SOUTH PLACE ETHICAL SOCIETYCONWAY HALL, RED LION SQUARE, LONDON, W.C.1.

THE

MONTHLY RECORDJULY, 1939

SUND.AV MORNINGS AT ELEVEN

June 25. -NIORITZ J. BONN, D.Sc. -Space for living (I,ebensraucnt)pinPianoforte Solos:- la) Romance in V sharp Schumann

(h) Prelude in D flat ..MR WILLIAM BUSCH•

Hymns: No,. 45 and 208

July 2.—S. K. RATCLIFFE.—Original Sin.Bass Solo: Sea Fever-

:i —

hthn IrelandMR. G. C. 10WMAN

Soprano Solo: Shepherd's Song-

ElgarMISS 111:131: SiMPSON

Hymn.: Nos, 50 and 115

July 9.—JOHN KATZ, B.A.—Freud, Jung and the Reality of Religion.First two movements of Sonata in G major for Violin and Piano-

forte •I. Allegro Vi‘aee. H. Allegretto Tranquillo

Mire

MR CLAN ION HARI AND MR. WII I IAM BUSCHHymn,: No.. 4 and 68

July I6—Professor SUSAN STEBBING, M.A., D.Lit. -Ideals and Illusions.Vocal Duets: tat Sweet Phyllis .. .. W. Delesch

(hi Constane • SchtiMannMISS MAIL SIMPSON AND MR. U. C. DIAS JAN

IIymn,: No. 29 and n

July 23.—S. K. RATCLIFFE.—Th• White Man in the Pacific.Pianoforte Solo, 'Iwo Nocturnes Chopin

MR. WIN LAM RU.SCII II)mn.: No,. 47 and 12

N.B. — Nest Meeting, September In.

SocierVs NIR. WILLIAM BUSCH

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DIARY FOR JULY

2 Sunday Meeting.. 11 a.m. 16 Sunday Meeting.. 11 a.m.2 Ramble (see page 20)

16 Ramble (see page 20)

3 Country Dances.. 7 p.m. 17 Country Dances .. 7 p.m.5 Ref ugees"At Home' 3 p.m. 19 Refugees' 'At Home' 3 p.m.5 General Committee 6.30 p.m. 23 Sunday Meeting.. 11 a.m.9 Sunday Meeting.. 11 a.m. 23 Ramble (see page 20)

9 Ethical Union Ram-

24 Country DanCes.. 7 p.m.

ble (see page 20)

26 Refugees"At Home' 3 p.m.10 Country Dances.. 7 p.m. 30 Ramble (see page 20)

12 Refugees"At Home' 3 p.m. 31 Country Dances.. 7 p.m.2

SERVICE AND FREEDOMSPECIAL ARTICLE BY C. DELISLE BURNS, M.A., D.LIT.Compulsory military service is believed by many in England and the

United States to be " undemocratic," but in all other countries almosteveryone believes it to be "democratic." The reasons for the two opinionsare to be found in the past history of different countries, and probably" conscription " in any country tends to confirm the established social system.whatever it is. In an oligarchic society, such as the English, conscriptiontends to support oligarchy. Our anti-demucratic school system will inevitablyaffect the form of military service which we adopt. In more democraticcountries, such as France. conscription tends to confirm the democratic in-fluence of the school system there. But the problem of conscription is onlya part of the much larger moral problem of the relation between service andfreedom.

It is generally agreed that every man ought to be free to do what hedesires, and that he ought also to desire to do only what is of some service toothers. These are moral platitudes and they do not carry us very far. Theteaching of ethics is much too often concerned only with the analysis of suchplatitudes, and most preaching is only a continuous repetition of them. Butmoral platitudes are not to be despised. They are the simple arithmetic ofthe good life. They are useful as far as they go; but they need to be thoughtout in reference to the practical problems of the community in which we live.

Clearly service and freedom are not easily combined. All forms ofcivilisation have at one stage in their development, been based upon slavery:and in one of the most brilliant periods of our own " tradition," in ancientGreece, leisure and the arts were entirely dependent upon the service of slaves.

This, indeed, has affected our educational practice and ideals. Because inancient society those who served were slaves, and only those who were notcompelled to serve were free, we have inherited the conception of a leisuredclass and a working class. In later times, when Christianity dominatedEurope, the conception of service was less crude; but Christianity did notoppose slavery, as it did not oppose the military despotism which wasprevalent in Europe in its earliest years. The great Christian teachersattempted, first, to make the ancient institutions more endurable by preach-ing benevolence to slaves and masters, to kings and their subjects. In laterages, service and even manual work were given greater moral prestige underthe influence of the monasteries. But for about a thousand years Europeansociety continued to be divided into a large class of serfs, living in a modifiedform of slavery, and a small class of free men. Into this society the practiceand ideas of the induStrial revolution introduced our present social dis-tinctions. During the past century it was seriously believed, and it may stillbe believed by some, that the great majority of men and women should nothave leisure or even freedom of choice in their occupations, and that a smallclass of men and women should be free to choose what they desire to do andfree also to do nothing, if they so desire. It is indeed possible to suppose thata leisured class may be socially useful, or at least ornamental, in providing

3

entertainment for the rest. But a community which is divided into those whoserve only because They must and those who do not serve because they neednot, is still very primitive morally. A civilised community ought not to bedivided into flower gardens and vegetable patches. Those of us, indeed, whoare no longer youthful, have given up all hopes of being either so useful as acabbage or so ornamental as a rose. And besides, under modern conditionsit is quite possible for all those who work for a living to have abundantleisure; and it ought to be possible to refuse to anyone who does no work theright to any income at all. As Rousseau said: " Rich or poor, small or great,every idler is a thief."

The practical moral problem of to-day is.how to increase the freedom ofthosc who maintain civilised life by their service in mines, factories and shipsand on railways and the roads, while we spread more widely the belief thatthe chief reason for the work one does, is its service to others and not thegain we derive from it for ourselves. No man who desires to serve others candepend entirely upon his own view of what that service entails. For thatreason no man ought to be free to refuse to perform the services which arerequired of him by his fellows, if these services are such as to maintain andpromote civilised life. On the other hand, no man and no community hasany right to demand services which degrade or limit the fundamental freedomof choice ,of its members. No civilised community ought to become like aOrison. Those in control of public policy are not prison-warders—except ina Dictatorship. It follows that any form of service required by law ultimatelydepends upon the willingness of all citizens to obey the law, in the making ofwhich they have had some part. Public policy in law or in the acts of theGovernment has a great influence upon the moral standards operative withinany community. Thus, if " your country needs you " only for war, and notfor the building of houses or the growing of food, most men will concludethat government is mainly an organisation for waging war; and they will loseall interest in public policy when there is no " crisis:" . But this is a situationwhich is morally primitive. It indicates that the majority of men and womenhave no clear conception of the best services which they can render to theitfellows. And it shows also that those in control of public policy have learntnothing since their school days about the relations between GovernmentsThe acts of such men, whose school days are now somewhat distant, affectthe lives of those who were not born when the men in power to-day corn.mitted their country to a certain line of policy. Men of twenty to-day were notborn when " the war to end war " was concluded by a peace which commitsfuture generations to still more disastrous war. Also, we in England havenow to bear the burden of a policy by which in September, 1938, the Frenchand British Governments sold into slavery the Czech people--significantlydescribed by the author of that policy as" a small and distant nation of whomwe " --presumably the inner Cabinet—" know nothing." But if public policyimmediately affects the need for services and the limitations of freedom,education, in the long run, can make fundamental changes in the relationsbetween the members of any community.. For this reason it is all the moreregrettable that the educational system in England should continue to bebased upon a division of the younger generation such that some few aretrained for leisure and the use of private wealth and the great majority forservices which are more truly compulsory than any decreed by law. Norevolution is necessary to change all this, unless it be a revolution in thedominant climate of opinion. When the whole community assumes that theright to use the services of others comes only from the rendering of servicesto these others, we shall make the next step forward in civilised life.

4

SUMMARIES OF SUNDAY MORNING LECTURESMR. W. B. CURRY, M.A., B.Sc., on "UNION NOW."

May 14, 1939

Readings from: " Union Now," by Clarence K. StreitHow are we to regain the fundamentally sound notions of the objects of

government as laid down by the American Declaration of Independ. ence,namely, to secure the life, liberty and pursuit of happiness of the citizens?To-day, our objects seem to be the exact opposite --death, slavery and thepursuit of misery.

I want to discuss this morning a book recently published, from which Itook my readings, a book which may prove to be the most important bookpublished in this generation. The idea that nationalism is the principal evilis not a new one to this audience. But Mr. Streit takes this

iidea and bringsit down to brass tacks to a quite unusual.degree, discussing i.t n great detailand contrasting it with the League of Nations. He speaks with authority, forhe was present at the discussions preceding the signing of the Treaty ofVersailles, and was, for the greater part of his working life, Genevacorrespondent of the New York Times.

His proposal is that the fifteen democracies should unite now on a basissimilar to that of the United States of America, and to that end should handover to a Federal Government certain definite powers; union citizenship,defence, customs, money, postal and communications systems, taxation, etc.That proposal may at first sight seem Utopian and scarcely worth discussingas a practical proposition now. I want to discuss with you the case for takingthe idea seriously, and to point out the uselessness of every alternative.

In an inter-dependent world, national isolation is mere foolishness. Thereis no escape from finding some way of regulating our common and over-lapping concerns. Alliances, the balance of power, reliance on the armedmight of the Sovereign State are all either demonstrably futile, or history hasproved them to be so.

Now let me deal with what Mr. Streit regards as the fundamentalweaknesses of the League of Nations. Its principal and ultimate fatal defectis that it attempts to solve international problems while maintaining nationalsovereignty. All decisions had to be unanimous since the Sovereign Statescould not agree to be overridden by majority decisions, and in addition, alldecisions, even though unanimous, were subject to the ratification of theseparate governments...This made the rate of motion extraordinarily slow.And even when a decision became law, there was no means of enforcing it,since the unit of government was the Sovereign State and not the League.There was no possibility of arresting a potential criminal on suspicion. Thus,for example. the. League of Nations was compelled to watch Italy preparingto attack Ethiopia without doing anything about it. Our choice of a unit ofgovernment in the case of the League was one of the main things which ledus astray, and this difficulty would not arise under a federal system.

There. are certain .dangers which some people envisage as a result offederal union, with which I should now like to deal. The first is that in-

dividual liberty would be endangered or lost as a result of World Government.I maintain that the individual is only free when the State loses its freedom ina larger whole. As a proof of this, we have only to think of the customs andother regulations consequent on a journey across Europe, and to rememberthat, while there is no people in Europe who would not prefer to spend moneyon social services, education, etc., rather than on armaments, none feel safeenough to do so. Moreover, it is important to remember that each individual

5

in a union of democracies acquires new rights in the other States of theUnion, which he did not possess before, while retaining all his old rights inhis own State.

To those who fear a decline in national culture, I would reply that thedivisions between people are not national but are differences of ideas whichcut across nations, and that art and science spring from an internationalsource.

On the other hand, union has certain.definite advantages, as, for instance.military and economic disarmament, while such problems as that of Danzigare soluble under no alternative system.

There are four main answers to the charge that the scheme is Utopian:the first is that there seems to be no workable alternative. Secondly, it is asolution which has been tried already with marked success in various partsof the world, notably in America and South Africa. Thirdly, the practicaldifficulties of overcoming the transition period from one system to anothershould not deter us from making the change—it would be the work of thenew Government to deal with them, as did the American Government. IfHitler had been deterred by such considerations, he would not now be inpossession of Czecho-Slovakia and Austria. There is, however, the very realimpediment that the Governments of the Totalitarian States are pledged tooppose all the ideas on which a Democratic Federal Union would be based.The answer to that is to go ahead without them. The fifteen democracies,U.S.A„ the United Kingdom, Ireland and the British self-governingDominions, France, Finland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Belgium, Hollandand Switzerland, between them could form an effective union, which wouldso increase their power and prestige and natural resources that they would beinvincible, and would become so prosperous that other nations would clamourto come in. As peoples, not as governments, they must of course be free toenter whenever they please, subject only to willingness to accept the con-stitution of the Union.

And how achieve this Union? The only way is for people to want it,and then to work for it, each with the special abilities he possesses.

D. P.

PROFESSOR G. W. KEETON, M.A., LL.D., on " THE FUTURE OF THE BRITISH COMMONWEALTH," May 21, 1939.

Readings from the report of the unofficial Conference on Inter-Commonwealth relations held in Sydney in September, 1938.

Professor Keeton said that a more epigrammatic title for this addresswould be " Five Dominions in- search of a Principle "—namely, Canada,Australia, South Afrjca, New Zealand and Great Britain. The principle, inaddition to the co-ordination of the constituent members, must justify futureassociation and the benefits arising from it, otherwise the British Common-wealth will disintegrate.

After losing half the North American continent and being in dangerof losing the rest, the Parliament of the day adopted the report of LordDurham on Canada, namely, that it should be trusted and allowed to workout its own political destiny unhindered. This was applied to other overseascommunities of settlers of European stock, which were guaranteed by thesecurity offered by the British navy. They had no external problems; there-fore no foreign policies. The frontier between Canada and the UnitedStates soon became unfortified and practically undefended. As the onlyimportant struggles of this period, the Crimean War and the Indian Mutiny,6

did not necessitate overseas assistance, there was no occasion to test theposition of the British settlements in the event of war.

After the American Civil War, partly through fear of Americanannexation, the Canadian provinces federated into the Dominion of Canadain 1867, to their great advantage. Similarly, the Australian Commonwealthwas created in 1900, partly to protect the Pacific Islands from possibleGerman encroachment. The Union of South Africa was established in 1910,eight years after the Boer War, in which overseas contingents had, for thefirst time, fought with British forces. By co-operating with the Boers, GreatBritain assured their support in future European hostilities.

Participation in the Great War increased the awareness of theDominions of European politics and an uneasiness concerning GreatBritain's association with them. At the Peace Conference, although thesignature of the King represented the whole Empire, each Dominion had aseparate delegation. The Dominions and India became original membersof the League, and three of them received Mandates. Participation in theLeague necessitated consideration of foreign policy by each of the Dominionsto an extent hitherto uncontemplated, but, since all pursued a League policy,there were no acute difficulties in Commonwealth. relations. Owing to thedestruction of Germany's military power, difficulties over common defencepolicy did not arise.

Internal changes include the limitation of the Privy Council's influence.The establishment of a tribunal for the settlement of disputes betweenmembers of the Commonwealth has been discussed. The Statute ofWestminster, 1931, emancipated the Dominions which adopted it from thelast vestiges of legislative subordination to Parliament. The Dominions arenow Sovereign States linked to this country merely by the personal tic of theCrown, whose slenderness was emphasised at the time of the abdication ofKing Edward VIII. In Ireland the Crown is merely the emblem of theSovereign Irish State in external affairs.

Further changes can be seen in the adoption of national flags by someof the Dominions, discussions concerning the right to secession, and toremain neutral in a European war, and in a national attitude towards defenceproblems. In each Dominion there are those who favour being regarded asa separate unit for defence purposes and those who think that the defenceof the Commonwealth should be considered as a whole. Ireland has now itsown nationality law, implying that whilst all Irish subjects are still Britishsubjects (so enjoying the benefit of migration throughout the Common-wealth) only British subjects living in or directly connected by descent orservice with the Free State are Irish subjects. Similar movements are afootin Canada and South Africa. Newfoundland has Jost its Dominion statusfor economic reasons: India and Burma are on the way to Dominion status;

iEgypt and Iraq are ndependent; Rhodesia is on the verge of acquiringDominion status; Jamaica may become a minor Dominion; and an EastAfrican Federation might ultimately acquire such a status; Transjordaniaand Palestine will be independent. The question that arises is whether theCommonwealth as an organisation or an association is worth preserving.If it is, the time for showing it is short. This was the chief problemconsidered by the unofficial conference on British Commonwealth Relationsheld in Sydney in September, 1938.

There are many ties between the Dominions and this country, but thereare similar ties with the U.S.A. These do not always lead to commonaction or defensive schemes, such as exist between Great Britain and France.Common interest counts rather than sentiment and common origin. Sincethe Great War the common interest in the Commonwealth has been a deter-

7

mination to settle disputes in foreign affairs by peaceful means, to avoidaggression and develop the habit of discussion and legality in internationalaffairs. So long as the League of Nations remained an effective instrument,the foreign policies of the Dominions had restricted orbits, but, since theJapanese invasion of Manchuria was left unchecked, each Dominion hastaken stock of its position. They have no desire to participate in GreatBritain's quarrels as a European power. On the other hand, without theDominions and India, Great Britain's destiny would be bound up withFrance, her naval commitments being confined to preserving dominance inEuropean waters. At the moment we have to contemplate the maintenanceot three Fleets, one in Home waters, one in the Mediterranean and one atSingapore. Similarly, foreign policy must be studied in regard to possiblereactions in the Near East, the Middle East and the Far East. We cannotsupport this huge burden indefinitely.

Outside the Dictatorships and Russia all foreign policies have beenconfused since the retreat from League principles began. Although theDominions have distrusted the foreign policy of this country in recent years,they have no common attitude regarding improving matters. New Zealandofficially adopted some years ago an attitude identical with that of theNew Commonwealth Society: Canada is nervous of any commitment whichwill prejudice her relations with the U.S.A. and would not be prepared toadopt .any of the machinery for strengthening the League; Australia and8oitth Africa fluctuate.

All the Dominions are underpopulated, which is a serious menace totheir security. We have ceased to be a colonising country, and in futurewe shall not be able to finance Dominion development as much as in thepast. If settlers and money must come from the outside, the bulk will haveto come from the U.S.A. and only Anglo-American naval forces canguarantee their safety. Almost all the delegates at Sydney were agreed thatthe alternatives were separation or merger in some Union larger than theexisting Commonwealth. This means either a stronger League or a Federa-tion such as that outlined by Mr. Streit in " Union Now." Our choice willhave the greatest influence upon the struggle for world order.

E. W.

MR. W. B. CURRY, M.A., B.Sc., on " ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE REFUGEE PROBLEM," June 4, 1939.Readings from: (I) " You and the Refugees." hy Sir Norman Angell and

Dorothy Frances Buxton.(2) " Undying Fire," hy H. G. Wells.

The problem of the refugees is one of colossal magnitude. Hundreds ofthousands of people have been deprived of their means of livelihood andejected from their homes; and they are lucky if allowed to do some menialtask. The problem has been deliberately created.

Refugees are due to political rancour and hatred. The fact that theproblem is so gratuitous is a special reason for thinking of our own responsi-bilities. One we all have is that many of these people from the GermanReich have been encouraged by us to take the sort of stand they have taken;also we in this country arc particularly responsible for the whole of thepost-war state of affairs out of which the refugee problem has arisen.

Once we used to know how to treat these problems, but we seem tohave discarded that knowledge. Everybody is sorry for refugees. Thecomfortable classes sometimes say that charity begins at home, but whileit is easy to get people to subscribe to a refugee fund most people feel thereis some validity in the objections to a more liberal treatment. Even those8

of good heart are misled by fallacies and are thus prevented from takingthe right attitude.

In the world, as in each individual country, there is a continual needfor migration. Industries grow and decay everywhere. The economicstructure ought to be flexible and dynamic. National frontiers are thereforeirrelevant. In our own country there has been much internal migration inrecent years. Would the necessary readjustments have been allowed toproceed so quickly if Southern England had been a separate country?Would the unemployed of the North have been able to come South if localauthorities had been permitted to restrict immigration? National frontiersfrustrate economic development.

There is a great deal to be said for a return to pre-war conditionswhen the pressure of populations could be relieved naturally. America hasbeen built up in that way. The only conceivable reason for interfering withthe degree to which people may emigrate would be to accelerate the process,for people might not know of jobs going in other parts of the country. Themobility of labour is hardly ever a menace because people do not like givingup their homes. They prefer to stay where they are, and therefore thesensible thing for Governments to do would be to assist emigration. Atpresent they are principally concerned with retarding or preventing it.

In our country we have adopted as regards immigration an extra-ordinarily rigid policy. An alien may be admitted (I) if he is a person ofindependent means, which he can bring with him, and if he does no work;(2) if some one will guarantee his care and maintenance: and (3) if havingbeen offered a job the would-be employer can satisfy the Ministry of Labourthat no one in England can do it. In the last case the employer mustengage the alien unseen so that a good many immigrants have been engagedat some risk to the employer. There is great delay before a dedision, if any.can be obtained from the Ministry. In the case of professional people, theirorganisations take a more obstructive attitude than the Home Office.

The shame is not merely that we are not giving employment. Thenumber of casualties in Austria after the Anschluss is estimated at 20,000.A great many of these people could have been got out, but however urgentand desperate the need it is impossible to accelerate the working of ourofficial machinery, and our slowness has been directly responsible for deathsand suicides in the German Reich.

Our policy is far more illiberal than other countries. In France thereare now three million refugees. We have nothing like that. In the last sixyears Holland has admitted 25.000, France a quarter of a million. We haveadmitted 29,000.

A great many people think this policy necessary on economic grounds.The first thing commonly said in justification is that if an alien does a job ofwork an Englishman is done out of one, but all economists agree that thatis a fallacy. It depends on the theory that there is so much labour and somuch employment to go round, and no more. As regards labour that is nottrue. If it were we could not have fluctuations of employment. It is possiblefor the whole of the population to be employed. During the period whenAmerica was receiving .millions of immigrants there was no unemployment.What actually happens is that an immigrant comes to this country and takesa job. Everybody who is working uses tools which constitute the capitalnecessary to employ him. That capital has to come out of the savings ofsomebody. Most of us give employment to other people's savings. Theimmigrant certainly does, and therefore in coming here creates a demand forcapital goods, house room, furniture and clothes, etc. Every producer isa consumer.

We have to see that if we increase the population by one producer we

9

automatically increase the consumers. Sir Samuel Hoare had to admit thatour immigrants have created work directly for 15,000 British work-people.

Consider last the question of there being a shortage of labour in oncpart, and a surplus in another. One way of giving work to the surplus is toget them to move where they are wanted, but if, for example. SouthernEngland were twice as populous as now it would help the Distressed Areasby requiring more coal, etc. The introduction of skilled refugee workerswould thus help the Distressed Areas. Particular industries may object. Ifthere is a shortage of bricklayers that will cause their wages to rise. Thatis good for bricklayers, but we must not think the interest of bricklayers isnecessarily identical with that of the community at large.

There is a tendency to imagine that if we could remove two millionunemployed from the country unemployment would cease. That is nottrue. If you lose those two millions you also lose the whole of theirpurchasing power and you cause unemployment among people who formerlysatisfied their needs.

From the point of view of the economists a declining population isgoing to produce very serious difficulties. Another point is that with asmaller population there are certain amenities such as roads, postal servicesand schools, shared by the country as a whole, which will be more expensiveper head.

We have much for which to thank the immigrants of the past. Theyfounded Many industries. Lord Snell has written that alien influence on us hasbeen incalculable. There is hardly an industry in this country which hasnot been improved by aliens who have come here to escape political perse-cution. For example, they taught the arts of dyeing and weaving, anddeveloped the cloth trade. Many of our vegetables have been introducedby immigrants. After the revocation of the Edict of Nantes we took 120,000refugees when our population was a tenth of what it is now.

There is another economic aspect showing that the immigrant is avaluable capital asset, and not a burden. It costs from £300 to £1,000 torear an adult from babyhood and train him to earn his livelihood. He istherefore a capital investment. We are being offered such people withouthaving had to bear the cost of their training. A German Professor wouldpay us back what has been spent on his education in Germany. These aliensare of economic value. The population has to be replenished either byimport or reproduction. It is costly to replenish by babies but immigrationcosts us nothing.

To sum up, the economic grounds for our restrictive policy arefallacious. Our policy is harmful and tragic, driving countless people todespair and suicide, but from ofir own point of view it is shortsighted andunintelligent.

F. G. G.

MR. S. K. RATCLIFFE on " AMERICA AND THE WORLD CRISIS," lune 11, 1939.

Readings frotn: " It is Later than You Think," by Max Lerner.

Mr. Ratcliffe said that he had been in the United States for two periodssince the beginning of 1938. and had remarked a considerable difference inthe public attitude towards the crisis in the Old World. Twelve months agothe policy of complete isolation was supported by a large majority of thepeople. To-day, after the series of events beginning with the forcible mergingof Austria with Germany, one met an increasing number of people who wereconvinced that the United States could not remain outside if the moredemocratic Powers were engaged in a life-and-death struggle with the

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totalitarian Powers. Mr. Roosevelt had made his first tentative declaration ofa positive foreign policy in October, 1937. Speaking in Chicago, he had urgedthe quarantining of those Governments which refused to honour internationalcovenants. At that time the President was undoubtedly ahead oi publicopinion, and he had found it advisable to say no more on the subject tor somemonths. The outlook changed markedly at the time of the September crisisand the Munich agreement. This had shaken the American public tar morethan any other event since the end of the War, and there could be no doubtthat it had resulted in the growth of a strong feeling hostile to the Chamber-lain Cabinet.

The present stage of public opinion dated from the resignation ofAnthony Eden in February, 1938. Eden had been the centre. oi a vastpublicity. For reasons not difficult to understand, he was a favourite ol Pressand Radio, and he had become one of the very small group of public menwho are known to the whole multitude. He was admired in the UnitedStates as a representative of the more generous element in the foreign policyof Britain, whereas Mr. Chamberlain and his immediate colleagues wereidentified with the old imperial interests, and this notwithstanding the factthat during Mr. Chamberlain's premiership the Empire had suffered manyblows without any attempt at defence or retaliation. The American view ofEden had, naturally, been upheld by the course of events, for a few days afterhe left the Cabinet Hitler was in Vienna. The American newspaper-readingpublic was forewarned about Czechoslovakia, and we had to remember thatthe September crisis was led up to not only by full newspaper correspondencefrom Prague. but also by an elaborate service of radio news and commentgoing beyond anything known on our side of the Atlantic. The Americanpublic. was made aware of the power of world opinion behind Czecho-slovakia, as well as of the readiness of the Czechs to resist aggression. Hencethe surrender of Munich was a tremendous blow, and the credit of theChamberlain Government fell to nothing. It was stated on many sides thatuntil September,. England and France could have depended upon greatersupport in America for anti-aggression action than at any time within the pasttwenty years, but that after Munich there was a widespread suspicion that theBritish Government had taken sides with the Axis Powers. The Americanpublic, generally speaking, could not understand how the British and FrenchGovernments had placed any reliance upon the word of the Dictators asregards refraining from aggression.

This suspicion of British aims and methods in Europe was extended alsoto the Far East. We may find the definite beginning of this feeling in 1931when the Japanese entered Manchuria. All America seemed now to believethat at that time the Washington Government, through Mr. Stimson, offeredthe fullest co-operation with Britain and the League Powers towards thestopping of Japan. Certainly it was true that Sir John Simon, then ForeignSecretary, had a wrong attitude towards the American Secretary of State.The right procedure for him was to have gone step by step along with theU.S.A. Government, until Mr. Stimson found it necessary to call a halt, as hemust have done in view, of the fact that President Hoover was committed tothe isolationist policy. Instead of that, however, he turned the cold shoulderto Mr. Stimson, thereby allowing the Japanese Government to infer that noresistance of any kind would be offered to the conquest of Manchuria. Thiswas deplorable, and yet the American public was mistaken in believing that ifSir John Simon's action had been different the United States would haveJoined in positive coercive measures against Japan.

There was, then, a great deal of suspicion concerning the methods andaims of the British and French Governments, and yet it was undoubtedly true

11

that under the pressure of events in the past twelve months Americanisolationism has been greatly modified. The various unofficial estimates ofpublic opinion appeared to show that a majority of the American peoplebelieved a war in Europe to be unavoidable, while opinion was now, perhaps,about equally divided on the question whether the U.S.A. could keep out.But there could he no difference of opinion as to the side upon which thepower of America would be thrown if it should come to war. The enormousstrength of anti-fascist opinion throughout the country placed that beyonddispute.

Meanwhile, there was the welcome to the King and Queen testifying tothe basic friendliness and good-feeling towards Britain. This had gonebeyond all the estimates, and it was a convincing reply to those people--andthey included many of England's best friends in the United States—who haddoubted the wisdom of arranging the tour at the present time. The onlyimportant throne left in the world was a centre of enormous public sentimentin America, and the people had expressed their feeling in a demonstration thathad been overwhelming.

NOTESReaders may already have had their attention drawn to World Digest

of Current Fact and Comment, of which the third monthly number hasrecentfy been published. It contains, inter alia, some fifty condensations ofrecent noteworthy articles culled from magazines and newspapers publishedin various parts of the world. The booklet, which costs sixpence, makesextraordinarily good reading.

To secure such a compendium of interesting matter, the Editor (Sir JohnHammerton) and his assistants have to examine a wide range of currentliterature. It is not surprising to learn, for instance, that The Literary Guide,the admirable organ of the Rationalist Press Association (monthy. 3d.), comesunder review. It so happens that the May number, by arrangement with our-selves, reproduced from The Monthly Record the summary of LordPonsonby's lecture on " The Stranglehold of Superstition," which appeared inour issue for April, and this was thought suitable for re-publication inWorld Digest for July. Due acknowledgment is made to South PlaceEthical Society. It is further matter for satisfaction that we have also beenasked to supply the Management with a copy of our paper monthly at theusual subscription rate.

Lord Ponsonhy informs us that the summary of his lecture has reachedfar. Correspondence continues to come to him about it. He recently had aletter from an infuriated anonymous person who had read it in World Digest,hut this does not seem unduly to have disturbed the talented lecturer.

There is no case for relaxing the campaign against superstition.

At the Annual General Meeting on May 25, the following members wereelected to the General Committee: Mr. J. Brice, Doris Partington, Mr. L.Camerman, Mr. F. James, Miss F. J. Simons, Mrs. M. Orrett, Mrs. HildaBrown. and Mr. H. L. Bullock (the last for one year only). There werethirteen candidates for the eight vacancies, and some of those who weresuccessful owed their position to narrow majorities.

The Annual General Meeting passed off satisfactorily and the discussionon the Annual Report disclosed no material disagreements among themembers.

The legality of the resolution of protest against the introduction of Con-

12

scription which had been proposed and seconded, and notified on thepublished Agenda, was challenged at the outset by Mr. H. Crossfield. Theproposal had been accepted by the General Committee for discussion, andthe Chairman decided that it should be proceeded with. It failed by a smallmajority to secure adoption, but several members left the meeting while thedebate was in progress.

"[he rules do not directly provide for resolutions on public questions atour Annual General Meeting, but they do not prohibit them. Such questionshave seldom been introduced. It is obvious that they afford room for muchdifference of opinion, and that it would be improper to commit the member-ship as a whole to a resolution on which opinion was clearly divided. Thequestion raised by Mr. Crossfield will be considered by the GeneralCommittee.

A proposal recommending the General Committee to affiliate the Societyto the National Peace Council was carried unanimously, and at its meetingon June 7 the Committee adopted the recommendation.

The objects of the National Peace Council are (a) To promote, organise,co-ordinate, and make effective public opinion in favour of, and efforts for.the prevention of war and the development of international goodwill andco-operation.

To co-operate with other organisations or bodies in the internationalpeace movement.

To secure in the schools and colleges an education for internationalfriendship and understanding.

Id) To take all such steps as may in the opinion of the Council benecessary or desirable to give effect to the above purposes.

Many national organisations are affiliated to the Council. Dr. C. E. M.Joad is chairman of the Executive Committee.

Mrs. E. Washbrook has been appointed to represent South Place EthicalSociety.

There was a good attendance on June I I to welcome Mr. Ratcliffe on hisreturn to our platform after an absence abroad of eighteen months. He hasprovided the summary of his lecture on " America and the World Crisis,"published in this issue.

His lecturing style and matter have lost none of their attractions, andmany people will no doubt be glad of the opportunities to hear him again onJuly 2 and 23.

The latter date will be the last of thc present season. The Sunday morn-ing meetings will be resumed on September 10.

There has been a meeting of the Joint Committee of S.P.E.S. and theR.P.A. to consider arrangements for the fortnightly Lectures, followed bydiscussions on Tuesday evenings. These are planned to be resumed onOctober 10, and it is hoped to announce an attractive series in due course.

Members will read With interest the announcement on page 20 of theformation of a Dramatic Group, to be known as the S.R.E.S. Players. Themeeting at which it •as decided to establish this activity was well attended.

It has not yet been decided what type of play will be produced or howoften, but everyone will hope that care will be taken only to produce playswhich are worth while in a cultural and humanist sense.

Desire for such a Group has been informally expressed on manyoccasions. The Society has old dramatic traditions, and we are confident

13

that the Committee, which includes some very promising new members, aswell as one or two well tried in the past, will produce good results.

Members will look forward to the inaugural party next October, at whichit is hoped an active membership will be enlisted. A further announcementwill be made later.

A plaque in memory of Edward Clodd, author and scientist, was placedon June 15 on Strafford House, his home from 1889 to 1930 at Aldeburgh,Suffolk. It will be remembered that he played a prominent part as an ex-ponent of the theory of evolution. Thc memorial was the outcome of aprivate subscription organised by a small group of his friends and admirers.Their names were published in the notice which appeared in The Times ofJune 16, and it was pleasing to see among them that of our old friend Mr.E. Snelling. The Rationalist Press Association was also mentioned as asubscriber.

Extensive arrangements have been in course of preparation for aceremony at Brookwood Crematorium on July 8 next in connection with thereplacement of the Bradlaugh Bust. Numerous liberal-minded organisationshad agreed to send representatives. On account of the serious illness of Mr.A. Bonner (son-in-law of Charles Bradlaugh), it has been decided to postponethe event.

• We are asked to announce that the Federation of Progressive Societiesand Individuals (F.P.S.I.) are holding their Summer Conference at DoraRussell's Beacon Hill School, Kingwell Hall, Tinsbury, near Bath, fromSaturday (tea), July 29 to Saturday (breakfast), August 12.

In addition to indoor and outdoor attractions, there will be lectures anddiscussions in which some well-known speakers will take part. Among thesubjects chosen are " God,- Pacifism, Pornography, Psychology inEducation, Sex Education in School, Nudism, " Federal Union." SocialistPlanning, The Birkett Report on the Abortion Laws, etc., etc.

Full particulars can be obtained from the Secretary, Mr. Ivor Lewis, at4, Fitzroy Street, W.I.

HOSPITALITY COMMITTEE FOR REFUGEESThe first afternoon reception of Refugees, arranged by the Hospitality

Committee of South Place members, took place on May 24. it was attendedby twenty out of thirty invited guests. A number of our own members, in-cluding several able to speak German, were also present.

The guests were drawn mainly from among those Austrian. Czech andGerman refugees who are connected with the profession of literature and whoare being assisted by. the Pen Club. Several representatives of other pro-fessions were, however, among them.

After tea a member of the Committee welcomed the visitors in Englishand spoke of the history and objects of South Place Ethical Society. Thespeech was translated into German by one of the guests.

Herr Bernhard Koch (a writer) replied in German, which two of ourmembers translated as follows:—

" Ladies and Gentlemen," In the name of the refugees who have been so kindly invited to-day, I

thank the Committee for their readiness in helping us, and I hope that we willoften be invited again and be welcomed guests.

" We are often asked what the Refugees need and what can be done tohelp them. This question is not always easy to answer, as everyone has his

14

own special need. But what we need always in a foreign country is under-standing for our position. We are homeless, thrown out of our own countrybecause we had different opinions from those in power, or for a belief whichwe have inherited from our fathers.

" Our present condition is very difficult to bear because we are notallowed to work, and because we are helpless and poor—beggars in a strangecountry, and the future looms dark before us. Hardly any of us knows whereFate will lead us. We are lonely, and what we always need is sympathy forour misfortunes.

" We ask our hosts to teach us to understand something of this unknownEngland, its language and customs, and give us the opportunity to feel athome. Help wherever and whenever you can."

Judging from appearances, the gathering served a definitely usefulpurpose. The guests, who were to a large extent strangers to each other, soonmade themselves at home with their fellow guests and with their hosts. Someof them speak English. All seem glad to talk with sympathetic and in-formative people.

There were similar gatherings on May 31, June 7, 14 and 21, and it isintended to continue them weekly on Wednesdays from 3 to 6 p.m. until theend of July. Members who think they could be useful are invited to attend.

The Committee wish to thank Mrs. Janet Chance for her valuableassistance. She supplied the names and addresses of some fifty suitablerefugees to whom personal invitations have been issued. She has been presentat most of the meetings and has been very helpful, especially with the guestswho do not speak English.

For the present, the cost of these meetings is being met by a grant fromthe Society's Funds. The Hon. Secretary of the Hospitality Committee isMrs. D. Battersby, 2, Tryon House, Mallard Street, Chelsea, S.W.3, to whomenquiries may be addressed.

BOOK REVIEWSREPORT OF I HE IN1 ERNA TIONAL CONGRESS OE I HE WORLD UNION OF FREE-

THINKERS. Pioneer Press, and Walls & Co. Is.The Editors of the Report of the International Congress. held in London

last September, have produced an extremely interesting and readable bookwhich will be valued as a souvenir of the occasion by those who were able totake part in the proceedings. The Report can also be thoroughly recom-mended to those who were not able to attend, as a very exact yet condensedaccount of the many interesting speeches which were delivered at the varioussessions of the Congress.

In his introduction to the book, Mr. Chapman Cohen, after a brief surveyof past Congresses, places on record for future reference the history of thefantastic agitation which was engineered in the British Press and in Parlia-ment against this Congress, and rejoices that these efforts had no effect onthe orderly and completely successful carrying out of the full programme.He ends on a note of hopefulness for the future, in spite of the reports ofsuppressions of freedom in their countries which were made by some of theforeign delegates.

The session devoted to "Science and the Churches " was probably themost stimulating of the meetings intellectually, and the book includes veryable summaries of papers by Dr. David Forsyth, Prof. J. B. S. Haldane, Prof.H. Levy and James H. Leuba of America, among others ghen on thatevening.

15

The unexpected and very welcome speech by H. G. Wells at theTrocadero dinner also appears in the Report.

Many photographs were taken during the Congress, and a selection ofthese is included in the book.

The fact that two of the outstanding personalities at the Congress, Cap-tain E. V. Voska of Czechoslovakia and Senor Diego Abad of Spain. whowere in September speaking from the platform in Conway Hall, are now inflight from their own countries, must make everyone fervently hope that thefollowing sentence from Chapman Cohen's Introduction is true: " The veryexcesses to which tyranny is driven to stamp out differences of opinion do butdevelop a stronger and more determined faith in freedom outside the circleof persecution and suppression. A. W.

LONDON WORTHIES. By William Kent. Heath Cranton. lOs. Od.Mr. Kent's autobiography, Testament of a Victorian Youth, which was

reviewed in our issue for March, 1938, showed him to be a Londoner bybirth and training. His affection for the great city has since been proved byseveral volumes devoted to its literary aspects, and by his editors-hip of AnEncyclopaylia of London, which was reviewed by the late Mr. Edward Snellingin our number for October, 1937. Clearly Mr. Kent's attitude is that of theold Scots poet, Dunbar: " London, thou art the flower of cities all." Hislatest offering at.her shrine is London Worthies, a comely and well-illustratedvolume comprising the biographies of 350 personages, great and small, knownand obscure, who have claims—not always very strong—to rank asLondoners. The number of such claimants might, of course, have readilybeen multiplied a hundredfold; and probably no two readers would agree asto the choice to be made for a book of reasonable dimensions. Mr. Kent,however, is an individualist with the courage of his convictions: and he hascompiled an interesting and entertaining record, full of information alike,easily accessible and recondite, of Londoners past and present, worthy and—by normal standards—unworthy. For he boldly confesses that his definitionof " worthy " is " worthy of interest "; and thus his portrait gallery includesGuy Fawkes, the ingenious Dr. Dodd, whom Johnson tried in vain to savefrom a felon's death for forgery, and even the hangman who officiated. Yetin fairness to the author one must confess that this last worthy was an im-pudent rogue whose .own narrow escape from the noose makes divertingreading. The reviewers personal grievance is that whilst many so well-known literary Londoners as (for instance) Morley Roberts are omitted,liberal space is allotted to certain obscure figures; nor can he admit thatCharlotte Bronte has any right of entry within the book's covers. But Mr.Kent's widely ranging interest and his shrewd eye for oddities and divergencesfrom type would soften the harqest critical heart. Who can fairly grumbleat a miscellany that includes Dame Owen, the excellent Thomas Coram (ofGreat Coram Street); Joanna Southcott, Chas. Brown—" the king of Lime-house "—and that fierce pygmy Sir Jeffery Hudson?

Mr. Kent, as befits a member of our Society, has included 'in his list ofWorthies much that is of special interest to Rationalists, for although J. M.Robertson and Dr. Conway do not appear, Charles Bradlaugh. George JacobHolyoake, and Richard Carlile—imprisoned for publishing Paine's Age ofReason—are among the sceptics accorded generous recognition.

The work is a storehouse of miscellaneous knowledge, and would makean admirable -bed-book. Without its aid, how many readers—ardentShavians, even, among them--could state in what London church "G. B. S."figures in a stained-glass window?

ERNEST CARR.16

IN BRITISH GUIANA-THE KAIETEUR WATERFALLBritish Guiana has recently been much in the public eye. It has been

suggested as a colony where Jewish Refugees might be settled. There has

been controversy as to its suitability.

Although this article has little bearing on the problem, the vivid

descriptions contained in it of some wonderful scenery in a little-known part

of the world will probably be read by many with pleasure. It is part of a

letter written to his friends in England by Mr. Raymond Metcalf, B.Sc., a

young mining engineer, eldest son of two members of South Place Ethical

Society of long standing, and a relation of many others. Illustrative diagrams

are unavoidably omitted.

Mr. Metcalf writes as follows: --

In British Guiana, Kaieteur is reckoned to be the greatest waterfall in the

world, but it seems very little known outside the colony and does not seem

to have found its way into the school geography books yet. Waterfalls can

be compared either by their height or by the volume of water flowing, so that

no fall can really be considered the world's greatest, but Kaieteur is easily the

highest for the volume of water.

The George VI falls, discovered in British Guiana only a few months

ago, are probably the highest in the world. They have a clear drop of 1,600

feet. There are still higher falls known in the colony, but they flow only in

wet weather. Niagara, although only 169 feet, must be considered the most

voluminous in the world.

At any rate, Kaieteur is a big affair, as a river larger than the Thames can

hardly have a sheer drop of 740 feet without making a sight worth going to

see. Of course, a thing like that can only happen under the most favourable

geological conditions, and in the part of British Guiana near the point where

the colony, Brazil and Venezuela meet, these conditions exist, as. perhaps,

nowhere else in the world. In that area the pre-Cambrian volcanic rocks that

make most of the colony are covered by a series of red sandstones, lying

fairly flat. These contain a number of beds of intensely hard conglomerate,

with the result that the country is formed into a series of shelves or steps, and

a waterfall occurs whenever a river falls from one step to the one below.

At Kaieteur the Potaro river drops off the lowest step. The fall is not right

on the edge of the plateau as it has " cut its way back " for about three miles,

forming a gorge, as at Niagara.

The fall is visited by only about a hundred tourists a year, some by

land and some by air. The land journey takes a week to the fall and back

from Georgetown, and is uninteresting and uncomfortable. The return

journey can be made in a day by seaplane, but is expensive, and the only

'plane in the colony is not always available. Most of the tourists who do see

the fall are Americans and Canadians, doing West Indian cruises in cargo

boats. The regular cruising boats do not visit British Guiana, as, except for

Kaieteur, the colony has no interest for the tourist. I was fortunate in that

our Companies' headquarters arc only a day's journey from the fall, and are

close to the Potaro River.. I therefore hired a motor-boat, and spent my first

day (ravelling up the river to the foot of the plateau, which is as far as a boat

can get. The river is rather wide and calm, and fringed all the way by dense

forest. The first part of the journey is uninteresting, but later some very fine-

looking mountains appear and gradually close in on the river until it is

confined to a narrow valley. The mountains are capped by outliers of the

sandstone, and have flat tops and precipitous sides, the sandstones showing

the most attractive shades of purple and reddish-grey. At two points there

17

are small falls in the river, and it is necessary there to carry everything roundthem and to take another boat above the falls. At the first of these falls 1had the pleasure of meeting the Catholic Bishop of British Guiana, who wason his way back from a three months' tour of part of his very extensivediocese, in company with an Englishman who had been prospecting fordiamonds near the Brazilian border. Diamonds are found in the sandstones.but cannot be worked there as they cannot be extracted without crushing them.They are extensively worked, however, in the streams, where they have beenwashed down from the sandstone outcrops.

I spent my first night at a Government Rest House by the river, and nextday climbed the plateau, and reached the fall before mid-day. The pathbrings you to it very suddenly. After passing through dense forest you comeout on to a level plain with a surface like concrete, and only bearing a littlevegetation, of the cactus type. All that can be seen of the fall is a cloud ofspray in the distance rising like the smoke from a heath fire. The surface ofthe plain has in it cracks a foot or two wide and very deep. Later in the dayI was able to descend some of these cracks and found that they are abouttwenty feet deep, and at the bottom they were connected with one another bywide, low, horizontal openings—the fact being that the conglomerate bed,which forms the hard, barren surface of the plain, has been broken intoenormous rectangular blocks. (I suppose by the gentle folding which thebeds have undergone.)

, It was a wet, misty morning, and I came upon the edge of the gorgesuddenly, and saw nothing, as it was full of cloud. I waited a couple ofhours, and the sun came out. and I found I was standing on the precipitousedge of the gorge, about a quarter of a mile from the fall, of which I had anexcellent view. It was a long time before I could take my eyes from thecurtain of falling water. The water appeared to fall slowly and gently, andto take on the most beautiful colouring—shades of blue, grey, green, butmostly red and gold. The descending film of water took the most gracefuland varied forms, sometimes of great white columns, sometimes of draperiesof the most delicate fabrics. And the whole scene never for a moment thesame—colour, form, texture changing as I watched; while clouds of spraypassed in front, sometimes in delicate wreathing streams, sometimes in greatsheets, obscuring the entire picture.

When I was able to look round, I found that the gorge itself (glen wouldbe a better word for it) was of great beauty—the upper slopes being pre-cipitous and bare, but lower down the slope is gentle and thickly wooded.Apart from the fall itself, the gorge was well worth coming to see, with itsperfect proportions, and its perfectly contrasted colouring—the purples andpinks of the rocks above, with thc forest and river below.

Later on my guide led me along the edge of the gorge to a point furtheraway from the fall, where, from an outstanding crag, the best view is to beseen, as also a number of points of geological interest.

After lunch I was led to the brink of the fall, and was able to look overthe edge, but as this is not a pleasant sensation I did not look down for long.It is a peculiar sight as the water is seen to fall into a cloud of spray andsimply disappear. An interesting feature of the brink is a type of mossywater-weed, which grows only in the water at the very edge of the fall, andapparently nowhere else. It is a very uncomfortable place for a water plantto grow, and the water rushing over it must exert a tremendous drag. Iimagine it has chosen this habitat because no organism can possibly preyon it, without being swept down at its first bite. I should be interested to

18

know how the plant reproduces itself under these conditions.* My guide wassorry not to be able to show me any of the swallows which nest in the darkspace behind the falling water.

Later on, when I looked at the fall more critically, I realised that it wasnot at all what I had expected. It looked very much smaller than it reallywas—I should have judged it not more than 300 feet high. This is probablythe effect of the perfect proportions of the gorge. The scene had not. thedramatic, or imposing, or horrific, or blind-forces-of-mighty-nature qualitiesI had expected. What I did not expect to find was the elegant beauty of thefall fitting so perfectly its surroundings.

The fall might look very much more imposing if viewed from the gorgebelow, but I did not go there, as the path leading down is badly overgrownat the moment and I was warned that I should need a full day for this.

There is a second Government rest-house close to the brink of the fall,which is used by people who have time to spend a night up there (the fall bymoonlight is said to be worth seeing) and by people coming by seaplane.The 'plane lands in the river a short distance above the fall, and on takingoff again flies over the edge a foot or two above the water—an arrangementwhich gives the passengers a bit of a thrill, and saves the considerable amountof petrol which would otherwise be required to climb to a height of 800 feet.

* Probably one of the Podostemaceae,—tropical flowering plants distantly relatedto roses. Superficially they resemble mosses. They live in swiftly moving water, inrapids and waterfalls, where they cling to the rocks like seaweeds. The flowers emergein the dry season when the waters subside, and the seeds lie about on the rocks. Thereare also certain mosses and liverworts which grow by preference in the foaming cascadesof rapid torrents. This strange adaptation is one of the innumerable curiosities ofNature.—ED1MR.

THE SOCIETY'S ACTIVITIESMatter for insertion in the August issue should reach the Editor early in

the month, and in any case not later than SATURDAY, July 22." AT HOMES " FOR REFUGEES.—In the Library on Wednesdays at 3 p.m.

See report on page 14.BOOKSTALL.—A variety of books and pamphlets are displayed for sale

on Sunday Mornings at the Bookstall. They include a full stock of theThinker's library (75 volumes), recent Conway Memorial Lectures, theReport of the Congress of the World Union of Freethinkers, many recentpublications of Watts & Co. and the Pioneer Press, The Literary Guide,The Freethinker. and Civil Liberty (a monthly journal published by theNational Council for Civil Liberties).

Any book not displayed will be obtained. Orders should be left atthe Bookstall or addressed to its Secretary at Conway Hall.

COUNTRY DANCE GROUP.—Practices are held in the Library everyMonday at 7 p.m. The charge is 6d. per evening. The English FolkDance Society has arranged for dancing in Clissold Park on July 15 and22 from 8.30 p.m.

Further particulars may be had from the Hon. Secretaries, MissH. Shott, 31 Horsham Avenue, N.12, and Miss P. Snelling, 8 AmberleyRoad, E.I0.

LIBRARY.—Open Sunday mornings before and after the Meeting, on Mon-days during the Country Dance Class. Free to Members and Associates.A slip must be filled in for each book borrowed. When books are re-turned they must be handed to the Librarian or left with the hall-keeper,.and not be replaced on the shelves.

Librarian: Mrs. T. LINDSAY, 33 Dawlish Ave., Greenford, Middx.

RAMBLES.—Sunday, July 2.—Epsom Downs, Headley and Mickleham.Train 1.18 p.m. Victoria to Epsom Downs. C.D.R. Is. 9d. Leader:Miss W. George.

Sunday, July 9.—No Ramble. Ethical Union Conference.Green Line Coach Trip to join the Ethical Union Party at Hoddes-

don. Start from Oxford Circus 2 p.m. Return fare 2s. 3d. Tea Tickets,if taken in advance. 9d.. otherwise Is. will be charged. Evening walk, ifdesired, to Hertford 14 miles) to the coach starting point. For 9d. teatickets, apply to Miss D. Walters, 27, DarylIle Road, N.16.

Sunday, July 16.- -A round from Hertford. Tea at Waterford. Train1.5 p.m. King's Cross to Hertford. C.D.R. 2s. 6d. Leader: Mrs. E.Washbrook.

Sunday, July 23.--A walk via Aldenham Reservoir. LatchmoreHeath, Bricket Wood to St. Albans. Tea at Aldenham. Train 1.35 p.m.St. Pancras to Elstree. C.D.R. Is. 7d. (excess return about Is.). Leader :John Brice.

Sunday, July 30.—An all-day walk. Advantage is being taken of anexcursion in the Edenbridge area on this date. The fare will be 2s. 6d.Departure ond return times will be published in August RECORD, or canbe obtained from the Hon. Sec. after July 18. Leader: Alan Watson.

All above fares are liable to increase, under recent revision.Will non-members kindly note that visitors are always welcome to

join these rambles.• Hon. Sec.: Mrs. M. ORRETI, 4, Cairn Avenue, W.5.

S.P.E.S. PLAYERS.—A number of members responded to the invitation inTHE MONTHLY RECORD for June to attend at Conway Hall to discuss theformation of a dramatic group. It was unanimously agreed that such agroup should be formed, and a small committee was elected to run thegroup. The name adopted was " The S.P.E.S. Players,- and it was de-cided to begin activities in October with an inaugural party, to befollowed by regular meetings on Mondays. The annual subscription wasfixed at 5s. Members and Associates who are interested and who werenot at the meeting on June 5 are asked to get into touch with the Hon.Secretary, Mr. Alan Watson, 17, Crescent Wood Road, S.E.26.

SOUTH PLACE SUNDAY CONCERT SOCIETYTHE FIFTY-FOURTH SEASON of the South Place Sunday Concerts

will begin on Sunday. October I. 1939. with the 1,339th Concert. Furtherparticulars, with Report of 53rd Season, will be issued in September.

Members Tickets 3s, each, admitting to Reserved Seats every Sunday forFirst Half Season. from October to December, will be ready in September.and may be obtained from the Hon. Treasurer of the Concerts, Andrew E.Watson. Conway Hall, Red Lion Square, W.C.I, by sending Remittanceand Stamped Addressed Envelope.

Han. Treas.: ANDiww E. WATSON, Conway Hall, Red Lion [Sq., W.C.I.Han. Secretary: Mrs. D. M. CLEMEN Is, 8 1-inchley Way. N 3.Hon. Assistant Secretary: GEORGE HU iCIliNSON, Conway Hall, Red

Lion Square, W.C.I.

New MembersMr. W. BRYANT, 18, Denholme Road, W.9.Mr. N. GINSBURG. " Crestway," 9. Harman Drive, N.W.2.

Changes of AddressMr. F. ST. AURYN, at II, Charlton Road, S.E.3.Mr. E. A. S. TOWER, 134, Earls Court Road, W.8.

Printed et the Farleigh Press (T.U. all depts.), 17-29 Cayton Street. London. E.C.I.