SOUTH PLACE ETHICAL SOCIETYCONWAY HALL, RED LION SQUARE, LONDON, W.C.1.

(Chancery 8032)

THE4

MONTHLY RECORDDECEMBER, 1939

SUNDAY MORNINGS AT ELEVEN

November 26.—Dr. C. E. M. JOAD, M.A.—The Individual versus theState: The Case for the Individual.

Pianoforte SoloMISS ELLA IVIMEYHymns: Nos. 68 and 4

December 3.—JOHN KATZ, B.A.—The Fate of Homo Sapiens.Pianoforte Solo

MISS ELLA IVIMEYHymns: Nos. 151 and 22

December I0.—Professor SUSAN L. STEBBING, M.A., D.Lit.—The Needand Difficulty of an Ideal.

Bass Solos: None but the weary heart .. TschaikowskyDevot ion . .

. .Schumann

MR. G. C. DOWMANHymns: Nos. 1 and 59

December 17.—Dr. C. E. M. JOAO, M.A.—What has happened to Progress?Pianoforte Solo

MISS ELLA IVIMEYHyitins: Nos. 87 and 227

December 2441.—No Meetings.January 7.—Rt. HON. LORD SNELL P.C., C.B.E.—The New Year, What

will it Bring ?

Pianist: MISS ELLA IVIMEY

VISITORS WELCOME

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DIARY FOR DECEMBER2 General Committee .. 3 p.m 16 FederalUnion

2 FederalUnion

Group.. 5 p.m.

Group.. 5 p.m • 17 Sunday Meeting.. II a.m.3 Sunday Meeting.. II a.m • 17 Members"At Home' 3 p.m.6

10Ref ugees"At Home'Sunday Meeting..

3 p.mII a.ni

20 Ref ugees"At Home' 3 p.m.

13 Ref ugees"At Home' 3 p.m 27 Ref ugees"At Home' 3 p.m.

13 Philosophy Group .. 8 p.m 31 Ramble (see page 16)

Hon. Registrar: MHon. Treasurer: CSecretary: S.

2

AMERICA IN THE WAR ?Special Article by John A. Hobson. M.A.

A few years ago it seemed natural to me that the United States wouldfight with Great Britain to preserve the Civilisation of Europe and the Worldagainst Hitler and what he stood for. For Britain and America, thoughthey had broken away politically from each other, had so much in common.in language and race, in literature and the arts of culture, in sports, industryand currency, that America would inevitably be drawn into the British sidein any world conflict. It was a shock to many of us to discover thatinfluential Americans believed that Britons were willing to make profitabledeals with American exporters and moneylenders. As the war went on,these profitable deals played an increasing part in bringing America into thewar on its active side, and Wilson's ideal pacifis.m gave way before thedemand for safety of American ships. When the force of America by landand sea made the success of the Allies inevitable, and Wilson's peace termsformed the expectant basis of the Armistice and the pacific Europe whichwas to emerge therefrom, the war-passion reached its height in America.Not until the follies and malignities of Versailles disclosed the weakness ofWilsonian idealism did America revert to its normal pacifism, recognisinghow it had been tricked by the European allies who knew what they wantedfrom their friends and intended to get it, the permanent crushing of Germanyand the seizure of neighbouring territories irrespective of historic rights.Though the brutalities of Nazism were repudiated by all decent Americans,the planning of a war to destroy Hitlerism did not signify to Americans whatit signifies to Britain and France. For many of them saw in Hitlerism anup-to-date Imperialism, alike in aim and method, Britain and France pursuingthrough the centuries a policy of colonial grab which has given them hugetracts of territory and of population which less " belonged " to them thanthe seizures'recently made by Hitler and Stalin of lands which formerly werepolitical attachments of Germany and Russia. I am not here concerned withthe rights and wrongs of these ancient and modern seizures, but with theattitude of America towards the present war. It needs to be understood thatthe appeal of Hitlerism has not there the same force as here, and will nothave, unless the folly of Hitler drags American shipping or air strife directlyinto the struggle. The general sympathy of Americans for the Allies willnot bring them Into combination against Hitlerism or destroy their suspicionthat Britain is seeking to "drag them in " for purposes alike of fighting forceor material loans. Nothing has served to feed this suspicion more than the factthat we have linked them to the vast loans which served us so well in theGreat War and which we repudiated because it was inconvenient to pay.The hatred felt for Hitler and his " ism " is not moving America to join theAllies, for it is felt that Americans must keep out of the whole bloodybusiness if they are to preserve their freedom and cultural values.

Whether they can keep out in the long run is a much-debated question.II it were virtually certain that they must come in, it would be generallyagreed that "the earlier the better." If Hitler and his friends knew thatAmerica was with the Allies, they would not dare to plunge further into themaelstrom.. What is surprising is the refusal of Americans to realise thatthis expression of their intention to fight would stop the war, as it wouldhave stopped it in 014. One would suppose that the knowledge of thisstrength would cause It to be used. It is true that in the Great War it seemedeasier and more profitable to keep out, preserving the tradition that Europewas a separate world from America, and that it were possible to keep it so.This belief is no longer possible, with the new facilities of communication by

3

air and sea. The self-conscious strength of America should suffice to giveher the casting vote on the problem war or no war, on a world scale.

Why have 1 said nothing about the new Russian situation? In 1914Russia was ranged among the Allies: now it stands on ground purposelyuncertain in its relation towards Germany and Britain, and displaying apositive imperialism with territorial and economic aims in the Westand the East. We do not know enouglf about Stalin to regard him as abudding Hitler. It is more likely that his greater Russia will keep withinthe older Czarist limits. At any rate there is no reason to believe thatHitlerism as a principle or policy is so strengthened by Stalinism as to affectthe sentiment of American democracy in its desire for the survival of Britishpower. If America " keeps out," the victory may be that of Hitler with adictated peace of oligarchy, or it may be that after a long and bitter struggleGermany succumbs and is subjected to a new " Versailles." There is noground for believing that any of the passions and follies of 1918 would belacking in 1942, or that America would enforce a just, reasonable democracysuch as Wilson failed to impose on his European Allies.

SUMMARIES OF SUNDAY MORNING LECTURESDORIS PART1NGTON, B.A., on•

"SHELLEY'S PHILOSOPHY," October 29, 1939

Readings from Prometheus Unbound, and other poems.For me the poet is a man who not only has a vision—many of us may

have that, or think we have—but one who has also the much rarer gift oftranslating his vision into such words that other men of less understandingand feeling and insight may share it with him.

In Prometheus Unbound, Shelley tells the history of Man a.s.he sees it—he gives his system of metaphysics and his interpretation of Man's destiny.His shorter poems, too, of course, express various aspects of this philosophy.Shelley saw the life of the individual •man, as well as the life of the species" Man," as a constant struggle against belief in the power of evil and Man'sinability to overcome it, towards belief in the good within himself andconsequent command over his own destinies. He also saw it as a strugglefor happiness and freedom in the personal and political sphere, and herecognised that victory on one front cannot be achieved except by a victoryon both.

Although he paints the evils from which Man suffers in black colours,he nevertheless envisages Man's ultimate victory and the triumph of good.He realised that those in the forefront of the struggle might at times not befully understood by all their fellows—as, for instance, in the passage wherePrometheus revoked his curse on love—but he felt that in the main theywould have the simpathy and help of their fellows when they pursued theirobject in such a way as to earn it. Even when obliged to adopt methods notat first generally understood, the goodwill already won, and Ultimate successfrom perseverance, would inevitably ensure acceptance of their leadership.Mankind would reap the benefit. This long-term optimism is perhaps ofvalue to us. We must not forget that the period through which Shelley livedwas in every way as depressing as our own—politically, socially andspiritually. It was a period of war, social degradation and religiousdogmatism, yet Shelley not only saw in it the seeds of future uprising, butalso far beyond that, the ultimate victory of Man. This is due to his beliefthat all decay holds the seeds of new growth and progress. The Ode to theWest Wind, the Lines on Hearing of the Death of Napoleon, the sonnet,

4

England in 1819, all express this belief. We must read, mark and learn thislesson, and it will supply us with hope in the confusion and destruction whichthreaten. It is most important that some of us should do our best to seethat the conditions under which we live shall prove to be:

"Graves from which a glorious Phantom mayBurst to illumine our tempestuous day."

I do not ask anyone to believe that Shelley's vision will be realised, butI am asking you to consider whether it (wn be realised, and if so, by whatmeans? That would seem to concern us very closely.

In the first place, perhaps, we should learn to share Shelley's optimismin the ultimate victory of our cause. I heard someone say recently that themessage of our Society is for the few only, and that we should not, therefore,be greatly disturbed that our numbers do not grow. Shelley, on the otherhand, presumably believed that all men were eventually convinced of thejustice and reason of the cause and method for which Prometheus fought,since mankind was ultimately triumphant over evil.

It seems to me that were we to accept this optimistic interpretation ofMaffs future, we should go forward with more vigour to the task of in-fluencing others. To believe that only few can understand or aretemperamentally fitted to accept the hard and intellectual view of life whichwe has e found it possible to embrace, would seem to me an attitude akin tothe old Calvinistic temper, the outcome of the doctrine of predestination todamnation or salvation. The Calvinist himself was always, of course, oneof the "elect.- In both instances superiority is implicit. and I wonderhow such a certainty of superiority was acquired. It is natural toassume that what one believes oneself is right, but one cuts oneself off fromall opposite opinions and all possibility of influencing and being influencedby others, when one begins to feel that the faith one holds is for the fewalone. Shelley believed that the whole of mankind was to participate invictory. Should we perhaps not ask ourselves whether it is not somedeficiency rather than superiority in ourselves which keeps our numberssmall? Should it not rather be an incentive to try to find some new way ofbringing our beliefs to the notice of others instead of an excuse for shuttingourselves off by assuming our superiority in intellect or insight?

Further, if the duality of the struggl: be a correct hypothesis, this wouldseem to have important inferences for the members of a Society which ismainly concerned with the fight against religious superstition. Should wenot be more concerned with current events, at any rate in their ethical aspect,than perhaps wc are? Should we not make it more clear in what way ourethical idealism and belief in mankind have inevitable repercussions inpolitical, social and personal spheres: that our views in these directions areinevitably influenced- -even impregnated --by beliefs about ultimates, so thatour actions in each and every sphere of interest may be the expression of ourfundamental belief in the greatness of man's destiny?

Nor must we forget that struggle itself plays an essential part in Shelley'shistory of mankind. For centuries Prometheus (Man) was obliged to sufferin his struggle ever onward and upward towards victory over evil. He mayhave been in the vanguard of the movement, and therefore often alone andmisunderstood, but he never lost faith in the rightness of his cause or in itsultimate victory, and he never for one moment thought that the element ofstruggle must be avoided. Shelley believed that man could only conquerevil by his own efforts—he had to struggle all the time, even though hismethods of struggle might change until he found the one which broughtsuccess.

When he found that method he had found the key for success in all

5

future combats. Shelley does not envisage Man ever in a condition of static

bliss. He would always struggle, but that first great victory won, he no longer

needed to seek the key for future contests. He pictures evil as a tryrant to be

overcome by love, which is both the cnd to be achieved and the means of

achieving it. He suggests that the power of the tyrant rests only in the

oppressed supplying him with sutlicient justification for his belief that Man

cannot endure pain and suffering, and that to avoid it he will submit to any

tyranny, or will fight it with its own weapons. So long as Prometheus

justified Jove's belief that if hc tortured him sufficiently he would succumb

to his will, or would resort to the same sort of methods as were being

employed against him—as when he uttered the curse -so long was Jove able

to keep him in chains and torture him. When Prometheus revoked the curse,

Jove no longer had power, and the furies vanished. I.ove had prevailed.

DR. C. E. M. JOAD, M.A.. on

"PLATO COMMENTS ON COMMUNISM," November 5, 1939.

Readings: (I) "Freedom and Orgonisalion,- by Bertrand Russell.(2) "Plow To-day," by R. il. S. Crossmin.

Dr. load gave a resume of the outline of the Platonic State with which

hc commenced his earlier lecture: " Plato Comments on Fascism." This

lecture was reported in the August number of the Mt 1N lilt N RE.Cofin.

Proceeding to the discussion of the points of difference and similarity

between Communism and the Republic, he drew attention first of all to

fundamental difference of theory: Plato founded his system on the principle

that the natures of states were determined by the varying needs of men

(e.g. men with rational needs would form a rational state). The Marxists,

on the other hand, assume that the needs of all men are identical (food,

clothing, etc.) but that they seek to satisfy them in different ways. Thus

the nature of a state is, to the Marxist, determined by its economic system.

One of the most obvious features of likeness between Communism and

Plato's Republic is that both are authoritarian: the Republic is ruled by

philosophers: the Communist state (in theory, at least) by the proletariat.

In each case the rulers are in possession of the truth: Plato's Guardians

by virtue of their insight into the nature of things: Communist rulers by

virtue of their assimilation of the teachings of Marx and Lenin. The rulers

of both states are alike philosophers. Russia has been the first state to put

into practice Plato's maxim that philosophers should be kings.

Plato was the first, and the Communists the first in modern times, to

recognise the value of propaganda as a political instrument. Russian

children are taught what is politically advantageous to the Government:

past history and the probable trend of future events are given a Marxian

colouring. The idea that education should be directed towards the produc-

tion of free enquiring intelligences has been abandoned. Both Plato and the

Communists put the mind in a prison cell and hand the key to the State.

A last point of resemblance is that both systems take care to train up

" watchdog " class to guard the State against disruption. •

The first notable difference is a difference in regard to ends—as to what

the State exists for and what human needs it seeks to satisfy. Communism

seeks the maximisation of production and the equitable distribution of the

goods produced. The first of these aims is, however, the object of Capitalism

also: Communism differs from Capitalism only in its means of distribution.

In other words, the world in which thc revolutionary miner wishes to live

is substantially the world in which the eoalowner does live: it is the same

world with the spoils differently divided. Plato would say that such a

system was designed to satisfy the needs of his third class of men —the

6

appetitive. Such a State. based on the conception of ownership of materialthings, would be rent by conflict.

The second main difference is in regard to control. In a CommunistState the Government is composed of workers; they do not constitute aclosed governing class. By talent and energy (and the holding of correctopinions) anyone might rise into the Government. Plato insists that a Staterun by workers (and not by detached philosophers with no interest in ruling)will inevitably be governed in the interests of the working class to thedetriment of all others; hence conflict will again arise. The rulers will beconstrained to please and flatter those who can keep them in power, hencetheir ends will necessarily be the ends of the masses----the appetitive class.The masses will never be satisfied but will demand more and more materialgoods, giving rise to further strife. In a Platonic State absolute communityof goods (including wives and children) would prevail; there wouldbe noquestion of individual ownership. Only the things of the mind—which arecapable of division without diminution-- -would be held valuable.

Marxism is hased on a fundamental optimism akin to the doctrine ofthe " inevitability of progress.- The Communist believes that though theremay be a long period of conflict. Communism will inevitably prevail (Russianpolicy to-day seems to be directed towards the speeding-up of this processby encouraging the capitalist States in mutual destruction). Against thisit may be argued that a large scale war under modern conditions mightwell result not in the establishment of World Communism but in the break-down of civilisation altogether. Examples of such retrogression are asfrequent in human history as examples of progress (e.g. the collapse of the

iRoman Empire did not result n the establishment (if a more advanced stageof civilisation).

Plato might say that the belief that human affairs go from worse tobetter is a result of the 19th century discovery of power over nature. Thinkhow wretched human life had been—and then how the possibility of generalwealth and comfort was suddenly put before men. Wasn't it inevitable thatmen should be blinded to the fact that their real enemy was not Nature--outside-themselves --but their own uncontrolled desire. Power over nature,far from solving Man's problems, gives greater opportunity for folly andmore likelihood of disaster. Common men, Plato might say, are slaves ofdesire: they are ignorant of philosophy and do not know what is good forthem. Rather than destroy themselves they should entrust their affairs tophilosopher legislators. Statesmanship is the art of the second best: oneshould be content for it to protect what little good exists: one shouldn'texpect it to bring the millenium.

Such comment. said Dr. toad. would have seemed absurd thirty yearsago. Now, he was not so sure. Who, in the light of the history of the lastfew years, could feel sure?

F. A. S.

DR. MARIE JAHODA on" AN EXPERIMENT IN COMMUNITY LIVING," November 12, 1939.Readings: (I) "Story of Utopias.- by Lewis Alumford.

(2) " The Outlook of the Order" out of " An Other of Friends,An Account of 11wir Activilles and Ideas."

Criticism of society is as old as society itself. In the minds ofconstructive thinkers this criticism did not stop at pointing out what waswrong with society. but tried to shew how a society could function withoutthese shortcomings. They developed what Sir Thomas More called" Utopias." The outstanding example in antiquity is Plato's "State."

7

Not much constructive thinking about society was done in the middle ages,

but the beginning of modern times is marked by increasing production in

constructive criticism of society. Two lines of thought were developed in

the 19th century in connection with social reconstruction: socialism with

the scientific foundation given it by Karl Marx, and the attempt to realise

Utopias on a small scale thus making them cease to be Utopias only. The

ultimate goal was the same although their method was different. We are

not concerned here with the political method of socialism, or with the

methods of any other ism, but with the achievements of the experimental

method.

Social experiments of this type sprang into being in many countries

in the second half of the last and the beginning of this century. The Jewish

settlements in Palestine, settlements in Germany for agrfcultural productive

co-operation, the co-operative management of the big Zeiss works in

Germany, similar industrial experiments in France and in Japan are a

few examples.

This country, the birth-place of the settlement idea, houses at this

moment a good number of such social experiments. One of them is the

Subsistence Production Experiment organised by an Order of Friends in

the Eastern Valley of Monmouthshire.

The idea for this experiment arose out of deep concern for the problems

of unemployment in South Wales. The members of an Order of Friends

realised that the only effective way of avoiding the devastating consequences

.of uneniployment was to provide work. Briefly, the principles of the

Subsistence Production Society (S.P.S.) are these: with the help of an Order

of Friends unemployed miners over 35 years of age organise to producetheir own subsistence. They continue to draw their unemployment

allowance but buy the products of their common effort from the S.P.S. for

the price of the raw material plus a small amount for overheads. There is

no sale of products in the open market and the.men do not receive wages.

The economic advantage for the members lies in the fact that the money

they spend on products of the society has a higher purchasing power than

normally.

The ideas of the organisers were, however, more far-reaching than

might be expected. They wanted to set an example for a new type of

community living, and for a new type of personal relation in industrial and

agricultural produetion. They wanted to abolish class distinctions and thus

show the moral equality of all human beings.. How far did they realise

their aims, and what does an experiment of this kind teach us about social

reconstruction? With these questions in mind I investigated the effect of

the Scheme.

The only way of gaining the necessary insight seemed to be by taking

full part in the scheme, and in the home life of the members. This was

done for about five months by working a fortnight in each department and

living every week in a different member's home.

The early history of the attempt reveals theenormous difficulties it had

to face—not only opposition from shopkeepers (including the Co-op.), trade

unions, communists, partly the Labour party, but what was most important

from the unemployed themselves. They were suspicious of the idea and its

organisers. The very small group of men who joined from the beginning

believed in it, but most who came afterwards were tempted by the cheap

coal provided by the Scheme or gave in to their wives who urged them to

go because they wanted to get the cheaper milk. Membership increased

gradually to about 400 men. But with this increase the technical and human

problems involved in such an experiment became more and more difficult.

8

In social experiments increase in quantity very soon alters the quality ofthe problems.

One of the outstanding results of the increase in number was thedecrease in loyalty to the Scheme. Having joined not because of theunderlying idea, but because of a minor economic advantage, all theywanted was to get all they could out of it. All means served this end, evennon-legal ones. They were not interested in the success of the experiment.It was only a pastime. They worked slowly. In most of the departmentsone got less the impression of a workshop than of a social club which wassometimes quite pleasant but never vital.

The inevitable by-product of this attitude were the economic difficulties.An estimate of the economic benefit derived by each member in the courseof one year amounts to from 126 to £30. The cost of the Scheme per headper year was considerably higher.

All these difficulties may be explained in terms of three currentideologies corresponding to three economic systems. There are theemployed workers, the unemployed miners and the members of the scheme.Thus the population fall into three clear cut groups and the current ideasof each influence everybody in the Valley. The result is a conflict of ideas,of traditions, and habits of thought. The tradition of industrialism andtrade unionism with its recognition of class distinctions, the apatheticattitude of the unemployed trained to accept without giving, the Schemewith. its attempt to produce for need instead of for profit, are not to bereconciled. Thus also the aim to abolish class distinctions in the Schemewas not achieved. The members would only speak of the organisers andinstructors as " bosses," and they rejected attempts to make them work

•without using the authority of a " boss." The organisers had asked themen to address them by their Christian names but this made some of themen shy to speak to them at all, and it was entirely inadequate for bridgingclass distinctions manifest in the better education of the organisers, theirdifferent standard of living, and the fact that a number of them got paidfor their work in the Scheme.

Thus the question of the importance of such an experiment for ourwhole society can be answered. Although the effort stands high abovemany of the charitable attempts to deal with unemployment, it has not,and could not, attain its own aim. The experiments cannot be generalisedunless a wholesale social reconstruction carried through by politicalmethods, occurs. One of the most positive achievements of the SubsistenceProduction experiment is that it provided a social laboratory, not only forthe investigator but for all those who werc participating in it and whogained by this experience a deeper insight into the functioning of socialreality.

REVIEWS"OBLIVIOUS ANTIDOTE "

GUIDE To MENTAL HEALTH. By H. D. Jennings White. C. W. Daniel Co.298 pp. I5s.When the usurping Macbeth, troubled by his wife's " thick-coming

fancies," but seeking also—one suspects—a medicament for his own guilt-tortured soul, urges her physician to "minister to a mind diseased,

Raze out the written troubles of the brain,"he is met with the rebuff: "Therein the patient

Must minister to himself."

9

That helpless attitude of the medical expert confronted with mental ailmentshas persisted far beyond Shakespeare's age, despite such indirect and dubiousmethods of treatment as hypnotism and faith-healing afforded. Psycho-therapy is a modern science, still largely in the experimental stage. Indeed,one views with some unease the confident attribution by theorists of obscuremental symptoms to remote and assumed psychic causes. These recall thedictum of the medical man in Dangerous Ages who assures his patient thatthe dreams she cannot remember spring from far more sinister roots thanthose she can!

From the fatuities thus satirised, it is a relief to turn to the clear, practicalcommonsense that underlies the systematic diagnosis of a highly successfulpsychotherapist who combines wide experience with a fluid and sympatheticimagination. Dr. Jennings White has penned in Guide to Mental Health anexposition of the causes of psychic aberrancy designed for the service ofEveryman: for practitioners, parents and teachers, and for the sufferer him-self. With this end in view, he has employed throughout the simplestlanguage consistent with the resolution of problems often subtle and obscure.Tracing back symptoms to their source in some desire denied fulfilment oreven expression --e.g., love, duty, power, happiness,. beauty, health—andrecognising in each of these a distortion or exaggeration of one element inthe human norm, his aim is to restore or to build up in the patient a sense ofproportionate values. to indicate the compensations life offers formegalomaniac fancies, hypochondria, or other illusions, and to encourage

.sustained effort towards such positive compensations.

Independent in viewpoint and method as he is, the author concurs withhis colleagues in finding the origins of mental ill-health mainly in faults ofenvironment during childhood and adolescence. The evil seeds sown in atender nature by cruelty, harshness and neglect are easy to imagine. Lessobvious are the infantilism arising from a fond mother's egotism, the paranoia(Dr. Jennings White prefers the term " supermania ") due to undue incite-ment to excel, and the phobia that may follow a doting parent's concern forthe child's hea•th. The troubles engendered by prudish reticence or falseteaching as to sex are numerous and deep-seated. whilst a narrow, dogmaticChristianity he regards as the source of very many others. Instances fromhis case-books lend support to his arguments and are often of striking interestin themselves—as is that of the kleptomaniac whose psychologic twist arosefrom a childish sense of injustice and was equally gratified by the seductionof other women's lovers, these two forms of social revenge being neverpractised simultaneously. A series of biographical studies from Mohammedto Nifinsky illustrate the tragical course of supermania. Current Europeanhistory will one day supply a yet more terrible instance.

Of especial interest to Rationalists is our author's attitude to orthodoxy.It is summarised in his conclusion that " religion in its narrow sense is animportant cause of madness and religion in its broadest sense the only cure."The creeds of to-day, he holds, express in changed euise elemental facts ofhuman life and knowledge—the circuit of the seasons, the sun's orbit, dayand night, birth and death, and many another mystery. But even theirmodern form is already outgrown and needs restatement. "The New Testa-ment must be put away from the dominant position which it holds in theminds of Christians." Man's eternal aspirations must find new expression inan ethical creed divorced from dogma and in accord with scientificknowledge: thus making for mental balance instead of that " phobia of hell "which he finds the commonest phobia among his patients.

ERNES I- CARR.10

THE RATIONALIST ANNUAL 1940. Watts & Co. Is.The distinction of the writers and the wide range of subjects treated

make the Rationalist Annual for 1940 one of the most interesting andreadable that have appeared in recent years. In spite of the fact that thisvolume is issued in an unusually depressing period for those whose mainconcern is the freedom of the mind of man, the general note is one ofoptimism and of faith in the future.

It is not possible in a short review to do any more than pick out fromthe many admirable essays those which have most appealed to the reviewer.These are almost all articles in which the writer is telling of his ownexperiences or attitude to life, and it is not surprising that the two whichhave the most immediate appeal are written by distinguished novelists.

The very colourful and individual prose of Llewelyn Powys is alwaysa delight to read, and in " A Foot-Path Way of the Senses " he once againunderlines his own cheerful atheism, the love of life that comes throughthe senses, and his certainty that the here and now should be our mainconcern.

Marjorie Bowen in "The Faith of a Novelist " tells with a mostattractive sincerity and clarity the story of her reactions to orthodoxChristianity from childhood to the present day. A sentence from herparagraph on metaphysics is well worth quoting:

" Metaphysics I took to be the diversions of clever men, fascinating,but leading nowhere, dangerous to indulge, like drugs, but seldom of use,though now and then there would be a flash here, a sparkle there amongthe tangled polemics, that pleased and consoled."

Lord Snell in a fine essay on "The Common Heritage of Man " showsthat although all the ideals for which he has fought so strenuously duringa long life are being threatened as never before, he can still count hopefullyon their ultimate triumph.

Mr. W. B. Curry's article " Rationalism and Education " is written inthe clear and logical style leavened with a cheerful irony, which we havecome to expect from him. His views are all the more valuable as comingfrom a rationalist schoolmaster who has the power which so few rationalistschoolmasters enjoy, of putting his ideas into practice.

Prof. Joad's " The Gospels Re-read" is an article reprinted from theSpectator together with his reply to the criticisms it aroused. His ideaof re-reading the Gospels objectively and summing up his conclusionsmight well be followed with other books of established and unchallengedreputations.

The " Annual " also includes articles by Lord Ponsonby, Sir P.Chalmers Mitchell, Ernest Thurile, M.P., A. Gowans Whyte, Sir RichardGregory, H. W. Nevinson, J. W. Poynter and John Rowland.

A. W.

THE LIBERATION OF GERMANY. By Martin Abbotson. Watts & Co. 2s. 6d.This book is a vigorous indictment of Nazi Germany. It claims to be an

account largely based upon official documents of the way in which a millionpaid agents gag, corrupt, and exploit the subject people. We have recentlyhad an opportunity cif hearing the views of a leading German pacifist (OttoLehmann-Russbueldtt on the possibility of a rising in Germany against thepresent tyranny. As might be expected, he was not hopeful. "The poorGermans," he said, " arc all in one great Concentration Camp."

Much of the subject matter of Mr. Abbotson's little book is only toofamiliar, but it is written in a concise and attractive form. He describes thevery real difference between what •we call culture and the German calls

I I

KuItur, and he goes on to give particulars of the repulsive system of

education, the prostitution of literature, the degradation of Science which

have been brought about under the Hitler regime. The absurdities of Nazi

racial theory and the gross injustice and the cruelty of the treatment of the

Jews are exposed. There is a final chapter on the miseries suffered under

Nazi rule in Austria and Czecho-Slovakia. Perusal of the book excites pro-

found pity for the masses of kindly German people who are suffering from

the violent imposition of a barbaric KuItur, but it leaves the reader in no

doubt as to the stern necessity of combating the evil forces under which

Central Europe groans. F. G. G.

FOR COMMEMORATIVE PLAQUE TO BE SET UP AFTER THE

WAR IN A SCHOOL QUADRANGLE

Set their names where the local stoneEchoed once to the shouts of them,

Where the flags record their urgent feet

Publish the thing that was wrought on them.

Stout lads, some, defiant of FateOr ever the years could bid to defy . . .

Venturers gay and runners elate . .

- Too tender to take! Too vivid to die!

Some were never of warrior mould;

(And ruth or regard was none for them)

Lone unto service in life. And aloneIn the red obscenity's rape of them!

Boys in one boyhood's bright brief illusion,

Crowned with the thorn of an Age's confusion.

MERBERI J. FEAR.

SOME STRAY MEMORIES OF NEW YORKMy friends in New York have been anxious that I should write a few

notes about my impressions of their city. So many people have written

about it that I have been rather hesitant in augmenting their number, and

it is only on the assumption that every person sees something from a new

angle that I now do so.February is not the best time of the year to see New York. I should

like to be there in the late spring when all those gay frocks, which I saw in

the Fifth Avenue shop windows, would help to adorn Fifth Avenue itself.

This handsome street looked a little grim in winter, everybody muffled up

cap-A-pie, the only,surprise item being the hat, for an American woman's

glory is her hat. I like Fifth Avenue very much; it is wider, whiter, and finer

than the parallel avenues which are grimmer altogether. Besides, it is still so

superior and aristocratic that you are charged a dime on the Fifth Avenue

buses, whereas on all other vehicles on Manhattan you pay no more than a

nickel.The chief method of transport is, of course, the Subway. There is

nothing luxurious about it, but it is safe, fast, and reliable: in appearance it

resembles the Metro of Paris rather than the tubes of London. All journeys

cost a nickel which is pressed into a slot as one enters the platform. You

may travel up to about 20 miles for this sum so what right has the citizen to

grumble if at certain times it is overcrowded, hot (and speak it not in Gath),

12

smelly? On the main lines through Manhattan there are two sets of rails,local and express. An express may thunder through as many as eightstations; it is quite a thrill to blind along underneath the city; I lived the lineswritten by a New York poet :

" A figment in the crowded dark,Where men sit muted by the roar.

I ride upon the Whirring Spark,Beneath the city's floor."

If you travel through any of the tunnels under East River, you arrive inBrooklyn. Here, and spreading far into Long Island, is by far the largestresidential area of New York. I stayed at Lynbrook, 20 miles from downtown. Seen from the train, there were built-up districts the whole way.Travel by road twenty miles out of London and you pass by houses thewhole way; but you certainly would not by train. However, many of thesuburbs were very charming; there were plenty of graceful trees (Long Islandis all trees), open spaces, and grassy borders by the roadside. Most of thehouses are completely detached and are surrounded by garden; there are nohedges, fences or walls as symbols of demarcation; no privacy, perhaps, butthere is something: a charm, a •pattern, which has an appeal of its own. Iliked the names of the stations on the way to Lynbrook. Kew Gardens,Forest Hills, Cedar Manor, Rosedale, Valley Stream; what magic to soothethe tired business man in his hurried exit from the city! I want to see LongIsland in May or June when its sylvan beauty is in full glory. Not far fromLynbrook is one of the island's parkways. These are main roads, borderedcompletely by a green belt of parkland. At intervals there are open stretchesof ground for picnics. The parkways are entirely for the pleasure of theinhabitants of Long Island.

But do not think that the more immediate vicinity of New York isnecessarily grim. One day I took the subway to 187th Street, or thereabouts,and stood on the heights above the Hudson river. I could look across to thesteep tree-covered banks of Neav Jersey; there was a frosty clarity in the air,the waters were gleaming in the sunshine; one had a sense of freedom andmajesty. Near this spot are the famous cloisters, an attempt to reconstructon Manhattan some of the peace and beauty of mediicval Europe. All thecloisters are genuine and have been transferred stone by stone in the mannerof "The Ghost Goes West." American? You smile perhaps, too, but asI wandered around those lovely cloisters I caught some of their mood. Weare too fussy in wanting our, many relics, always in their exact background.This sanctuary must have given great pleasure to thousands of Americanswho could never hope to be able to make a journey to the old world.

I find that now I have started there is much more I would like to say.It is always the case.

Next time, perhaps. Writing about New York has made me reminisce,made me long to see the great city again, for I was impressed by its strangebeauty. I've looked across Central Park in that witching moment of wintertwilight when all the world is blue; there was the magic skyline, with lightsappearing like new stars in the windows of the skyscrapers. More and moreconstellations were formed till the whole city was a pattern of light. Yes, Iunderstand the mood of the writer of that haunting song:

" Soft Manhattan evenings fall,A velvet dusk envelops all,On Hudson River distant tugboats cry;Ship to ship, and shore to shore,The waters make a shining floor,And hum a Transatlantic Lullaby."

J. L. GREEN.13

THE MYSTERY OF THE ENGLISH SOULSeen through the eye-glasses of a refugee.

Read at tlze " At Horne" on Or toher I I. 1939.

Since the world began there have been people who prefer to be masters

and others who prefer to be mastered. The first group may be called

aristocratic, and the second servile. The English and the Germans are, tosome extent, of the same stock. The Anglo-Saxons, however, migrated to

England from their old country to conquer a land which was strange to

them. So they learned the pioneering spirit of independence and self-

reliance, whereas the Germans remained in their old country and had to

defend it against their neighbours. So they acquired a military spirit and

were accustomed to regimentation. No wonder that the English belong

more to the aristocratic type and the Germans more to the subordinate type.

The most sacred word in German is the word service. Give up all

your personal likes or dislikes and devote yourself with all your heart to

tasks prescribed for you by your superiors. Do not depart one iota from the

letter of the law. There is a saying: "Service is service, and brandy isbrandy." It means: "Take your service as seriously as you take your

drink." For drink is taken seriously by Germans. There is no festivitywhatever where people do not drink together.

The word i'ervice does not sound so religions to the English ear as it does

to the German. The English appraise freedom more. They are an

aristdcratic nation, a nation of Gentlemen.I notice that in England not only are the Lords aristocratic, but also

the man in the street—the artisan, the shopkeeper. the official and the

labourer. It is a proud race with a high sense of self-esteem.

These are some stories of my own experience:I wanted to buy a pound of apples from a small shopkeeper. They

looked very nice and they were cheap. The seller gave me a pound, but not

of those which looked so appetising but of another lot beside them. I got

angry and said: " No sir, I want these." " They are all the same," was the

prompt reply. " If that is so, you may give me those 1 want," I answered.

" You do not want them?" he retorted firmly, and took back the apples he

had given me. Then I wanted to buy some lemons. But he would not sell

me anything more. He felt insulted by my behaviour. He wanted to bethe master of his commodities. He allowed nobody to overrule him. Self-

esteem was greater even than profit.I was listening to a speaker in Hyde Park. He tried to make his points

and he spoke quite interestingly. Among those listening was an old woman

who kept on interjecting all kinds of critical remarks so loudly that I could

not understand what the speaker said. I suggested to her that she should

set up a platform qf her own, so that she could say what she liked and we

could hear what the speaker said. " No sir," she answered, "This is England.

You are a foreigner, you do not understand England. Can you speak freely

in your own country?" This old woman was probably poor but she was

proud of her English pioneering spirit. She wanted to fight for England's

freedom against the intrusion of a foreigner. It is better to interrupt a

speaker who speaks nonsense than let him say his stuff unchallenged—only

because that is a better order. Order--all right – but freedom of speech -

that stands higher.It was raining " cats and dogs." I looked for a shelter under the roof

of a house near a railway station. Beside me stood an elderly English lady.

Thunder pealed, lightning flashed. The lady quivered with fright. The

weather is a heavenly subject to bring people together, especially in England

14

—by talking about it. So we had a chat. I told her I had had bad luck.I had slummed the door of my lodging and forgotten my purse with my keyand money. I still had a walk of one hour and a half to the place of myappointment. So I could not wait and wanted to walk off. " You caffitwalk in this weather," she said. " I shall give you the fare. How much isit?" I stammered something of twopence. "That will not do. Here is asixpence." I thanked her and asked for her address so that I could returnit. When she heard that I was a refugee, she said: " No sir, you will notreturn it to me. We English are obliged to help the refugees." That wasan aristocratic attitude. That was ladylike. Wc must be chivalrous to thosewho suffer.

I was in a library. I had placed my eye-glasses near the edge of thetable. An English lady accidentally knocked them oit and one of the glassesbroke. This hit me hard for I had not enough. money to pay for the repair.First I did not say anything. Then a gentleman who witnessed the occurrenceand had noticed my embarrassment said: " Approach the lady, she will payfor the damage, for I saw it was her fault.- I asked for her name andaddress. She cold-shouldered me saying: " I have nothing to do with you."The gentleman was indignant. He said: "I will go to the librarian, he mayask for the police." A constable came. The lady was asked into anadjacent room where officials obtained her name and address and gave themto me, saying: "We are not judges, the case is difficult to decide, you maygo to the police court.- The gentleman who had suggested I should approachthe lady. said: " No sir, you will not go to the courC and he took out hispurse and paid the sum vicariously for the English lady who had treatedme in such an un-English way. He wanted to make up for the bad exampleset by his fellow countrywoman. He was a gentleman of the highest degreeand aristocratic in the best sense of that term.

I do not know if I shall end my life in England. My intention was togo to America. The war has thwarted my plan. But one thing I am quitesure of, I may forget the English lady-1 think she was not well-to-do andbelieved that she was in the right -but I shall not forget the gentleman.He did not belong to the upper classes but he was one of the best representa-tives of English aristocracy and chivalry which nobody can appreciate morethan an enemy alien refugee who is neither an enemy nor feels he is analien in this country, but as a rdugee realises what chivalry means—toa foreigner. IMMANLIVIL LEAVY.

THE SOCIETY'S ACTIVITIESMatter for insertion in the January issue of the RECORD should reach

the Editor early in the month, and in any CUR' not later than SA FURDAYDecember 16." AT HOME "—The next Sunday afternoon monthly " At Home " will be

on December 17. The proceedings will begin at 3 p.m. The Guest willbe Dr. Immanuel Lewy. Tea will be at 4 p.m. (Charge 6d.) The ClubRoom will be available for lunch.

" AT HOMES"—FOR REFUGEES.--These are held in the I.ibrary onWednesdays from 3 to 6 p.m. Most of the guests speak some Englishand are anxious tO increase their knowledge. Members are invited tohelp by talking to them. Discussions, short talks or music arc arranged.Contributions to the Tea Fund would be welcomed by the Hon.Treasurer, Doris Partington, 28 Leith Close, Kingsbury, N.W.9.

Hon. Sec.: Mrs. L. D. Battersby, 2 Tryon House, Mallord Street,Chelsea, S.W.3.

FEDERAL UNION STUDY GROUP.—Meets on Saturdays at 5 p.m.

15

December 2, Miss R. Bernstein, " Colonial Problems of Federal Union

December In, Miss I,aine, " Economic Problems of Federal Union.-

Hon. Sec.: Mrs. E. Washbrook, 33 Claremont Close, N.I.

LIBRARY.—Open Sunday mornings and at other times by arrangement withthe Acting Librarian. Free to members and associates. Non-members

may borrow books On payment of 5s. per annum. A slip must be filled

in for each book borrowed. When books are returned they must be

handed to the Librarian, and not be replaced on the shelves.

A ding Librarian : Mrs. A. Iasi ER, Conway Hall.

PHILOSOPHY CROUP (jointly with F.P.SI), Saturday, November 25, at3 p.m.. Mr. J. S. Collis on " Havelock Ellis, the Philosopher."

Wednesday. December 13. at 8 p.m., Dr. Pryns Hopkins on " A

Critique of Freud's ' Moses and Monotheism

Hon. Secretary : Mr. A. C. Rankin, 49 Massington Road, N.W.3,

RAMBLES.—Sunday, December 31. -Hcrtingfordbury, Essenthin, LittleBerkhampstead, and Bayford. Train 10.35 a.m. King's Cross, 13arnet

train, change at Finsbury Park, for Hertford North. C.D.R. 2s. 8d. from

King's Cross. C.D.R. 2s. 4d. from Finsbury Park. Tea will be at

Hertford, at about 4.30 pm. Leader : F. A. Sowan.

Hon. Secretary : Mrs. NI. Orren, 4 Cairn Avenue, Ealing. W.5.

TaDANSANT, in the I.arge Hall on Saturday, January 6. for all members, and friends. The band will bc in attendance from 3 to 7 p.m., and tea

will be served from 4 o'clock. Admission 2s., including tea. Further

details from the Hon. Dance Secretary, Mr. C. E. Barralet, 34 Clarendon

Way, Chislehurst, Kent, who will appreciate if members bringing parties

could notify him of the approximate number.

Other activities are suspended for the present.

SOUTH PLACE SUNDAY CONCERT SOCIETYThe Society's Concerts are suspended at present, but it is hoped that,

if conditions are favourable, they will be started in the New Ycar on Sunday

afternoons. The Alfred J. Clement,: Memorial Fund is still open and con-

tributions will be welcomed by the [lout Treasurer. Mr. A. E. Watson, Con-

way Hall.lion. Secretary: Mrs. D. M. C. tements, 8 Finchley Way, N.3.

New MembersM rs. D. GRAHAM. Lyceum Club, 15, Berkeley Street, W.I.

Mr. F. A. Si ACTO14, United University Club, I, Suffolk Street, S.W.1.

Changes of AddressMrs. I. M. E. Batscof, 41% Queen's Avenue, Muswell Hill, N.I0.

Mr. J. A. GRAHAM, 22, Wynnstay Road, Colwyn Bay.

Miss M. E. HARRIES, 44. Dewsland Park, Newport, Salop.

Mrs. J. R. HINCHLIFF, 12, Canynge Square, Bristol, 8.

Mr. J. Katz, White Lodge Hotel, Crowborough Road, Saltdean,

Brighton.Mr. W. KI:NT, 73, Union Road, S.W.4.

Miss E. M. ROTHERHAM. 78, Frances Road. Windsor, Berks.

Mr. H. M. Scan-, Linotype & Machinery Ltd.. Altrincham, Cheshire.

Miss F. J. SIMONS, Bolton Hotel, Burlington Place, Eastbourne.Miss S. Toms, Homewood, Felden Lane, Boxmoor, Herts.

Mr. and Mrs. A. E. WATSON. The Manor House, Cioudhurst, Kent.

Mr. D. V. WATKINS, 75, Leigham Court Road. Streatham, S.W.I6.— -

Printed at the Farleigh Press (T.T.Je all depts.), 17-29 Cayton Street, E.C.i.