Spanish American elementary education 1950–1992: Bureaucracy, growth and decentralization

Pergamon Int. J. Educational Development, Vol. 15, No. 2, pp. 103-114, 1995

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S P A N I S H A M E R I C A N E L E M E N T A R Y E D U C A T I O N 1950-1992:

B U R E A U C R A C Y , G R O W T H A N D D E C E N T R A L I Z A T I O N

CARLOS NEWLAND*

Universidad Carlos III de Madrid, Calle Madrid 126, (28903) Getafe, Spain

Abstract - - The purpose of this article is to trace the evolution of elementary education in Spanish America during the last four decades, by way of a broad analysis that allows the principal problems to be placed in their historical context. Given the wide scope of the subject, this account is necessarily schematic and general, putting more emphasis on that which the countries have in common than on their differences. Among the questions dealt with is the changing direction of educational policies, the most representative features of the administrative bodies, and the development of schools and teachers. Finally, the quantitative evolution is analyzed through statistics covering such matters as literacy, enrolment and repetition.

INTRODUCTION

It is common to hear alarmist statements on the state of education in Spanish America. These pessimistic views point to failings and the lack of resources, suggesting the possibility of a continuing decline. Nevertheless, these judgments are rarely made in the framework of a long-term view which might enable them to be properly evaluated. The purpose of this article is to trace the evolution of elementary education in the region during the last four decades and to allow the principal problems to be placed in their historical context. The different cultural and colonial heritages of countries in Latin America have caused the educational institutions to develop differently. In order to contain the scope of the paper and to focus on the problems faced by Spanish-speaking countries, the article excludes countries of other colonial backgrounds. The account is necessarily schematic and general, putting more emphasis on that which the region has in common than on its differences. Among the questions dealt with are the changing direction of educational policies, the most representative features of the administrative bodies, and the development of schools and teachers. Finally,

*Translation by Roger Pike. I am grateful to Guillermo Conconi, James Simpson and various referees for their useful comments. The CONICET (Argentina) provided financial support for the research.

the quantitative evolution is analyzed through statistics covering such matters as literacy, enrolment and repetition.

THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEMS

Among the most outstanding characteristics of the Spanish American educational systems during this century is the high degree of centralization. This fact is explained by a variety of historical causes (Newland, 1994). In the first place, the concentration of the educational supply was the result of the liberal reformist and positivist ideas that held sway at the end of the last century, and which displayed a pro- found distrust of local power, be it provincial, municipal or family-based. As a consequence it was determined that all decisions relating to educational matters should be taken by suitably qualified civil servants, and that the teaching institutions throughout the land should fall under their control. In addition, governmental power tended to be very concentrated, generally in the white, urban sections of the population; the native Americans in general did not vote. This resulted in the educational agenda and policies being biased towards the needs and tastes of the dominant groups in society. A further factor which favoured this concentration was the structure of public financing which, at least until the 1930s, depended principally on taxes levied on foreign trade. These funds were concentrated in the hands of national or federal powers rather than lesser administrative

103

104 CARLOS NEWLAND

areas, encouraging the creation of institutions dependent on the executive power.

By 1950 primary schools in virtually all the Spanish-speaking countries of Latin America were administered and controlled through a similar structure. At the highest level was the Ministry of Education or Public Instruction. Immediately below was an Education Coun- cil, a collegiate body solely responsible for primary schools; its members were almost always chosen by the executive and were never freely elected, as in the U.S.A. The Council, following the guidelines laid down by the Ministry, administered all the public schools. That included a range of tasks: setting the curriculum, supplying teaching materials, and building schools as well as the training, se- lection, appointment and transfer of teachers. The school bureaucracy was in turn sub-divided into smaller intermediate bodies, at provincial or regional level.

The trend towards centralization has been so marked that even in federal countries such as Argentina, M6xico and Venezuela-- where the constitution implied that schooling was a matter for the provinces - - the State created its own bureaucracy and institutions which imposed themselves over the local ones. To this end the Mexican Education Secretary set up some 30 delegations throughout the country. There the increase in the importance of the federal schools has continued: in 1970 they accounted for 64°/'0 of the total whilst in 1980 the figure had increased to 72%. In Argentina during the sixties the national Government administered around 60% of the Education budget and in 1970 absorbed 33% of public students, the rest belonging to provincial schools. In Venezuela both state and municipal schools have been in the minority. Also, the share in education spending of these schools is low and has fallen over time, from 24% in 1965 to 15% in 1970 and 6% in 1980.1

PROBLEMS OF SIZE

Towards the middle of this century the educational systems took care of millions of children (around 10% of the Spanish Ameri- can population), giving work to hundreds of thousands of teachers. The resources consumed by education can help to give an idea of its importance. While in 1960 the region dedicated nearly 2.5% of GDP to education, this share

increased to 3.4% by 1980. Around one-sixth of national budgets was given over to teaching, a proportion which remained fairly stable over time. Out of the total education spending, around 50% went to elementary teaching. 2 Given these numbers, it is no surprise that the school bureaucracies were so immense, and that their administration was so complex and difficult.

A UNESCO report from the mid-seventies was already pointing out the most visible problems of the structure that had emerged (UNESCO, 1977). On the one hand, the programmes devised by the educational bodies were too uniform, aod failed to respect regional and rural differences, giving priority to the needs of city schools. On the other hand, the bureaucratization discouraged teaching innova- tion and prevented parents taking part in basic education decisions. Finally, the bureaucracies would perpetuate themselves according to their own standards and values. Many subsequent studies have tended to confirm these findings. A study carried out on more than one thousand Latin American schools has concluded that, although there always seems to be a lack of resources in education, this is aggravated by serious internal inefficiencies (de Moura Castro, 1980). In many establishments there are too many teachers-- as many as twice the necessary number - - owing to a very high absenteeism rate and a laxness in the authorization of leaves of absence, which make it necessary to have numerous substitute teachers. The bigger the school, the greater the inefficiencies. In Costa Rica the absenteeism rates reached 17% (Muelle L6pez, 1984, p. 181), while in the schools of the city of Buenos Aires around 20% of teachers were found not to be at their designated posts (CEPAE, 1989, p. 7). In Venezuela the rigidity of the system was such that the same curriculum was used between 1944 and 1969, applied equally throughout the country without establishing differences for the regions or rural areas. In that country an order for materials or the appointment of a new teacher could take 12 months to be carried out (Hanson, 1984, p. 126).

Far from being neutral bodies adapting easily to education policies, clear pressure groups are at work within the school bureaucracies. The largest, without doubt, is that formed by the teachers themselves, who can represent between 35% and 50% of public employees.

SPANISH AMERICAN ELEMENTARY EDUCATION 1950-1992 105

Their power is based on the high level of unionization, which allows them to pressure the ministries and governments acting as their main customers. In M6xico the teachers' union, the Sindicato Nacional de los Trabajadores de la Educaci6n, has over half a million members, and has managed to penetrate into the very structure of the Secretariat of Public Education. Its representatives or collaborators react quickly when decisions are taken which might affect their interests (McGinn and Street, 1982). In Central America, teachers' leaders have been conservative in their actions, op- posing all change that might threaten their power (Louri6, 1985). It is because of the danger of losing strength at national level that teacher groups, in countries such as Bolivia and Mexico, have opposed the proposals for decentralization, since this would have a splintering effect by creating smaller school administrative areas (Cassasus, 1990, p. 9). Another pressure group seems to be formed by the middle classes, who manage to ensure that priority is given to urban areas instead of the poorest regions. There, private education is replaced by public schools, leaving unattended the regions most in need.

In all the countries the teachers have obtained legislation - - mostly achieved in the fif- ties - - that regulate their careers and determine security of tenure. These regulations were won by invoking valid reasoning relating to inde- pendence from whichever political party was in power, and a higher degree of objective criteria based on merit to determine promotion. The effects have not all been positive, however, since it has made the teachers independent from the communities in which they carry out their work. The bureaucratic framework tolerates the high absenteeism referred to above, and the security of tenure makes it practically impossible to remove incompetent teachers. In addition the major factor in the grading and promotion systems has ended being merely length of service, obtained automatically, and not ability or performance (Lorenzo, 1969, p. 317).

PLANNING AND DECENTRALIZATION

The development of educational systems was not only affected by internal inefficiencies, pressure groups and over-centralization, but also by their fast and uncontrolled growth. The governments only slowly became aware of

this problem and from the sixties onwards made continual efforts to rationalize the educational supply. Within a framework in which the merits of centralization were still not doubted, planning offices were created in nearly all the Minis- tries, charged with redrawing future growth and adjusting it to regional demographic changes. 3 There also appeared 3- or 5-year development plans, which aimed to delimit school growth within a general socioeconomic framework.

However, this attempt at rationalization did not in the end bring any structural changes, partly because any serious planning made it impossible for the politicians to see to the desires of their clientele, who would not receive priority with the use of objective indicators. In time criticism grew, and proposals for change multiplied. Perhaps the most radical thinker in this respect was Ivan Illich (1981), who not only criticised the educational systems for inefficien- cy, but actually doubted the very benefit of the services which they provided. He argued that school was a ritualistic and mythical mechanism which had little value to the pupils. IUich proposed an extreme decentralization based on education vouchers for each individual or family which could be used on the type of education desired, whether it was institutionalized or not. Although nothing ever came of this proposal, the governments did carry out some reforms aimed at encouraging a greater diversification. The most common was that of regionalization, a strategy which looked to relate curriculum contents to the folkloric, historical, geographi- cal and economic peculiarities existing within nations. Among the countries carrying out this type of programme was Argentina, Colombia, Costa Rica, Chile, Ecuador, M6xico, Nica- ragua, Panam~i, Pert1 and Venezuela. 4 The regionalization also incorporated measures to decentralize the administration, in the belief that smaller administration units would be more manageable. In some cases that has involved the transfer of schools to smaller political bodies, such as states or municipalities. In Argentina this process began in the sixties, with the transfer of some of the national schools to the provinces in which they were situated. The process was completed in 1979, when the National Education Council was dissolved and replaced by an advisory federal body, with no direct power over the schools. In Colombia, where there already existed a degree of regional autonomy, local education funds were created:

106 CARLOS NEWLAND

in this case the spending was decentralized without transferring the effective control of these funds to the individual states. Venezuela would also see the creation of regional offices to decentralize the work of the central ministry (Hanson, 1983, 1984).

The main experience of handing responsibility to the municipalities has taken place in Chile. The process began in 1980 and by 1982 some 84% of state-funded schools had been transferred to the counties. The teaching staff was no longer part of the bureaucracy, and became subject to the same labour laws as the private sector (Nufiez, 1983; Prieto Batalluy, 1989). Another country that since 1989 has been passing responsibility to the municipalities is Colombia, where a greater participation is sought on the part of the mayors over such matters as the administration of buildings, and other administrative and financial affairs of the schools. Additionally, the Mexican Government announced in 1992 an ambitious programme for administrative decentralization. In the first instance federal schools will be transferred to the states, which would then look to further involve the municipalities in school matters. Finally, at state, municipal and school level, councils will be created comprising parent, teacher and pupil representatives, thus increasing the level of social participation.

Nuclearization is another attempt to encourage decentralized education units which at the same time are linked among themselves. The experiment has been carried out in rural districts of Bolivia, Ecuador, Honduras, Nicaragua and Perli. It basically consists of a small network of schools, with a well-equipped central establishment acting as the nucleus on which its satellite schools depend. Within this framework, a better integration with the community is sought, together with a respect for local values and a certain autonomy in administration. In Perti these networks are run by a local council made up of teachers, parents and representatives of the political authority. A further experiment in participation has been attempted in Nicaragua, where an assessing council was created in each school, in which members of the community can discuss matters related to the establishment's activities.

Another area in which progress towards the acceptance of cultural diversity has been noted has been that of respect for the indigenous

culture. Traditionally the education systems had tried to eradicate non-Hispanic languages and customs through the educational establishments, despite the fact that the non-Spanish speaking or bilingual native population formed a large part of the inhabitants in certain countries. At present there are some 30 million Indians in Spanish America, forming around 60% of the populations of Guatemala and Bolivia, more than a third of Ecuadorians or Peruvians, and 12% of Mexicans. Of these, a significant proportion are either monolingual or imperfectly bilingual.

It was during the decades of the sixties and seventies that experiments were initiated in the teaching of vernacular languages, frequently through private institutions. To these were added other positive measures: in Paraguay, from 1971 the Guarani language was included at the elementary level, and was later taught in the first three grades; in Per~, in 1972 the prohibition on the aboriginal language in education was lifted. Only towards the end of the eighties, however, have the public systems started specific programmes in any intensive way, including the production of suitable didactic material. Three factors have combined to produce this change of attitude: firstly, a degree of acceptance of the telluric cultures and of their right to be respected. Sec- ondly, a recognition that such a measure could eventually facilitate the learning of Spanish. The third factor was the extension of the vote to the Indians. Soon a variety of organizations sprang up to care for this population and to promote actions for bilingual education in countries such as Ecuador, Perft, Guatemala, M6xico and Bolivia. In Bolivia the teaching of Quechua or Aymar~i has been obligatory since 1983. In Perti in that same year it was established that in the communities where Spanish was not the first language, children would start their education in their own language, after which there would be a gradual progression towards teaching in Spanish. In Ecuador the first bilingual schools were created in 1982, and 2 years later these numbered some 300. It was determined that in areas where Indians were in the majority, Spanish should be learned as a second language. In Guatemala a programme of bilingual education has been started, aimed at ethnic rural groups, while in Nicaragua the same has been done for the Indian population of the Atlantic Coast. Finally, a country which


stands out in this respect is M6xico, where a section of the pr imary system has been transferred to indigenous control, and there are now about 30.000 bilingual teachers, communicat ing in some 30 different languages. 5

S C H O O L S A N D T E A C H E R S

Spanish American pr imary schools are not homogeneous institutions and present a certain heterogeneity both within and between countries. On one side, relatively well-equipped public schools do exist, commonly found in the most developed centres of population. In cities such as Buenos Aires a number of these teach pupils for a full day, providing them with lunch and additional activities such as computing. By their side exist schools with a half-day p rogramme, which provide an infe- rior service. Urban schools generally offer a pr imary education for some 6 or more years. As one goes further out into the rural areas, incomplete schools become more common (and can come to represent , in some countries, up to 75'!/o of the total of rural schools), frequently with one sole teacher, and classes consisting of children of all ages and levels. 6

While the number of school children has grown notably over the last few decades, the average number of pupils per teacher has dropped f rom 35 in 1960 to 31 in 1985, which has allowed smaller classes (see Table 1). This statistic has not followed a uniform pattern. While the situation has improved in some countries, such as Chile, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador , M6xico, Panam~i, Uruguay and Venezuela, in others the pupi l - teacher ratio has tended to increase. That has been the case in Costa Rica, Guatemala , Honduras and E1 Salvador, where the expansion of the enrolment has taken place partly at the cost of the number of pupils in each classroom. This does not necessarily imply a drop in teaching standards, since reducing the size of the classes does not always improve pedagogical results.

The majority of teachers in the region have always been women. While in 1950 the proport ion of women teachers was in the order of 65%, by 1960 this had increased to 75% (see Table 2). In some countries, such as Ar- gentina, Cuba and Paraguay, female teachers even came to form over 90% of the total. The prevalence of women can be explained both b~ the low salaries paid and by t ime-tables

Table 1. Student/teacher ratio in Spanish America

1960 1985

Argentina 22 20 Bolivia 27 25 Colombia 27 29 Costa Rica 24 32 Cuba 37 13 Chile 41 31 Ecuador 39 33 E1 Salvador 37 42 Guatemala 31 35 Honduras 32 39 M6xico 44 33 Nicaragua 31 32 Panamfi 31 22 Paraguay 28 25 Pertl 34 35 Rep. Dominicana 57 46 Uruguay 31 22 Venezuela 37 26 Spanish America 35 31

Sources: UNESCO (1977), UNESCO (1991), Wilkie (1990).

allowing teaching to be combined with domes- tic duties. Nevertheless, this tendency seems to have been reversed, at least in part , since by 1985 the propor t ion of women had reduced to 72%. Among the causes of this trend could be the fact that a career which was not generally considered attractive to men, became more so

Table 2. Proportion of female teachers in Spanish America

1960 1985

Argentina 91 93 Bolivia 65 48 Colombia 77 79 Cuba 90 78 Chile 72 72 Ecuador 65 65 El Salvador 75 66 Honduras 74 74 M6xico 58 62 Nicaragua 79 84 Paraguay 93 70 Pertl 65 60 Rep. Dominicana 73 66 Venezuela 81 83 Spanish America 75 72

Note: The total for Spanish America is based on the countries included in the table. In the second column the proportion for Bolivia corresponds to 1980 and that for Paraguay corresponds to 1981. Sources: UNESCO (1977), UNESCO (1991).

108 CARLOS NEWLAND

Table 3. Proportion of certified teachers in Spanish America

1950 1970 1985

Argentina 88 100 100 Bolivia 53 79 Colombia 42 55 71 Costa Rica 95 100? Cuba 74 84 Chile 80 88 Ecuador 67 85 El Salvador 53 85 97 Guatemala 38 67 Honduras 61 72 90 Mrxico 40 79 Nicaragua 41 74 75 Panam~t 43 95 100? Paraguay 85 Pertl 56 58 Rep. Dominicana 19 41 Venezuela 89 Spanish America 65 77 83

Sources: Godoy Urrutia (1952), Dagnino Pastore (1978), Schiefelbein (1989), UNESCO (1977), UNESCO (1989).

in times of economic crisis, both for the stability of school positions, and, in some cases, by the fact that the salaries were not that low in comparison to other employment. Countries in which in 1985 men formed about a third or more of the teaching population were Bolivia, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Mrxico and Perti.

In respect to teacher training, there has been a continuation of the tendency of the first half of the century, which saw an increased number of teachers passing through Normal Schools. Around 1950 the proportion of teachers hold- ing degrees was 65% for Spanish America as a whole, a figure which would increase to 77% and 83% in 1970 and 1985, respectively (see Table 3). Not only did a greater number give up practical training, but the duration of teaching studies increased. Traditionally the teachers had undertaken a specialized secondary level course, but since the end of the sixties some countries passed their teachers on to the tertiary level, as was the case first in Chile, and later in Argentina and Paraguay.

In the realm of pedagogical theory, the principles of the New School, which had spread through the region in the first half of the century, have continued to be applied. This current of pedagogic thought ceased to look at the pupil as a passive subject, instead encouraging

a more active role within a general climate of freedom. The teacher had to abandon a central role and become an inciter of knowledge, by stimulating the pupils' curiosity and their natural desire to learn. Since the mid-seventies, Colombia has stood out for its efforts to spread the New School thinking through its rural schools (Colbert de Arboleda, 1991). Results indicate that pupils of these schools, in which a flexible system of promotion is applied, have achieved higher performance than the rest. Nevertheless, in general, the teaching situation is not ideal, since it remains common for teachers to use authoritarian methods, based on memory, routine and repetition. This is worse in rural areas, where the largest number of practice-trained teachers is found.

Another pedagogic influence in the region is that of the Brazilian Paulo Freire (1975), who maintains that the education process should be sensitive to the social situation of the pupils. This would aid the learning process, by making it more relevant to the life of the student, and at the same time help acquire a critical awareness which would allow him or her to make the necessary transformations.

THE PRIVATE SECTOR

The importance of private primary schools has remained constant over time, catering for a relatively small proportion of pupils, some 12% of the total (see Table 4). That implies that the sector has grown at the same rate as the public schools, and therefore the absolute increase has been significant. This fact should be contrasted with a world tendency for fewer private schools, given the impossibility for the fee charging schools to compete with the free, state schools (Tan, 1985, p. 114).

The national differences with respect to the private sector are not insignificant and in some countries its importance has increased considerably. In Argentina 8.5% were privately educated in 1954, while by 1987 this figure had risen to 20%. Chile, the country with the highest proportion of children in private schools around mid-century (one-third), saw the figure reduce to stand at 20% in 1980. Nevertheless, since then it has grown rapidly again and by 1987 had recovered the lost ground. Other nations which show an increasing tendency are the Dominican Republic, El Salvador and Paraguay. Again, in some places its importance

SPANISH AMERICAN ELEMENTARY EDUCATION 1950-1992

Table 4. Proportion (%) of students in private schools in Spanish America

109

1954 1960 1970 1980 1987

Argentina 8.5 10.7 14.8 18.0 18.9 Bolivia 22.5 15.8 8.8 8.0 Colombia 11.0 15.3 13.4 14.5 13.6 Costa Rica 5.1 4.5 3.5 2.6 4.0 Cuba 14.8 10.1 - - - - - - Chile 33.3 30.6 22.7 20.2 35.3 Ecuador 19.3 20.6 17.9 15.9 17.0 El Salvador 5.6 4.7 4.6 7.2 11.4 Guatemala 17.9 18.8 15.5 14.2 14.1 Honduras 7.8 6.3 5.3 4.7 Mdxico 7.8 7.5 7.8 4.9 5.5 Nicaragua 11.8 12.4 15.1 11.8 13.0 Panam~t 5.7 6.7 5.4 6.3 7.9 Paraguay 8.0 12.9 14.5 13.6 Pertl 13.4 14.5 14.5 13.1 14.4 Rep. Dominicana 4.7 4.0 11.6 17.8 19.0 Uruguay 20.0 22.7 16.4 15.2 Venezuela 14.4 12.4 12.2 1 I. 1 11.7 Spanish America 12.0 13.3 11.9 10.3 11.9

Sources: Organizaci6n de Estados Iberoamericanos para la Educaci6n, la Ciencia y la Cultura (1992), Padua (1979), UNESCO (1960), WCEFA (1990).

has decreased or even disappeared: while in Cuba the private sector absorbed almost 15% of pupils in 1954, by 1961 it was non-existent, since all schools were nationalized in the wake of the revolution. Bolivia and Uruguay have also seen fairly significant falls. One country with a population large enough to affect the overall figures for the region, M6xico, has also experienced a reduction f rom 7.8% in 1954 to 5.5% in 1987.

The type of private school is heterogeneous. For example, the urban areas are host to sophisticated bilingual establishments, which add the teaching of English and other optional subjects to the Spanish curriculum (religion, computing, sports and further languages). In countries of high immigration foreign communities have also formed their own schools to preserve their language and culture, whether it be Italian, English, Jewish, French or German. Many pupils f rom families not belonging to those immigrant communit ies also at tend these institutions.

One section of the private schools distinguishes itself by the teaching of religion. In this respect the schools founded by religious associations or orders such as Marists, Lasallans, Escolapios and Jesuits, or the Dominican, Franciscan,

Augustine and Mercy Sisters stand out. To these should be added various congregations of local origin. Over the last few decades these establishments have declined because of the lack in numbers entering religious institutions. In their schools the number of lay teachers is increasingly more significant, and many associations have been forced to either abandon or transfer their establishments.

Although in general it can be said that children in the private sector belong to a higher socio-economic level than those in public schools, the accusation that it is for the most part elitist is unjustified. A proport ion of their pupils do indeed belong to the bet ter-off classes, but they also cater for children from the middle and lower classes. In M6xico the profile of pupils from private schools is largely similar to that of urban public schools (Mufioz Izquierdo, 1981, p. 117). In Colombia all the social classes at tend private schools, although the percentage does increase in line with income (Jallade, 1988, p. 99). It is the religious institutions that seem to have the higher proport ion of pupils from humble backgrounds. In 1975, in countries such as Bolivia, M6xico, Perti and Venezuela, half the children attending this type of school were sons of

110 CARLOS NEWLAND

technicians, craftspeople, manual workers or peasants (Mufioz Izquierdo and Hern~ndez Medina, 1978, p. 262).

During the first half of the 20th century virtually none of the states gave financial support to the private institutions, which had to survive on the fees charged. One of the few exceptions has been the example of Chile where there was a fixed public contribution to most private schools. This situation has started to change from the seventies onwards, with an increase in the support for private schools. There have been a number of arguments to justify the change in policy. On the one hand, it has been pointed out that subsidies to these schools encourage cultural pluralism, since their curricula are wider and more heterogeneous. In addition, it has been suggested that the private institutions are more efficient and flexible, adapt quicker to social change, and are less expensive and bureaucratic. 7 In Argentina at the end of the 1960s, a system of subsidies was established by which part or all of the teachers' salaries would be paid, depending on the fees charged; the subsidy is total if the school is free. In Ecuador, from 1965 the state assisted private institutions for an amount equivalent to a part of the cost of the state education. Since 1970 in Colombia, economic support has been given to private schools in exchange for their providing free places for a percentage of their pupils.

Venezuela established a scheme in 1976 where the subsidy depends on the financial needs of the institution and the type of pupil who attends it. In Chile the same subsidy is given to non-fee-paying private schools as to the municipal schools. Although other countries have not often set up general systems of support, they have subsidized specific institutions. This has been the case for the Catholic Fe y Alegria schools for poor children, which have received state help in Bolivia, Colombia and Pertl.

LITERACY AND ENROLMENT

In the course of the last half century literacy has grown steadily in Spanish America, where it has reached 87% in 1990 from 64% in 1950 (see Table 5). Nearly every decade saw an increase of around 6% in those who could read and write for the region as a whole. The growth did not slow in the eighties, despite the generalized economic crisis. The countries which traditionally have high literacy rates are Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Panam~i and Uruguay. All these have experienced a growth in reading and writing which has seemed to come to a halt on reaching a rate of around 95%. The countries with lower literacy levels, such as Bolivia, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Perti and E1 Salvador, all have large indigenous populations, with the

Table 5. Adult literacy in Spanish America

1950 1960 1970 1980 1990

Argentina 88 92 94 94 95 Bolivia 31 39 40 65 77 Colombia 73 73 78 85 87 Costa Rica 79 84 89 89 93 Cuba 80 96 96 96 96 Chile 79 84 88 91 93 Ecuador 56 67 72 80 86 El Salvador 40 49 58 61 73 Guatemala 28 38 45 46 55 Honduras 35 47 57 60 73 M6xico 56 62 76 84 87 Nicaragua 38 50 58 68 Panam~ 72 77 78 85 88 Paraguay 68 74 80 80 90 Perti 47 61 68 82 85 Rep. Dominicana 43 64 67 71 83 Uruguay 86 90 94 94 96 Venezuela 53 63 76 82 88 Spanish America 64 70 77 83 87

Sources: Banco Mundial (1992), Newland (1994), Padua (1979), Organizaci6n de Estados Iberoamericanos para la Educaci6n (1992).

SPANISH AMERICAN ELEMENTARY EDUCATION 1950--1992 111

problems of monolingualism or bilingualism. In spite of this, they have seen their literacy rates grow remarkably, to over 70% in 1990, bringing them closer to the more developed nations. In most cases the starting point has been low, thus allowing a much faster growth than the average of the region as a whole. The most notable cases have been Bolivia (46% increase between 1950 and 1990), the Dominican Republic (40%), Per6 and Honduras (38%), Venezuela (35%), El Salvador (33%) and M6xico (31%). Little by little illiteracy has become concentrated in older people and in rural areas. In the 1980s an important success was achieved: for the first time the absolute number of illiterates has begun to decline.

The individual countries do not present a homogeneous picture with respect to illiteracy, with large regional disparities being noted. In Argentina, for example, the illiteracy rate was 6% in 1970, yet in some provinces such as Chaco it reached 20%. Greater differences can be found in Colombia, where illiteracy was 7% in Bogota but 45% in the Choc6. In M6xico it ranged from 9% in the Federal District to 45% in the state of Guerrero. Big differences are evi- dent between indigenous and non-indigenous populations. In Guatemala in 1973 illiteracy rates among Indians, representing 45% of the population, was 76%, compared to 34% for the rest of the population. In Panam~i, with a much smaller native population (5%), 21% of inhabitants were illiterate in 1970, but the figure for the aboriginals was 79%.s

An international comparison (Tanguiane, 1990), shows that Spanish America - - with a literacy rate of 87% in 1990 - - is clearly ahead of the world average of 73%. Although this lead is not recent, it is widening: in 1950 the rate for the region was 64% against 56% for the world as a whole. When the comparison is made with other developing countries, the differences are even more marked; in 1990 the rate in Southern Asia was 46%, in non-Arabic Africa 47%, and in East Asia, 76%. Some Lat- in American countries even surpassed certain developed countries.

What are the reasons for the growing literacy in the region? One of the principal causes that should be mentioned is the significant migration to the cities, since the resulting demographic concentration has made the pro- vision of education simpler and enrolment easier. In Latin America the proportion of

people living in towns or cities of more than 2000 inhabitants has advanced from 41% in 1950 and 58% in 1970 to 71% in 1990. Other factors related to the increase in literacy are the higher per capita income, which had doubled over the period in question, and the growth in the secondary and tertiary sectors of the economy, with its higher demand for literate workers than the primary activities. Urban life has proved the great leveller of the differences between the sexes, since only in the rural population does male literacy tend to be significantly higher than female. This equalizing process is especially marked in the younger generations, among which female literacy can surpass that of males.

The increase in the ability to read and write was accompanied by a similar increase in school attendance. Taking 6 years as a typical primary school attendance, the gross figure for 1950 was 65%; that proportion increased considerably up to 1975, when it went above 100%, implying that a great part of the children went through school in 5-6 years (see Table 6). The increase continued - - albeit at a slower rate - - during the eighties. This statistic once again compares the region favorably with the rest of the world. The gross rates are similar to those of developed countries, and far above those of Africa and Asia. Those Spanish American countries with high literacy rates not surprisingly record high enrolment figures, whilst the opposite can be said for the lesser developed countries. In this aspect also there is a tendency for a levelling out of the differences, and in 1985 only El Salvador and Guatemala stood out as having a low proportion of children at school.

The gross figure for school enrolment has a severe limitation in that it includes all the children in the school, ignoring factors such as repetition and late registration. The net figure partly corrects this defect, in taking into account only those pupils theoretically of primary level age (6-11 or 7-12). In 1960 the net rate for the region was 65% (gross rate: 85%), while by 1985 it had risen to 90%, which indicates that the total attendance is not far off that figure. The countries that achieved high net rates are Argentina, Cuba (which appears to have obtained very high levels in the first years of the revolution) and Uruguay.

The differences between the gross and net figures highlight the problem of repetition. As an average, the time that pupils have

112 CARLOS NEWLAND

Table 6. Gross and net enrolment rates in Spanish America (net rates in parenthesis)

1950 1960 1975 1985

Argentina 84 114 (91) 127 (96) 108 (100) Bolivia 45 61 (46) 85 (73) 89 (78) Colombia 46 62 (48) 88 (65) 117 (87) Costa Rica 80 91 (74) 109 (92) 101 (89) Cuba 75 107 (95) 124 (95) 109 (96) Chile 95 107,~(79) 115 (94) 107 (93) Ecuador 69 83 (66) 102 (78) 111 (85) E! Salvador 48 76 (52) (62) 73 (66) Guatemala 35 43 (32) 63 (53) 77 (59) Honduras 34 65 (50) 88 (67) 104 (79) M6xico 60 80 (58) 113 (90) 115 (97) Nicaragua 38 62 (43) 82 (65) 104 (73) Panama 89 92 (68) 114 (87) 105 (89) Paraguay 57 98 (70) 102 (83) 102 (86) Perti 86 86 (57) 116 (80) 122 (94) Rep. Dominicana 59 93 (67) 108 124 (68) Uruguay 90 111 (90) 107 103 (97) Venezuela 69 95 (69) 95 (81) 109 (87) Spanish America 65 85 (64) 106 (82) 110 (90)

Note: The enrolment rates correspond to primary schools of 6 years. The magnitudes are very tentative, especially those for 1950 and the totals. Sources: Jallade (1988), Newland (1994), Schiefeibein (1988), UNESCO (1977), UNESCO (1989), Wilkie (1990).

required to pass a grade has been 1.3 years in Venezuela, 1.6 in Bolivia and 1.8 in Gua temala (Schiefelbein, 1988). It is especially common in the early grades: according to one estimate the official figures understate the real ones and at the end of the first year of school nearly half the children would repeat the year (Schiefelbein, 1989, p. 13). A m o n g the causes of this phenomenon can be mentioned: (1) shortcomings in the methods used by the teachers; (2) learning difficulties of pupils f rom rural or native areas; (3) the inclusion in school of new social groups which have no family-based or social incentives to learn; (4) education systems which are too uniform and do not allow a special t rea tment for less favoured children, in which repetition is the only way of catching up; (5) the absenteeism of both staff and pupils, effectively limiting the number of hours actually taught throughout the year. Although repetit ion can have the vir- tue of spending more resources on children with difficulties, it can also have considerable negative effects on childrens' self-esteem, creating an inferiority complex which may be difficult to overcome. The magnitude of the problem led the authorities in some countries, such as Costa Rica, Chile and Venezuela, to introduce automatic promot ion during the seventies.

A further problem affecting enrolment is that of desertion which is apparently more serious than in other continents. A survey of the region shows that in 1970 only 69% of pupils reached fourth grade; the figure for 1985 was 78% (Banco Mundial, 1992, p. 276). The phenomenon is higher in rural areas than in the cities, although the difference is not as great as might be expected.

C O N C L U S I O N S

Having covered the main aspects of Spanish Amer ican education, a balance of the events of the last four decades can be sketched out. On the positive side it should first be pointed out that education statistics show a marked improvement over the period. Literacy is now nearly 90% and practically all children go through school during some years of their life. Secondly, governments have made efforts to democratize the systems by increasing the mechanisms for participation, and bringing the schools closer to local communities. Among the measures which encourage a greater plurality are the promot ion of bilingual schools for native Americans and the economic support for private institutions, permitt ing families of


modest means to opt for this sector if they so wish.

On the negative side it should be noted that a large proportion of students repeat grades or leave school before completing the primary stage. To that should be added the excessive centralization and bureaucratization, which continue to exist in spite of the reforms undertaken, affecting the efficiency of the systems. The proposed solutions do not appear to be easy to apply in practice. Although decentralization can relieve those problems, it does not eliminate them. A greater public participation in school decisions could also bring positive results, although if the teachers' careers continue to be regulated as at present, all possibility of popular control vanishes. At the same time the municipalization of schools, a proposal which is gaining more and more acceptance, could end up damaging the poorer areas if it is not combined with mechanisms for regional compensation. Finally privatization, in other words the state subsidizing rather than producing education, could improve efficiency, but such a system does not still seem to be acceptable either to the public teachers or to a large part of the political representatives.

NOTES

1. See detailed figures on spending and enrolment shares in Arizmendi Posada et al. (1976).

2. See figures on the proportion of GNP and the Government Budget spent in education by country in Mufioz Izquierdo et al. (1978), UNESCO (1977) and WCEFA (1990).

3. On educational planning in the region, see Ayzanoa del Carpio (1984), Bustos (1991) and Moncada (1982).

4 See the monographic issues dedicated to regionalization of La educaciOn. Revista interamericana de desarrollo educativo: 25 (1981) and 26 (1982).

5 On this subject, see Amadio (1990) and Corval~n (1985).

6 On rural education, see Alais (1985).

7. On private education, see Jimenez et al. (1991) and Tedcsco (1992).

8. For intra-country literacy rates, see Organizaci6n de Estados Americanos (1979).

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Documents

Spanish American elementary education 1950–1992: Bureaucracy, growth and decentralization