMarxist responsibility toward the Cu-ban Revolution through abasement asen uncritical apologist for the Castroregime; repeating this process overBen Bella's Algeria; negotiating analliance of convenience and mutual am-nesty with fellow Pabloists internation-ally ("reuniffcdtion of the F.I.") ; andmost lately, within the United States,in a will-o'-the-wisp chase after BlackNationalism.b) Yet while the par.ty Majority haseagerly given itself over to enthusiasmfor the gnals of alien movements,l ithas resolutely avoided such opportu-nities as would further involvementand struggle in the party's own right.Thus actual civil rights work, Northor Southl e serious apploach to Pm,gressive Labor or par.ticipation in thetravel to Cuba committee and its trip;any modest efrort at r.ebuilding theparty's contact with the workers, suchas plant press sales or Hazard minerswork, have all either come at the Mi-norities' urgings, but vastly too littleand too late, or have been refusedoutright. The proper word for suchconduct is abstentionism.c) It was in the par,ty leadership'sinstant, instinctive responses in themonrents of great crisis or apparentperil-the Cuban missile crisis lastyear and the Kennedy assassinationthis year'-that the party's utter lossof a revolutionaly conrpass has beenmost decisively shown, (See our state-ment "Declaration on the Cuban Cris-is." later printed in 1963 SWP BulletinNo. 18.)d) Within the party the shift inequilibrium of forces in the centralparty leadersbip through the retire-ment of Cannon and the eliminationof Weiss drive bythe Dobb all ques-tions by I force.

t'punishment" of us for our very ten-acity in remaining in the party despitcits degeneration and for our intransi-gence in struggling against that degen-eration.uI.Thc Accusatlona Against Us8. In view of the material alreadywqitten, listed below, there is by thistime little that need be added as re-gards the vacuity, inelevance, or down-right falseness of the accusations ofStatutary violations made against ourtendency or its individual supporters.The party leadership has ofhciallypresented its case against our tendencyin the following rnaterials: a) letterof National Secretary Dobbs to JamesRobertson, July 5, 1Q63; b) PC motionof August 2, 7963,'0n the Robertson-Ireland-Harper Caset'; c) ,nReport ofControl Commission on the RobertsonCase," Octobet 24, 1963; d) PC motion

of November 1, 1963. The following re-plies and refutations have been offeredby individual tendency supporters: a)letter of Robertson to Dobbs, July 9,1963; b) letter of Geofrrey Whi6 tothe PC, November 5, 1963; c) letterof Laurence Ireland to Dobbs, Novem-ber 8, 1963; d) letter of Shane Mageto the PC, November 10, 1963; ande) letter. of Lynne Harper to tbe NC,November 18, 1963. We urge the Na-tional Committee members to familiar-ize themselves with this correspondence.9. The accusations of our indisci-pline were originally put before theparty by the Wohlforth-Philips ..Re-

why its authors had been led into suchaction. With documents written earlierwithin the tendency, which we ap-pended to our reply, we prooeil thatwe had been the object of false accu-sations. Moreover, to even the mostsuper'fidial observer there is en in-soluble contradiction in Wohlforth andPhilips' accushtions against us. Ifthe charges were true that we weresome kind of split-crazed wreckers,then Woblforth-Philips should havetaken far more decisive and promptaction than their act of waiting ayeal after first reveeling within thethen common tendency such heinouscrimes, then simply repeating the rev-elations to the party as a whole. .B?rlI the charges were not true, theyshould never have been made in the

ghip t credit oftbat theyst, in dis-aseociating tbenrselves from their ear-

us, thereby irnplicitly dcclaring tbattheir own old accusations had benwithout real, actionable substance, butwere rather their own iirterpretations.10. It would be an enormous andpointless task to eeek to pin down anddispose of very many of the irrelev-sncies or wild distortions in the charg-es which the PC and CC have levelledagainst uai e.g., the abusive nonsenseabout t'double" recruitment or thechildishness of proposing to expell usbecause we are alleged to have i ..splitperspective." Indeed the core of theease against us collapses immediatelyupon examination beeause it dependsupon_ one false equation, to wit: partymembers, even if organizationatlyloyaland disciplined (as we are), can be"really" loyal onlry i/, in tbe course ofcarrying . out party deciaions, theyagree with the leadership.No matter from what side the Dobbs-ian interpretations given in the pCand CC material are approached, it

"HOSTIIE AIID DISLOYAI ATTITUDE!'

the Party, Kao Kang not only didnot admit hia guilt to the Party,but connitted suicide as an ulti-mate expreedon of his betrayal ofthe Party."-Besolution on the Anti-PartyBloc of Kao Kang and Jao Shu-Shih Pasaed by the NctionalConference of the ComrnunistParty of China, March 81, 1955.

alweys turns out that to the centralleadels, "loyalty" to the party meansloyalty to the leaders. Because ouracceptance of discipline justifies andis justified by our inner-party strug-gle against the leadership policies,our carrying out of party decisions isdismissed as "cynicol" and presumqblythen defectlve bedause it lacks sincer-ity. Thus, many of the ..'quotations,"even in their releeted and trimmeilform, ofrered as tte views of tendencysupporterc can have as their onlypurporc making the point that we don'tbelieoc in ot qrac sith lhe party'schanging policics and direction of re'cent years, nor do we respect the in-itiators and dircctors of those changes,eitlter. (CondDccd Nert Pese)As a result of the totality of these first place. Instead they went eheaduhd'erlying considerations the Major- to publicize their accusatidns and thenity leadership has been driven now to depreeat6d them by declaring them toseek the exclusion of our tendency be no valid basis for organizationalfrom the party. In esgence tbis is a ection against us by the palty leader-

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6- SPARTACIST. . . NESCINDIt is elemntary, but no longer ob-Yious b the SWP, to note that disci-pline has meaning espeeially whenthere is dicagreement Democratic cen-tralism is tnoef. ftlllg ealled upon to

regulate difierences and 'mobilize theentire party for carrying out arriyed-at decisions when there are sharp anddeep-going dlvisions. To exclude fromthe party those who have sharp anddeop differences, those who believethat the policies and course of the Ma-jority leadership are part of a pro-found degeneration, is to amply prooethe exhtence of that degeneration.11. For our pait, we have and dodeclare that our political loyalty liesexclusively with the Trotskyist pro-gram. It is as a derivative of thisprime consideration that our tendencyhas always sought to abide fully bythe discipline of the party, despite tberapidly advancing disease of degener-ation in the party. It is in this senseand no other that the much-quoted.phrasg in the Robertson-Ireland docu-rrrnt was advaneed about avoiding"mistaken concepts of loyalty to adiseased shell," We would be peculiarpeople indeed should we ffnd our loyal-ty resting with the eancer growingwithin the party! This should havebeen evident to any honest reader ofthe materials in question, for oth-er-wise many other statenrents in theseinner-tendency dbr:uments would be inflat eontradiction and would reduce theentire set of opinions to a t.neaninglessjumble. Notable in this connection isthe statement in Comrade Har:per'sdraft. "Orientation of the Party Mi-nority in Youth Work" that ". , . wemust act as disciplined SWP membersat all times. . . ." Again, in Comradefreland's "What the Discussion is Real-Iy About,tt is found: "But since ourperspeetive is one of remaining in theSIIIP, we ean hardly afrord to violate'party discipline or party statutes."'(Incidentally, this latter document hadbeen turned over to the Control Com-mission by Comrade Ireland to removeany possible ambiguities about hisopinions on actionable subjects, How-ever, the CC in its "Report . . -" gaveno acknowledgement of the receipt orvery existence of this document, muchless any mention of its contents!) Fin-ally, to put this whole point anotherway, if the S\{P has become centristin charecter gs we stated in our mainresolution to the last party eonven-tion, "Toward Bebirth of the Fourthfnternational" (that ". . . the centristtendcncy is also prevalent among cer-tain groups which originally opposedthe Pablo faction"), then some organ-izational conclbsions reasonsbly followthat Jurttly our acthg ar disciplined

party members despite the party's cen-trist politics. Further, it necessarilyfollows that such a conclusion is nonrore or less incompatible with partymembership than is holding the politi-cal analysis which led to it.rv.What Our Expulsion

Would Mean for the Party12. It may be that sections of theNational Committee have not thoughtthrough the internatioaol implicationsof expelling our tendency from theSWP. Within the limitations of theVoorhis Act, the American party hasbeen a prime nrover in the recent re-unification with the Pabloist forces of'the International Secretariat. In anefrort to draw into the unity as manyof the scattered aird diviCed groupingsas possible, big promises were made tothose opposed to the basis of the uni-fication to convince them to come alonganyhow. For example Dobbs and Hqn-sen wrote in the article "Reunificationof the Fourth International" (Fall,!063, Internatiottal Socialist Reoiew)as follows:"Groupings with much deeper dif-ferences than opposing viervs overwho was right in a past dispute cancoexist and collaborate in the samerevolutionary-socialist organizationunder the rules of democratic cen-tralism.,'...and,"The coilrse now being followed byHealy and Posadas and their follow-ers is nruch to be 'regretted, Underthe democratie centralism which gov-elns the Foulth International, theyeould have maintained their politicalviews within the organization andsought to win a majority."Even more recently the United Sec-retariat of the Fourth International it-self declared in its statement of No-vember' 18, 1963, in reply to the Healy-Lambert grouping, that:"The fact remains, however, thatthey [British and French 'fnterna-tional Committee' sections] have dem-onstratively refused to unite in acomlnon organization in which theywould be in a minority. They dern-onstratively refused' to accept themajority decision of the Internation-al Committee forces' on teunification.They demonstratively refused in ad-vance to abide by majority decisionof the world Trotekyist movementon reunification.t' . . .. tnil"As f,or our position, we stand asbefore for reunification-on the basisof the principled program adoptedat the Reunification Congress-:-of allforces that consider themselves to berevolutionery socialists."13. Our tendency opposecl the pro-jected unity move. Indeed the tendencyitself was born in ogposition to thcpoliticat course whlch underlgy the

projeeted unlffcation. We stated ouropposition and proposed an entirelydifierent political basis for reunitingthe world nrovement in our 1963 draftinternational resolution, "Toward Re-birth of the Fourth International." T[eolao made it crystal clear rh ad,oancethat should the pro-Pabloist unifica-tion win a majority and go into effect,,then the dissident and opposing minor-ity internationally who shared ourgeneral outlook should go through theexperience of the falsely-based unityattempt. We stated oar willingness"demonstratively" to acccpt the teuni-ffcation in the entile concluding sectionof oul recent international resolutionwhich states:"(19) 'Reuniffcation' of ,the Trotsky-ist movement on the centrist basisof Pabloism in any of its variantswould be a step away from, not to-ward, the genuine rebirth of theFourth International. I'f, however,the majority of the presently exist-ing.Trotskyist groups insists on go-ing through lvith such 'reunification,'the revolutionary tendency of theworld movement should not turn itsback on these cadres. On the con:trary: it would be vitally necessaryto go through this expelience withthern. The revolutionary tendencywould enter a 'reunified' movementas a rninority faction, with a per-spective of winning a nrajority to theprogram of workers'democracy. TheFourth International will not be re-born through adaptation to Pabloiterevisionism: only by political antltheoretical struggle against all formsof centrism can the world party ofthe socialist revolution fnally beestablished."

THE REA3ON WHY . . ."In the last analysis, comrndes,the majority is the party. I'll tellyou why.t'Report by Ferrell Dobbs to NewYork Lopal on Suspensions, No-vembr 7, 1963.

And we ourselves have more thanfully met the conditions set forth byDobbs-Hansen and by the United Sec-retariat: On top of abiding by disci-pline and accepting deeisions, we haveresdcted abuse, disloyalty, csleulatedincitement, and outright provocationby the American leadershlp to force usto leave 'rvoluntgrily." Our tendencyis therefore virtually uniqttg in itsability to be the living test of thegenuineness of the claimed demoeratic-centrrilist based and inclusive reunifi-cation. Several things will be clearstrould we be thrown out for lroldingopinions by no means more critical ofthe U.S. and international Pdbloistleaderships thqn viewg held by others

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FEBRUARY.MARCH I954 -7who have been publicly and repeatedlyinvited to join in the unification. If weare excluded, then the trze scope ofthe unitv as an act of bad faith bnddelibclate fi'aud by its instigators willbe definitely shown to all Tlotskyists.fn a very practical and concrete way,the SWP-NC, by its aetion towards usat its December, 1963 Plenum, will gofar rn making final for this periodboth the shppe of its own relationswith the rvorld movement as well asthose of its international allies.14. Are all sections of the NationalCommittee prepared to take lesponsi-bility for the kind,-of developing in-ternal life which oui exclusion wouldfolmalize? We are by no means theonly people in the party who believethat the SWP is degenerating apaceor that the Dobbs t'egime is a disasterfor the party. If these views beconreproscribed through the awful exampleof our exptrlsiirn, then such opinionswould be dliven into a fetid under-

ground existence. Inevitably therewould be a multiplication of the s5rmp-toms of organizati6nal degeneracy-the flaring up of intensely hate-filledqualrels on the permitted secondaryquestions, cliquist plots, hysterical re-actions by a leadership fighting dimlyEeen enemies. Such an atmospherecould only accelerate the rightrvard mo-tion of the paltyts cadres and trainthe newer menrbers in a caricature ofMarxist party life.These are some of the general con-siderations rvhich have always keptthe Trotskyists from proscribing opin-

lons within the palty, however obnox-ious they nray be to the leadership, orof expelling the holders of such views.Moleover, in the specific case beforethe NC, action against our tendencywill not achieve its desired aim oftttrning the party into a docile ma-chine. Others will continue as oppo-sitionists 'lvithirr the party, and wewill press our struEgle from outsidefor readmission and fol acceptance ofour political viewpoint. It is iryithin theprovince of the NC to prevent the de-moralization and splintering of theparty being brought on by a bureau-cratically heavy-handed leadership.15, For the NC to intervene to re-turn the party to the revolutionalyorganizational plactices of the past isto hold open the possibility of a revo-lutionary future for the SWP. If theNC permits the destruction of ourparty membership, it thereby acquiesc-es to the destruction of any chance fora reversal of the rightward, revisionistcourse of the par'ty because those rvhoopposed it s'ould he excluded. By elim-inating the content of palty rlemoeracy,thc degenetation of the palty heconresirrevelsilrle. This nted not. he!The SWP Majot'ity reflccts no im-

plaeable bureaucratic social layer. Igsloss of a proletarian, revolutionaryperspective, its eager search for sub-stitutes and short cuts-idealizing theradical petty-bourgeois leaderships: theCastros, Ben Bellas, Malcolm X's-isnot some inevitsble sutomatic reflexbased upon e position of privilege.Rather despair and ensuing degenera-tion have come through prolonged iso.lation, persecution, weakness, and ag-ing.The NC stands now at a last cross-toads, at which it yet has open a con-scious choice. Sections of the partyleadership may already have gonemtch further in political revision orbureaucratie organizational practicethan they ever intended. Although itwould be idle to deny that it is verylate, there is still a choice; the partydoes not haae to, is not predestined to,continue down the road it is travellingat full speed. To repeat: to halt nowis to leave open the way back so theparty might again have a revolution-ary future.

v.Conclusion: Rescind the Suspensions!16. In the normal course of seel

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!- SPATTACISTTHE LEFT WING VIEWS THEKENNEDY ASSASSINATION

Tlw ucueinntion of Praaident Kert-atily uu on aeid, test of the clue pod-titn of aoaql blt mo1)emar.t in thetlniteit Stoteo, Among the rad:icalgroups in Amarico, o quolit'othte ilitrLcbn moy be parcoiueil betucen thosateadpnciac whbh turrwd reaolutelu tothe worlcing cloec lor on indepenilentolteraotiue to boarg eob stotesmonsh'ip,ond, thoae lonnotions uthblt ioined theiraric.c tit tha kberol threnoily lor thebta yreddant,PROGRESSIVE LABOBNov. 2?, 1963-"The asragsination ofheeident Kennedy, by a still unknownasrailent, not only reflectg the exiat-ence of srious political contradictiong'for the U.S. ruling claas, but raiseethese contredictions to new heights. . .."\4thile it is essential tlrat revolu-tionaries evaluate all of the politicalaspectr of the assassination, it is alsonecersary for revolutionaries to rejectaEsassination es a conceivable form ofpolitical struggle. Tbe killing of oneman cannot altcr the course of history.Only efiortr by millionc to change theparticular political and economic sys-tem can be decirive. . . . Finally, assas-

rinetion only tends to confuse the realicrues that face the wolkrs. It en-courages the ruling clase to rtep up theoppreseion of the people."Agsaggination and individual vio-lence, however, is part and parcel ofthe Capitalirt ryrtem. . . .. ". . . On several occasions our gov-fernment har engineered or ruppoitcdactual organiz.ed eesessinations witbgreet relieh. The essassination

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FEIRUARY.MARCH I?6'| -tmoment most convenient to itself.tFfom the 2tublirohinne of tho threegt'oulrE abooe, it con be qccil tlwt' abaeir class porition uos tnftintoined'during tlwir iliscuceiclree of the Ken-ned.g oesoaeinotion. A cloee line tnustnoQ only cantimte to oriafi tlw worhin4closs againnt their clorn encttg, thobourgcoisie, but muat prooid,e o correctonolveie' for thp uorkcre in a period,of conlusbn ond. aonatentation. Thathree groipe abooe neoer laet silh,t olClwir rulin| chse enemy-nor ilid thayheaitote to point this out to theirted,ete,Tlwra anra etoggerotions and nh-ta*cq tuch as tha Workers World'sconluion between lasoism ond, o coupd'etat. Or the Progrecehte Loborgrou.p'e refettol, to "ouf' gooerntnant.Ann ol courte tlw Poeaddt -tend,mcy'e'conolusion tlytt the Pcntngon uaaasin-otd, Kanwdy con only be cunidcred'intereeting tpeculdtiat ot thb point.Theee podtim,e atand, out itt boldcontroat to thoee pcriodiaah ond, orgon-izatione whose "Sooh,l:ism" ond, "Mors-bn" led them in tlw momtnt of ponbto geniflect to tha ntling cla,ae, Stotq-ments obout "Looing (!) This Coun-try (!!)" and the like can only eeroekt confueo otd, miailit'ect eocialiat tnili-tantta. Compore the folloufing e'tumples., NEW AMERICADec. 18, 1063-'I am writing thig onthe day of mounring under a profoundsense of shock and loss and shanie. Wemourn a gallant President, sincerelyinterested in peace and freedom, whowes irowing in strength. . . .' "You will be reading this columnaf.ter Thanksgiving Day, when we willbe putting this day of mourning intoperspective. For what can we Ameri-cens be thankful in this tinre of trag-edy? We can be thankful for some en-richment of memory. We can be thank-ful for the general outpouring of griefand recognition of the shame at theatmosphere of hate in which the trag-edy took place. We can give.thanks fortbe orderly guccession and the absenceof bitter parfisanship in PresidentJohnsonts accession to his high olfice."-Norntan Thotnas"The Socialist Party joins the entilenetion in deeply mourning the tragicdeath of our Plesident, The senselessattd dastardly murder u'hich. took thelife of John F. Kennedy was one of.the greatest crimes and tragedies inthe history of our country. To Mrs.Kennedy and the entire Kennedy fam-ily wc extend our rnost sincere andheartfelt condolences."Ecgoltttiott of Natiotal Connittee ofThe Socialist PartyTHE WORKERNov. 26, 1968-"Nation in Mour,ningfor Mattyred Leader" (Batmer lront'poge head,lhc.)

"Wo share.- along with all otherAmericans-immeasurable grief at themonstrous end shoeking assassinationof President John F: Kennedy."We extend our deepest rympathy toMrs. Kennedy, to his son and daughter,arid to his entire family. . . ."Although anguished in sorrow overthe logs of the highest officer of ournation, the American people will not bepanicked. They will rally around theconstitution, defend its basic Derno-crbtic traditions and rights, and theywill not be diverted from the determin-ation that our nation shall trod ttepath of ever-expanding. democrecy, so-cial plogress and peace."

lx a HotrEl{T OF ttUTH . . ."Let me then make cfear asyour Preeident tlrat I rm deter-mined upon our system's survivaland success, regardless of the costand regardlese of the peril."-9peech

of President Kennedy tothe American Society of News-paper Editors, April 21, 1961.(Following the Bay of Pigsftasco.)

THE MILITANTDec. 2, 1963-"If We Really Love T'hiECountry 14re Must Abjure llatred'(Front poge heailine quoting ChiafJustice Eorl Waqnpn ot o t'Vqice ofSanity.")"The American people have underr-gone one of the most traumatic expe-riences in its history. The staggeringnews that President Kennedy had br:enassassinated, followed so quickly bythe unexplainable, televised murder ofhis alleged assassin in the Dallas r:ityjail by a crony of the police, left Anrer-icans reeling with bewilderment .andshock. A wave of apprehension ranthrough the world with the news of theKennedy assassination as people of alllands attempted to decipher the causeand portent of the tragic event. . . .,"Before all others, it is the federalgovernment's duty to block the atternptto use the Dallas tragedy for the stag-ing of an even more devastating witeh-hunt. Before all othels, it is the dutyof the federal govelnmen{, to furnishthe people with a thorough-going an-alysis of the atmosphere of hate andviolence which fostered that tragedy.Lefole all others, it is the federal gov-ernment's duty effectively and fully' toe4force the civil Iiberties of Americansof all political viels, no matter howcritical of those now dontinant, and thecivil liberties of all Anreticans; regard-Iess of color,. Only then can the cloud ofviolence and hate overhanging thiscountry begin to be dispelled."The Eili,tors"The Socialist Workers Party con-demns the brutal assassination of Pres.ident Kennedy as en inhuman, anti-

soeial and criminel act. We octernd ourdeepest sympathi to Mrs. Kenncdy andthe children in their personal grief .'The act springs from the atmospherecreated by the inflammatory egitatioaand deeds of the racists and ultr&conservatlve forces. Political tetrorism,Iike suppression of politicel freedom,violates the clemocratic righte of allAmerieans and can only strengthenthe {orces of ieaCtion. Political ditrer-ences \ilithin our society must be seLtled:in an orderly mannr by majoritydecieion alter free and open public de.bate in which 'alt points of view areheard:"-7 arrell D obbe, N ational Searatotg,Soaialist Workere PartyAnd Now, A Breath of Fresh Air!THE NEIVSLETTER(Orgm of the Socialist LobourLeo,gue, the British Trot*gbte.)Nov. 3Q 1963-"This millionaire poli-tician was destroyed by the very con-tradictions wbich he thought he coulilovercome ernoothly and peaeefully."Tlhether or n6t we ever learn thetruth about the killings in Dellas, Tex-as, Kennedy's death was without doubtthe result of angonising con{ict withinthe American ruling class."On the issues of Negro integratlonand foreign and defense policy, Ken-nedy's programme, reflecting the needsof one section of US big business,aroused sbarp hostility from powerfuleconomic and political groups.

"The rolre of the Texas state authori-ties makes this very clear. If Oswaldwes framed, and this seems quite prob-able, the job was organized at a highlevel in the state machine. . . ."We do not mouln John F. Kennedy.r'As international socialists we seehim as the world leader of the classenemy."If he was far-sighted, it ryas in theinterests of the continuation of capi-telist exploitation everywhere,"

-Jphn CrauforilDee. 7, 1963-"Marxists and the Ken-nedy Assassination" (Head,lbr,e, pogotuto.)"The assassination of President Ken-nedy has given rise to a more than us-ual round of hysteria, tear-jerking anilpraise-nrongering by the literaly andpolitical representatives of the middleclass."Reading some of the articles in theso-called socialist and liberal pressabout his life, one might be forgivenfor thinking that Kennedy stood forthe fleedom of the Negro people andwas, in fact, a socialist in all but name."Thus do the hirelings of internation-al capitel endeavor to whitewash themost reactionary imperialist power inthe world in its hour of crisis."Kennedy was, of coulse, a nrost sble(Continued Nert Page)

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SPARTACISfKENNEDY

of his class. Everythinghe did had but one objective, toAmerican imperialism. . . ."When he spoke about Negro rights,was merely using high-sounding lib-phraseology so that he could allbetter, on behalf of his class, con-to enslave the Neglo people.t'Marxists express no sympathy what-over Kennedyts death."We do not condone the act of indi-terrol responsible for his death,because we are squeamish or hu-about how it was done,beiause individual terror is nofor the construttion of theparty.DisorganisesttTerrorism is a weapon whieh indisorganrses and leaves the work-class leaderless. It creates the im-

that the removal of prominentpoliticians and statesmen canthe problems of the working class."But for every tytant shot, there isready to take his place. Onlyoverthrow of the capitalist systemthe United States and its replace-by working-class power and so-can solve the problems of theworking-class whites and"Such a tdsk cannot be accomplisheclLee Oswald. The an-lies not with them, but throughpreparation and building of a rev-palty which, through mass

will take the power. . . ."The taking of lrower by the revolu-party is not without ten'or.ruling class will not hesitate tothe working cldss, the Negropeoples. . . ."The s5rmpathy of Marxists, while notwith the method of Oswald,be given to the millions of Os-black and white, who have beeninto pauperism by capitalism.task of the American Marxistis to direct its attention to-these people, and not towardssending of messages of sympathyMrs. Kennedy.Fatal"When Lee Oswald fired the fatalhe did something more than as-a president."He also destroyed utterly and com-the lie that the Socialist lVork-Party of the United States is aparty and that it continuestraditions for which it was foundedthe struggle to build the Fourth In-

"The Mil:i.tanf, weekly organ of thewhich, according t6 its masthead,'published in the interests of the

working people,t carrieal this^"news itemin its issue of Monday, Decenrber' 2,headed'Socialist Leader DenouttcesMutdcr of the President':(Hcra lollotuu tha stttcmcnt of Fur.rcll Dobbe which ie raprintc:d, aboua,)"This nauseating leport repudiatesevery principle that Trotsky and theBolshevik Palty fought for. It is areport written by cowardly liberals,whose eyes are turned solely in the di-rection of the American middle class.t"We extendr' says Farrell Dobbs,'our deepest sympathy to Mrs. Ken-nedy.'"Indeedt And who is Mrs. Kennedy?

Reactionary"She is the daughter of a Wall Streetmillionaire, and was the wife of thelbader of the nrost reaetionary imperi-alist power on earth, Marxists canhave no sympathy whatsoever withMrs. Kennedy and her class." 'Political hiffe"ences within oul so-ciety nrust be settled in an orderly

mannetr' says Dobbs."Indeed! Tell that to the Negroes ofBirmingham, Alabama, and the miners-of Kentucky. Tell that to the millionsof colonial people in struggle againstimpelialism."The settlement of class issues willnot take plaee in an orderly manner,but in a violent lvay, beeause the rulingclass will never give up its powerpeacefully. To the millions of working$eople in strugg'le against imperialismall over the wolld, Dobbs is just onenrore Ameriean liberal; who talks- thelanguage of 'order' so as to mask theblullality of his orvn imperialist gov-ernrnent."]![ow Trotsky lvould have loathed thisstatement of the leader of the SocialistWorkers Party. He would have flayedits rauthol alive in every language hecould muster'. This is cringing boot-licki:ng of the American petty-bour-geois by a man who claims to be aMarxist!

Attack"Dobbs sends his condolences to 'Mrs.Kennedy and the children,' but not aworrrl about Mrs. Oswald, a poor Rus-sian woman whose children and herself

will be singled out for attack wherevershe goes."Instead of taking up the cudgels onbeha,lf of the poor in the United States,Dobhs turns his eyes to to the replesen-tatirres of the rich and mighty."Thele was, of coul'se, a distinctpossibility that antilabour witch-hunt-els rvould utilise the Kennedy assassin-ation in order to attack the left, butsuch an attack could not be answeredby sending condolences to Mls. Ken-nerly. The answer to any witch-hunt isto expl:tin the clnss issucs involvcrl inthc assassinntion, lvhich can onlS' l;q

done by a thoronghgoing exDosure ofKennedy's role.Betrayed"Farrell Dobbs does not look to theworking class as his only real ally iuthe ffght against the witch-hunt. Helooks in the opposite direction, towatdsthe ruling class. On this. question, ason all others, Dobbs has betrayed the

Marxistmovement...,"His political degeneration is awatning to Marxists everywhere. Itfollows closely on the heels of the socalled 'reuirification' rvith the Peblo-ites, who supported the brutal assassin-ation by the hired thugs of the FLN ofthe Algerian trade union leaders inParis in 1967 and 1958."This unification was an alliance ofrenegades from Trotskyism to turlfrom the working class to the radicaldo-gooders whose sole aim is to white-wash imperialism."We look forward to any news as towhether or not James P. Cannon,founder of the American Trotskyistmovement, was prepared to sign themessege of condolence to Mrs. Ken-nedy."

-Geny Healy, National SecretatASocialiet Labour LeagueThe anid tcst of any organizotionTtresentin.g itself aa socialist takecTtlaee in periotls ol reoolittionarA op-portunitg or crisia. All eu.ch orgoniia-tione uere testeil in their obilitg tomaintain their princiytleil positions atthe time of the Kcnnedy assassinotion.To those for uthom the conccpt ofTrctekyism is sgnonymous usith firm

class positions ztniler the most adaerseconditinns, the statcment of FanellDobbs and. the entire eilition of theMilitant on the Kennedg cssds$r?rctionceme as a profound shock. At a colmetand more reflecthte monrcnt, e.oen theleaders of the Sooialist Workers Partgthemselaee must hooe been chngrined,anil surpriseil at their lo,ck of stamina.It is, of co'urse, tnte that it is aperfectly principlecl tactic to care,fullgaooiil the use of firooocatiae phrodeswhen the legal ot'ganizational enietencc,anil Ttossibly the lioes, of reoohttionor-ies are at stake. Houtcaer, lhc uords ofDobbe and tlre Militant uere not tho*cof a reaolu,tionary Socialist, btft ratherof Socinl Democrats and bonrgcoie lib-erals, and, richly meriteil the attaeks olGcrry Healy anil the Soaidlist LabourLeagu,e.The Reaolutionary Tendencg hae r*pcatedly pointed out tha attemltt toconuert tha SWP into an appcnd.oge olpetty -bottrgeois raclical f ormatione. T hcabauilontnent of the conce.pt that thcutotltittg claes and its rangnard mustleacl the ,nldsacs, evitlentllt anil inatil-ably lead*, at a montc'nt of cri*is, Colho a.bandnntnent of the ensence ol dt'cttolrt ti ona.r11 uorlin g-clo,e po*iliono.

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FEIRUARY.UARGH 196{ -llTOWARD REBIRTHOF THB FOURTH II\TtrRI\ATIONAI

(DNAFT RESOLUTION ON THE WORLD,MOVE.LIENT submitted to tlie 1963 SWP Comtention bg th.eR ea olutionan' y T endency. )INTRODUCTIONl. For the past fifteen years the movement foundedby Leon Trotsky has been rent by a profound theoreti-cal, political, and organizational crisis. The surfacemanifestation of this crisis has been the disappearanceof the Fourth International as a meaningful structure.The movement has consequently been reduced to aIarge number of grouplets, nominally arrayed intothree tendencies: the "International Committe," "fn-ternational Secretariat (Pablo)," and "InternationalSecretariat (Posadas)." Superficial politieians hope toconjure the crisis away through an organizational for.mula-"unity" of all those grouplets willing to unitearound a common-denominator program. This pro-posal obscures, and indeed aggravates, the fundamentalpolitical and theoretical causes of the crisis.

2. The emergence of Pabloite revipionism pointedto the underlying root of the crisis of our movement:abandonment of a working-class revolutionary perspec-tive. Under the influence of the relative stabilization ofcapitalism in the industrial states of the West and ofthe partial success of petit-bourgeois movements inoverthrowing imperialist rule in some of the backwardcountries, the ,revisionist tenderrcy within the Trotsky-ist movement developed an orientation atvay from theproletariat and toward the petit-bourgeois leaderships.The conversion of Trotskyism into a left satellite ofthe existing labor and colonial-revolutionary leader-ships, combined with a classically centrist verbal ortho-doxy, was typified ,by Pablebut by no means wasconffned to him or his organizational faction. On thecontrary, the Cuban and Algerian revolutions have con-stituted acid tests proving that the centrist tendency isalso prevalent among certain groups which originallyopposed the Pablo faction.

3. There ig an obvious antl forceful logic in theproposals for early reuniffcation of the centrist groupswithin the Trotskyist movement. But "reunification"on the basis of centrist politics cannot signify re-establishment of the Fourth fnternational. The strug-gle for the Fourth International is the etruggle fora program embodying the working-class revolutionaryperspective of Marxism. It is true that the basic doc-trines of the movement, as abstraeflXl formulated, hsvenot been formally denied. But by their abandonment ofa revolutionary perspective the revisionists concretelychallenge the programmatic bases of our movement.

4. The essene of the debate within the Trotskyistmovement is the question of the perspective of the pro-letariat snd its revolutionary vanguard elements toward

the existing petit-bourgeois leaderships of the labormovement, the deformed workers states, and the colon-ial revolution. The heart of the revolutionary perspec-tive of Marxism is in the eltruggle for the hd,epend'etueof the workers as a eldss from all non-proletarianforces; the guiding political issue and theoretical cri-terion is wofkers' demoer&cy, of which the supreme efi-pression is workers' power. This applies to all countrleswhere the proletariat has become capable of carryingon independent polities-

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SPARTACIST

aaa REBIRTHplay a reactionary role, the Marxists mustthem immediately and openly. The behavior ofcentrist tendency around the Belgian journal Zoin withdrawing dunng the general strike theslogan of a march on Brussels, in order to avoidbreak with Renard, is the opposite of a Marxist atti-the labor bureaucracy.

8. The objectiae prospects for development of 'themovement in Europe are extremely bright.numbers of the best young militants in all coun-rejecting the cynical and careerist routinism ofStalinist and Social-Democratic bureaucrats, arefor a socinlist perspective. Theybe won to a movement capable of convincing thern,and theoretically, that it otrers such a per-The structural changes stemming from Euro-integration pose the issues of workers'democracyof the independence of the political and economicof the working class as the alternative to stateof the Iabor movement-and impel the workinginto increasingly significant class battles. If,these objective conditions, the West Europeanfail to grow at a rapid rate it will bethey themselves have adopted the revisionistof a satellite of the labor leadership as opposedperspective of struggle around the program ofworkers' democracy.BLOC

9. Since the Second World War, the countries ofEurope have been develpping into modern in-states. As the proletariatt of the deformedincreases in numbers and raises itsstandards and cultural level, so grows the irre-conflict between the working class and theStalinist bureaucracy. Despite the defeatthe Hungarian workers' revolution, the Soviet-blochas won significant reforms, substantiallyits latitude of thought and action. These- re-however, do not signify a "f)rocess of reform" orproceSs": they were yielded only grudg-by the unreformable bgreaucracg, ale under per-attack by the faction of "Stalin's heirs," andin jeopardy as long as Stalinist bureaucraticprevails. These concessions are historically sig-only to the extent that they help the proletariatprepare for the overthrow of the bureaucracy. Realcan be accomplished only by the political

fO. a new revolutionary Ieadership is emergingthe proletarian youth of the Soviet bloc. In-by trrin bources-the inextinguishable Leninistand the direct and tangible needs of theirnew generation is formulating and imple-in struggle the program of workers' democ-in this regard is the point made recentlylong-time participant in Soviet student life. Re-the fundamental character to much of theamong Russian youth, it was

stated, "Because he is a Marxist-Leninist, the Sovietstudent is much more radically dissatisfied than if hewere an Anglo-Saxon pragmatist." (David Burg toTh,e New Yorh Times./ The Trotskyists, lineal con-tinuers of the earlier stage, have an indispensable con-tribution to make to this struggle: the concept of theinternational party and of a transitional program re-quired to carry through the political revolution. Assist-ance to the development of a revolutionary leadershipin the Soviet bloc through personal and ideological con-tact is a primary practical activity for any internation-al ,leadership worthy of the name.COLONIAL REVOLUTION

11. The programmatic significance of workers' de-mocracy is greatest in the backward, formerly colonial,qreas of the world: it is precisely in this sector thatthe program of workers' democracy provides the clear-est possible line of demarcation between revolutionaryand revisionist tendencies. In all of these countries thestruggle for bourgeois democratic rights (freedom ofspeech, right to organize and strike, free elections) isof great importance to the working class becarise itIays the basis for the advanced struggle for proletariandemocracy and workers' power (workers' control ofproduction, state power based on workers' and peas-ants' councils).

12. The theory of the Permanent Revolution,which is basic to our movement, declares that in themodern world the bourgeois-democratic revolution can-not be completed except through the victory and ex-tension of the proletarian revolution-the consumma-tion of workers' democracy. The experience of all thecolonial countries has vindicated this theory and laidbare the manifest inner contradictions which continu'ally unsettle the present state of the colonial revolutionagainst imperialism. Precisely in those states wheret\e bourgeois aims of national independence and landreform have been most fully achieved, the democraticpolitical rights of the workers and peasants have notbeen realized, whatever the social gains. Tlfis is par-ticularly true of those countries where the colonialrevolution led to the establishment of deformed work-ers' states: China, North Vietnam . . . and Cuba. Thebalance, to date, has been a thwarted success, eitheressentially empty, as in"the neo-colonies of the Africanmodel, or profoundly deformed and limited, as in theChinese example. This present outcome is a consequenceof the predominance of specifie class forces within theMARX'SI 8UI.I.EI'N #I:

ln Defense of o Revolulionory Perspeclivc-A Statement of Basic Position by the llevolutionaryTendency, Presented to the June 1962 plenary rneeting' of the SWP National Committee.25 pages mimeo6raphed - 25e a copyorder from: SPARTACIST

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FEBNUARY.MARCH I96{ i13colonial upheavals, and of the class-related forms em-ployed in the struggles. These forms imposed upon thestruggle have been, for all their variety, exolusively"from above," i.e., parliamentary ranging through thebureauc-ratic-military. And the class forces involvedhave been, of course, bourgeois or petit-bourgeois. Aclass counterposition is developed out of the complexof antagonisms resulting from failure to fulffll thebourgeois-democratic revolution. The petit-bourgeoisleaderships with their bureaucratic forms and empiri-cist methods are ranged against participation by theworkers as a class in the struggle. The involvement ofthe working class is necessarily centered on winningworkers' democracy and requires the leadership of therevolutionary proletarian vanguard with its program-m4tic consciousness of historic mission. As the workingclass gains ascendancy in the struggle and takes in towthe more oppressed strata of the petit-bourgeoisie, thePelmanent Revolution will be driven forward.

13. the Cuban Revolution has exposed tire vastinroads of revisionism upon our movement. On thepretext of defense of the Cuban Revolution, in itselfan obligation for our movement, full unconditional anduncritical support has been given to the Castro govern-ment and leadership, despite its petit-bourgeois natureand bureaucratic behavior. Yet the record of the re-gime's opposition to the democratic rights of the Cubanworkers and peasants is clear: bnleaucratic ouster ofthe democratically-elected leaders of the labor move-ment and their replacement by Stalinist hacks; snp-pression of the Trotskyist press; proclamation of thesingle-party system; and much else. This record standsside by side with enormous initial social and economicaccomplishments of the Cuban Revolution. Thus Trot-skyists are at once the most miljtant and unconditionaldefenders against imperialism of both the Cuban Rev-olution and of the deformed workers' state which hasissued thelefrom. But Trotskyists cannot give confi-dence and political support, however critical, to a gov-erning regime hostile to the most elementary principlesand practices of workers' democrac-v, even if our tacti-cal approach is not as toward 'a hat'dened bureaucraticcaste.

14. What is true of the revisionists' approach to-ward the Castro regime is even more apparent in regardto the Ben Bella regime now-governing Algeria on theprogram of'a "socialist" revolution in cooperation withFrench innperialism. The anti-working-class nature ofthis petit-bourgeois group has been made clear to allbut the willfully blind by its forcible seizure of controlover the labor movement and its suppression of allopposition parties. Even widespread naiionalizationand development of nranagement committees seen inthe context of the political expropriation of the workingclass and the economic orientation towards collabora-tion with France cannot give Algeria the character ofa workers' state, but leaves it, on the contrary, a back-ward eapitalist society with a high degree of statifica-tion. As revolutionaries our intervention in both revo-lutions, as in every existing state, must be in eccord-ance with the position of Trotsky; "We are not a gov-ernment party; rve are the party of irreconcilable oppo-sition" (In Defense of Marcism.). This can eease toapply only in relation to a government genuinely basedon workers' democracy.,

-15. Experience gince the Second World War hasre undernothingregime.nder theconditions of decay of imperialism, the demoralizationand disorientation caused by Stalinist betrayals, andthe absence of revolutionary Marxist leadership of theworking class. Colonial revolution can have an unequiv-ocally progressive significance only under such leader-ship of the revolutionary proletariat. For Trotskyiststo incorporate into their strategy revisionism on theproletarian leadership in the revolution is a profoundnegation of Marxism-Leninism no matter what piouswish may be concurrently expressed for "building rev-olutidnary Marxist parties in colonial countries." Marx-ists must resolutely oppose any adventurist acceptanceof the peasant-guerilla road to socialism-historicallyakin to the Social Revolutionary program on tacticsthat Lenin fought. This alternative would be a suicidalcourse for the socialist goals of the movement, andperhaps physically for the adventurers.

THE WORTD PROSPECT FOR SOCIALISMComprehensive l96l resolution of the Sociolist lobourLeogue, endorsed by the lnternolionol Commitlee ofthe Fouilh lnlernolionol.sections:

The Necessity of Socialist RevolutionThe Crisis of LeadershipImperialism and World Revolution- the Present StageThe Colonial RevolutionThe USSR Since the 20th CongressThe Fourth Internationalprice .- 35f

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16. In all backward countries where the proletariatexists as a class, the fundamental principle of Trotsky-ism is the independence of the working class, its unions,and its parties, in intransigent opposition to imperial-ism, to iny national liberai bourgeoisie, and to petit-bourgeois governments and parties of ell sorts, inelud-ing those professing "socialism" and even "Marxigm-Leninism." Only in this way can the ground be laidfor working+lass hegemony in the revolutionary alli-ance with the oppressed petit-bourgeois strata, partic-ularly the peasantry" Similarly, for a working-classparty in an advanced country to violate class solidaritywith the workers of a backward country by politicallyendorsing a petit-bourgeois colonial-revolutionari $ov:ernment ie a sure sign of centrist opportunism, just aSrefusal to defend a colonial revolution because of thenon-proletarian character of its leadership is a signof sectarianism or worse.(Continued Next Page)

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t4- SPARTACIST.. . REBIRTH17.The inter-relationship between bourgeois-democratic and proletarian-democratic struggles in thecolonial revolution remains as formulated in the found-ing progrzm of the Fourth International, a formulationwhich today retains complete validity:

f'It is impossible merely to reject the democraticprogram; it is imperative that in the struggle themasses outgrow it. The slogan for a National (orConstituent) Assembly preserves its full force forsuch countries as China or India. This slogan mustbe indissolubly tied up with the problem of nation-al liberatien and agrarian reform. As a primarystep, the rvoikers must he armed with this demo-cratic program. Only they will be able to surnmonand unite the farmers. On the basis of the revolu-tionary democratic program, it is necessary tooppose the workers to the "national" bourgeoisie.Then, - at a certain stage in the mobilization ofthe masses under the slogans of revolutionary de-mocracy, soviets can and should arise. Their his-torical role in each given period, particularly theirrelation to the National Assembly, will be deter-mined by the political level of the proletariat, thebond between them and the peasantry, and thecharacter of the proletarian party policies. Sooneror later, the soyiets should overthrow bourgeoisdemocracy. Only they are capable of bringing thedemocratic'revolution to a conclusion and likewiseopening an era of socialist revolution.'"The relative weight of the individual democratic, and trapsitional demands in the proletariat's strug-. gle, their mutual ties and their order of presenta-tion; is determined by the peculiarities and specificconditions of each backward country and to a con-siderable extent by the degree of its backwardness.Nevertheless, the general trend of revolutionarydevelopment in all backward countries can be de-termined by the formula of the permanent rauolu-ti,on in the sense definitely imparted to it by thethree revolutions in Russia (1905, February 1917,October 1917)." (Th,e Death. Agong of Capi.taltsmand th,e Tasks ol the Fourth Internntiornl.)

UEJEIdIEIEIEIEEETdTEJE

18. The task of the international revolutionary-movement today is to re-establish its own realTo speak of the "conquest'of the masses"a general guideline internationally is a qualitativeThe tasks before most Trotskyist sec-and groups today flow from the need for politicalin the struggle against revisionism, inhe context of a level of work of a generally propagan-istic and preparatory nature. An indispensable part ofur preparation is the development and strengtheningof rbots within the broader working-class movementwithout which the Trotskyists would be condemned tosterile isolation or to political degeneration in ,the pe-riods of rising class struggle and in either ca.e unableto go forward in our historic task of leading the work-ing class to p

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FCttuARY.rAtCH l96a -15. . . CASTRO(Continued from Page 16)

potential. Tactical considerations mustLc seen as a part of and subordinateto strategic ones. Flowing from theempiricism of the Cuban leadership thestrategic aim (if it ever existed) ofworld proletarian revolution has beensactiftced to the narrow, short-sighted,"pragmatic" goal of stable prices forCuban sugar. If it is still objected thatCastro had no choice, then we, at least,do rrot have to apologize for his 'actionsin Moscow. Castro indeed had nochoice: he was the prisoner not only ofhis own policies, but als0 of his his-torical origin which was the basis forthose policies. Suffice it to say that ifozr movement had come to power inCuba it would have been out of a quitediftercnt historical situation. I{e criti.cize the Castro leadership es a part olthe ploccss of building the Bolshevikleadership that will be an integral partof such a situation. The historical gameof changing places with various lead-ers is not one that Marxists engage in.Soviet economic blackmail techniquesare, of course, well known to the peo-ple of Albania and China, and it is toCastro's credit that he held out as lougas he did.The vacillation of the Castro leadet-,ship between the positions put forwardby the Soviet and Chinese bureaucra-cies, and its adherence, more ot less, tothe line of the iatter, has permittedmany aocialists to indulge in certainillusions as to the nature of the Cubanleadership-illusions which that leader-ahip has itself begun to dispel.Moreover, these same socialists arehorboring an eyen more fundamentalillusion in their belief that a proletari-gn-revolutionary outlook motivates thesuperficiaUy revolutionary Chinese po-sltion. As loug as the Maoist leadershipspeaks with a revolutionary yocabulary,many socialists are inclined to take itat its word. Nevertbeless, it is clearfrom tbe whole history of the Chineserevolution that the attempt to build afollowing around the CCP line is onlyfor the purpos of putting pressure onimperialism in order to totce the latterto sccommodate itself to the presentGhinese state government.The rightward shift of the Castroleaderstrip has now posed the questionof lfiarxist theory and its relation topractice bdore all those who considerthemselves to be tevolutionary commu-nists. If the revolutionary workets'tnbvement is to go fotward it will haveto come to glips with this and otherquestions, and arrive st a solutionbased on the independent Action of tlteworking class.The Cuban ldaclership, while respond-ing to the pressure of the messes, yetstantls aborc and is organiggtionally

independent of them. This organiza-tional independence is a consequence ofits 'historical origin, in which it cameto power as the leadership, not bf work-ers' and peasants' soviets, but of aguerilla army. From this social basisflows the empirical and not Marxist na-ture of the Cuban leadership, as wasstated clearly by "Che" Guevara: "IDorder to know where Cuba is going, thebest thing is to ask the government ofthe U.S. just how far it intends to go."If many socialists who supported theCastro government as opposed to thecounter-revolutionary'Khrushchev re-gime did not see the need for a dialecti-cal view of society, trusting instead tothe "natural" course of events, theiridealistic impressionism has at leastbeen dealt a rude blow by the empiri-cal wanderings of the Castro leader-ship.The strategy of Man

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t5- SPARTACIST ,FEBRUARY.UARCH I954

CASTRO IN MOSCOWFremier Fidel Cqstro, caught in thecomplex web of Washington-Peking-Moscow relationships, has begun to be-come more clearly enmeshed in theinachinations of the Russian leadership,Statements made in botlr Castro's So-viet TV interview of January 21, andthe Joint Soviet-Cuban Communiqu6 ofJanuary 22 reyesl unmistakably thatKhrushchev has begun to consolidatehis grip on the PURS (the Cuban par-ty) and its leader. Although there willundoubtedly be further vacillations,Castro has, without question, begun totrail behintl the Soviet Union in foreignpolicy.Castro, appearing on Moscow TVJanuary 21, said, "At the, same time[after the October missile crisis] therewas a relaxation of international ten-sion, a relaxation in the cold wan AHtlvia wae a recult of the policy and. theeforte of the Soaiet Union anil, the eo-ciolist. c&rnp on' behalf of peote."(Emphasis added.)One of the "concretet' results ofthose efrorts was, in the Joint Soviet-Cuban Communiqu6 of'January 22,greeted favorably by the Cuban gov-exnment: ttThe government of the Be-publie of Cuba regards the successesaehieved by the Soviet Union in thestruggle for the discontinuation of nu-clear tests and the agreement on non-orbiting of vehicles with nuclear weap-ons as a step forward promoting peaceand disarmament,"Civing further support to the poli-of the Soviet bureeueracy: "Com.Fidel Castro expressed his ap-of the measures taken by theCentral Committee of the CPSU toellminate the existing differences andto consolidate cohesion and unity in theanks of the international eommunist

ovement." (Joint Soviet-Cuban Com-It is clear from this that in the con-of the Sino-Soviet dispute Castrounequivocally joined "the leadersthe CPSU," who,'in the words ofChinese "are the greatest of all re-well as the greatest of alland splitters known to his-(Printed Feb. 4 in Jenmin Jihthe Chinese CP daily paper.)Not only Soviet policy, but Sovietlife in general, and the leaderthe CPSU in particular, hav re-the approval of Fidel Castro. "Ivery much interested in Soviet ex-

by P. Jenperience," Castro said on Soviet TVJan. 21. "I aln very interested in therole played by your Party, the role ofthe advanced detachment, the role oforganizer and inspirer of all the activ-ity in the Soviet Union. I am interestedin the participation of the Party onall labour ftonts-in agriculture, in in-dustry, in cultural activities, in allspheres of production, in all spheres ofpolitics, and in the army. My attentionis attracted by the wonderful rolewhich the Party has been playing inthe Soviet Union for nearly half acentury now.'For the last three-almost four-decades, however, "the wonderful rolewhich the Party has been playing inthe Soviet Union" has included Stalin'sframe-up trials; the decapitation of theRed Army on the eve of World War II;the betrayals of the proletarian revolu-tion in China (1925-27r, Germany(1929-33), France (1934-36; 1945-pres-ent), Italy (1944-present), Iraq (1958),etc.; and the present strategic outlookof capitulation to imperialism.ltWe have been able to appreeiate,ttsaid Castro on Moseow TV, "the wayin which the Party ICPSUI has trainedspecialists, has fostered, the reaolution-aq) w&U of thought in the people, train-ed astronauts, scientists, has producedthe cadres who are today developingthe economy and the entire lifd in theSoviet Union, has produced the cadresutho are tnw building eom,maniam, TheParty is. a agrnbol of reoolutionargcrntinui,tg and the people's eonfidencein themselves." (Emphasis ailded.)

Castro's evaluation of Nikita Ser-geyevieh Khrushchev, the leader of thisso-called "CommuRist" Perty which isbuilding "communism" in a singlecountry, is full of warmth and admir-ation. "f havb full right to evaluateand admire this man, who combines inone person so many splendid qualities:intellect, excellent character, kindnessand strength - the qualities whichmake him a great leader. And the moreI know Comrade Nikita Sergeyevich,the more time I spend with him, theJnore warrner grow my feelings forhim, the more f admire him, the high-er is my opinion of him as I rnan.t'(Castro on Moscow TV, Jan. 21.)Fidel Castro's words supply theirown cornmentary. Those who want- thefull text of his interview on MoscowTV, as well as the Joint Communiqu6,can find these in the supplement in theMoscow Nerae, January 26, 1961.For soeialists who saw in Gastrt'rmilitant stand a revolutionary commu-nist leadership or sbme reasoneble fac-simile thereof, the recent swing to theright must come as a surprise and evena shock. Castro's perceptible yieldingto Soviet ecorlomie pressure, while per-haps mistakenly understandable froinone point of view (that of building thenational economy), is inexcuseble fromanother (that of the international pto-letarian revolution), and in fact stra-tegically defeats the former. It is onlyon the basis of the prolctarian revolu-tion in the advanced countries that theCuban economy can develop to its full(Continued on Page 15)SUBSCRIBE'TO THE

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