Signposts in the Landscape: Marks and Identity among the ... · Figure 1. Map of the Negev, Israel with indication of rock art sites mentioned in the article. 1, Giva't HaKetovot

ForthcominginNomadicPeopleshttp://www.whpress.co.uk/NP.html

©CommissionforNomadicPeoples

1

SignpostsintheLandscape:MarksandIdentityamongtheNegevHighlandBedouin

DavidaEisenberg-Degen

Abstract

OverthecourseofthepastmillenniapastoralnomadsmigratedfromtheArabianPeninsulaand

neighboringregionsintotheNegevdesert.ParticularlywiththelastmajorwaveofBedouinmigrationin

the18thand19thcenturies,thesegroupsintroducedthe“BedouinPhase”intotheNegevrockart,a

traditionthatwascentraltotheNegevBedouinculturethroughthemid-late20thcentury.The"Bedouin

Phase"ismostlymadeupofcombinationsofabstractmarks,manyofwhichsignifytribalaffiliations,and

alimitednumberofArabicinscriptions.Frequentlyengravednearearliermotifs,theBedouintribal

markingsformedalinkwiththepastwhilealsoindicatingtotheirintendedaudience,landownership

rightsandresource-useentitlement.RapidandbroadchangestookplaceinBedouinsocietyandculture

asittransformedfrombeingsemi-nomadicandpastoral-basedtomoredependentonagricultureand

finallytoabroad-basedwagelaboreconomy.Thearticledescribeshowtheplacementofrockartwithin

thelandscapeandthefunctionitplayedfortheBedouinintheregionreflectsthesechanges.Inthe

absenceofofficialdocumentation,thestudyofBedouinrockartisofspecialinterestsincethese

engravingsenableafreshperspectiveoncurrent-dayBedouinclaimstoancestralofhistoricalland

ownershiprights.

Keywords:NegevBedouin,rockart,wasm,territorialmarkers,idlegraffiti,doodling,culturalchange

Introduction

TheresearchpresentedevolvedfromastudyofBedouinmarksconductedinthecourseofmoregeneral

researchonNegevrockart.Thepaperconsiderstheuseofthewasm(pluralwusum)tribalinsigniawithin

theBedouinPhaseofNegevrockart.Rockartservesasanumbrellatermforanthropogenicmarkson

naturalsurfacesmadewithanumberoftechniques.ThetermRockArtshouldnotbeunderstoodliterarily

asthemarks,eveniffigurativeorrepresentable,werenotmadeasanartisticexpressionandindeedrock

artiscreatedformanydiversepurposes.ThemarksmadebytheBedouinfulfilledaspecific

communicativefunctionwithintheirparticularculturalcontext.TheNegevrockartmayberoughly

dividedintofivephases(Eisenberg-Degen,NashandSchmidt2016:162).Therockartofeachphasediffers



2

fromthatoftheothersphasesmostlyinthedepictedsubjectratherthanintheappliedstyle.For

example,camelswereintroducedinthethirdphaseandwereoftenpecked/engravedinthefourthphase

aswell.Ibex,themostpopularzoomorphinNegevrockartandpossiblythroughouttheSouthernLevant

(Avneretal2016),wasdepictedinseveralformsinthefirstphasesandlaterwasrepeatedlypresentedin

moresimplifiedlinearforms.Indistinctiontotheolderphases,theBedouinPhase,consistsalmost

entirelyofabstractmarks.Thepaperfocusesontheseabstractmarksbyexaminingtheiroriginand

historicalfunctionwithintheBedouinsocietyandcultureandtheiruseandpotentialmeaningtoday.

TheresearchonBedouinmarksintheNegevrockartisbasedonarchaeologicalandethnographicdata

collectedduringfieldworkconductedintheCentralNegevHighlands,Israelfrom2011tothepresent.The

rockartdataaremostlyfromtwosites,HarMichia(Figure1.no.2)andGiva'tHaKetovot(Figure1,no.1)

whereextensivedocumentationwascarriedoutonover6,000elements(Eisenberg-Degen,2012).

AdditionalsourcesofdataarefromtheEnNusracaveinAvdat(SchmidtandEisenberg-Degen,2015),

RamatMatredrockartsite(Figure1.no.3),whichiscurrentlybeingsurveyedanddocumented(Israel

AntiquitiesAuthoritySurveypermitS-642conductedbyShapiraandEisenberg-Degen),andMt.Kidod

(IsraelAntiquitiesAuthoritySurveypermitS-561).Usingsuperimpositionandseriationtoidentify

chronologicaltrends,itisapparentthatahighpercentageoftheabstractmotifsfoundatthesesitesmay

beattributedtotheBedouinPhaseofNegevrockart(Eisenberg-DegenandRosen,2013)andthatmany

oftheserepresenttribalmarkings,wusum.Theresearchsuggeststhattheplacementandcontentofthe

Bedouinengravingsreflecttheirsocio-economichistory,particularlyregardingthechangeinthemanner

thattheBedouinearnedtheirlivelihood.

Tobettercomprehendtherole,use,andmeaningofthevariousabstractmarkingswithinBedouin

culture,inparalleltothearchaeologicalandrockartsurveys,theauthorsconductedlocalfieldwork

bydiscussingfieldobservationswithmembersofNegevBedouincommunities.Thesediscussions

assumedanethnographicnaturewithbothformalandinformal,semi-structuredinterviewswith

men(aged18-70)fromthevillagesadjacenttotherockartsites.ThesemenarecitizensofIsrael

butresideinunauthorized,or‘unrecognized’settlementssuchasAbuKaf,andal-AtrashandWadi

ArichaandAbda.TheresearcherssimilarlyinterviewedelderBedouinmenfromtheal-Azāzmeh

andJanabibtribeswholiveintheremoteRamonregionoftheCentralNegevandwhoseattitudes

andlifestyleyetcontainelementsoftheirpastoral-agrarianpast.Moreover,theresearchersspoke



3

aboutrockartwithmaleBedouininformantswhowereemployedaslaborersinarchaeological

excavationsorworkingonconstructionsites.Mostofthesemenlivedingovernmentapproved

BedouintownshipsintheNorthernNegevincludingSegevShalom,Kuseife,Hura,TelShevaand

Rahat.

Itshouldbementionedthat,atpresent,thefemaleBedouinoutlookonrockartismostlyabsent

fromthedata.Womenhavenotbeenintegratedintothearchaeologicallabourforceand,in

accordancetolocalBedouinconventionspertainingtomodestyandgenderseparation,themale

ethnographerremainedwithintherealmofhismaleinformants.ThefemaleBedouinperspective

onrockart,landscapeandterritoryofferafascinatingcomparativetopicofresearch.Eventhough

theresponsibilityoversmallherdsisusuallyundertherealmofyoungwomen,muchoftherockart

seemstohavebeenmadebymen.BasedoninscriptionsengravedintheAradarea(Mt.Kidodsite,

JudeanHills,Figure1,no.4),of341inscriptionsdatedtothelast30years,only0.02%included

femalenames.Informants(R.ArayatandS.Al-Sarayia,interview,June2015)notedthatthefemale

namesindicategoatherdersasitisnotcustomaryforfemalestoherdcamels.Themalenames

couldreflectbothgoatandcamelsherdboysormen.

Figure1.MapoftheNegev,Israelwithindicationofrockartsitesmentionedinthearticle.1,Giva't

HaKetovot.2,HarMichia.3,RamatMatred.4,Mt.Kidod.

BedouinpresenceintheNegevDesert

Inthefirsthalfofthe18thcentury,whentheNegevformedthesouthernmostreachesoftheOttoman

Empire,Bedouinsub-tribalclans,knowninArabicashamail(hamulainsingular),migratedfromthe

ArabianandSinaipeninsulasintotheNegevHighlands(Bailey1985;Kressel1998;RosenandGoodfriend

1993;Stewart1991;2011).InternalpoliticalstrugglesbetweentheprovincialarmiesoftheOttoman

PashasenabledtheBedouintribesfromSinai,JordanandthesouthernHejaztotakeadvantageofa

vacuuminlocalgovernanceandmoveintotheNegevHighlands.ThepastoralbasedBedouinbegan

supplementingtheirincomewithrun-offirrigationagriculture(Meir1997).Therunoffirrigationsystems

hadlainabandonedsincetheLateByzantine-EarlyIslamicperiod(7thcenturyCE).Assistedbyfellaheen

landtenants,migrantagriculturallaborerswhoemigratedfromEgyptandSinai,theBedouinprovedtobe



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aptfarmersaswellasherders.Despitetheharshsemi-aridenvironmentalconditionsandthescarcityof

naturalresources,particularlywater,theBedouinsuccessfullygrewandtradedwheat,barley,figs,dates

andraisingrapes(Ben-David1989).

DuringthisperiodtheBedouinledamostlyautonomousexistence.AvoidingcontactwiththeOttoman

administration,theyabidedbytheirowninternallaws,customsandagreementsinmatterspertainingto

thecontrolofwatersources,pasturelands,tradeandtravelroutesinandthroughtheNegev.Withthe

landduallyemployedbothforgrazingandcultivation,theNegevBedouinbecamemoreattachedtothe

localregion,formulatingasenseofland-based“territoriality”(Kresseletal.1991;Meir1997,73-105).As

moreBedouinturnedtoagricultureasasourceoflivelihood,theyclearedplots,restoredancientcisterns

(Meriaot2011)anddugwaterreservoirs(Kresseletal.1991).Theincreaseddemandforlandalongside

theriseintradebroughtabouttheneedtomoreclearlydefinetriballandholdingsbydividingtheminto

smallerunits(Meiretal.1996).Inthelate19thandearly20thcenturythevariousBedouinsub-tribes

feudedovercontrolofchoicelandparcelsforagricultureandgrazing(Bailey1978;Marx1974:16).

WithmountingEuropeanpoliticalandcommercialinterestsintheSuezCanal,theOttomangovernment

tookmeasurestoregulateBedouinactivitiesandpropertyholdings(Kresseletal.1991).Centralinthis

processwastheenactmentoftheOttomanLandLawin1858thatrequiredtheresidentsoftheNegevto

formallyregistertheirlandholdingsandpaypropertytaxestothegovernment.ManyBedouinhesitated

tocooperatewiththeseregulatorydemands,fearingtheircompliancewouldleadtoincreasedtaxation

andpotentialconscriptionintothearmedservicesoftheSultan(Bailey1990;Grossman1992,115;

Jakobowska1992).

Towardstheendofthe19thcentury,aftermakinglimitedprogresswiththeimplementationofthe

OttomanLandLaw,theOttomanauthoritiesunilaterallyappropriatedwhattheydeclaredtobethe

'unclaimed'landsoftheNegevBedouin,termingthemMewat.Mewatisacategoryofstatecontrolled

territorylocatedoutsideinhabitedorfarmedareas(Stewart2011).ThetownofBeer-Shevawas

establishedin1906toserveasajudiciaryandmarketcentre.Thatsameyear,Ottomanlegal

cartographersdraftedaregionalmapdesignatingthebordersandareasofsettlementoftheBedouin

tribesintheNegev(KarkandFrantzman2012;Yahel2006).Themaprecognizedsixdominanttribes–al-

Azāzmeh,Ah’eiwat,Tarābīn,Sa’idyin,TayahaandJabarati.Themapwasbroadlybasedoninternal



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Bedouinlandagreementsthat,untilthatera,weremaintainedinparallelorinplaceofOttoman

registrationmethods.

TheBedouinsenseofterritorialityfurtherdevelopedduringtheBritishmandate(1920-1948).Encouraged

bycolonialadministratorswhodugwells,theBedouinbegantosettleinspecificareasandtooktoclearing

andrestoringancientwells(Meriaot2011)anddiggingnewwaterreservoirs(Kresseletal.1991).Theplot

boundariesthatwereestablishedduringthisperiodremainedlargelyintactuntil1948whentheStateof

IsraelcameintobeingandtheNegevunderwentarapidprocessofnationalizationthatledtoprofound

socio-demographicandjuridical.Inthesecondhalfofthe20thcentury,theBedouintransitionedfrom

beinglandholdingpastoral-agrarianstosettledandgenerallylandlessworking-classurbanites.

Inwakeofthe1948war,mostoftheNegevBedouinfledfromtheIsraeliheldNegevintotheneighboring

Arabstates(Marx2009,491).Takingadvantageoftheirdeparture,thenewly-formedIsraeligovernment

consolidateditsgeopoliticaldominanceovertheregionbydraftingaseriesoflawsintendedtooffset

Bedouinmigratoryactivities.In1950thegovernmentdeclaredalllandsouthofBeer-Shevatobestate-

owned.Between1952and1966,inspiteofBedouinobjections,thegovernmentfurtherrestrictedthe

movementoftheBedouinbydirectingthemtoliveinadministrativereserves(sayag)anddeclaringtheir

landholdingstobeStateproperty.

Beginningin1968withthefoundingoftheBedouintownofTel-Sheva,theIsraeligovernmentinitiated

therelocationoftheBedouinintopre-plannedmunicipalitiessituatedintheouterconfinesofthe

NorthernandEasternBeer-ShevaBasin.NearlyhalfoftheBedouinpopulationrefusedtorelocatetothe

towns(Marx2009;Abu-Saad2008).Instead,representativesfromthedifferenthamailremainedontracts

oflandthat,inaccordancewiththeirtradition,belongedtothemthroughancestralinheritance.

Intime,thedissentingoccupants(estimatedtodayatroughly110,000)erectedsettlementsonornear

theirplots.Theresultingsemi-permanentencampmentsexpandedintovillages,townshipsandsmall

townsmanyofwhicharestillconsideredunauthorizedbytheIsraeliauthorities.Theyaretherefore

“unrecognized”intermsofentitlementtobasicgovernment-supportedinfrastructureandservices(Figure

2)(Begin2013;Rudnitzky2012).Thetransition,especiallyamongtheBedouinoftheNorthernNegev,

frombeingquasi-autonomousdesertdwellerstosedentarytaxpayingcitizens,effectivelyendedmanyof

theircustomaryactivities.Theseincluded,forthepurposesofthispaper,semi-nomadicherdingandrun-



6

offirrigationfarming,subsistencepatternsthatengagedthefunctionaluseofrockengravingsasameans

ofcommunicatingfamily/triballandownershiprightsacrossasharedlandscape.

Figure2.Illegal/unrecognizedBedouinvillageneartheTziporimjunctionintheNegevHighlands(Image:J.

Schmidt)

Therearemorethanten-thousandBedouinlandclaimsintheNegev.Attheheartofthematterisa

discrepancyofinterpretationovertheacceptedprotocolforimpartinglandbetweenfamilyand/orhamail

membersandthesubsequentstatusofitsoccupiers.TheformerlyilliterateBedouintribespeopleadhered

to,andcontinuetoemploy,oraltraditionalsandinternalrecognitionofphysicalmarkingstodefinethe

boundariesoftheirlandparcels.Theboundariesoflandownershipwereusuallydefinedaccordingto

objectslocatedinthelandscapesuchasnaturalmarkersand/orpredeterminedman-madesigns.This

methodofcommunication,throughdirectapplicationofthelandscape,standsincontrasttothecomplex

proceduresrequiredinIsraeltodaytoregisterlandholdingswithinthecurrentjudiciaryandbureaucratic

systems.

WithoutadmissibledocumentaryevidenceasdeterminedbytheIsraelistate,theBedouinlandclaims

havehadlittle-to-nosuccesswithinthenationalcourts.Bedouinslivinginunrecognizedvillagesaredenied

licensesforbuildinganysortofpermanenthousing.Allformsofhousing(exceptfortents)areconsideredillegaland

aresubjecttoheavyfinesanddemolitionproceedings.Insomecasesentirevillageshavebeendestroyedwith

citizenssufferingseverecasualties(Abu-Saad2008).Inotherinstances,theStatehasexchangedlandand

moneyforpermanentlandagreementswithcertainBedouinfamilies(interviewwithofficialsfrom

AuthorityfortheSettlementandDevelopmentoftheBedouinintheNegev,May/November2016).

AlthoughtheBedouinhavelivedintheregionlongerthananyoftheotherlocalcommunities,these

situationsofpermanentlandagreementsarerare.

Landscape,territoryandboundariesasperceivedbypastoral-agriculturalists

Havingbrieflydiscussedthehistoricalandpresentcircumstancesinvolvedinthesettlementdynamicof

theNegevBedouin,thearticlenowfocusesonthelandscapeoftheNomadicround.Cultureand

economicsareinterwovenwithinthesocietalmakeupofagivenpeople.Manyaspectsofdailylifeare



7

reflectedthroughboththematerialandspiritualrealmsandlifeexperiences.Thedistinctmannerthata

communityviewstheworldissymbolicallyincorporatedintotheirdailytasksandaremirroredwithin

theirlife-worlds,forexample,theiracceptedsystemsofpoliticalorganization,standardsofconduct,

modesofmusic,artandcommunication,ritualizedritesofpassage,mannerofburialandperceptionsof

space,time,honoranddeath(Bailey1982;Galilee,etal.2013:75-56;Turner1974;Zerubavel2003).

Similarly,thespatialperceptionofaperson,theirconceptofgeographyandterritory,resultsfromtheir

culturalconditioning(Meir,etal.1996),whatinphenomenologicaltermsisknownastheirbeing-in-the-

world(e.g.Merleau-Ponty,1981),andisakeyfactortounderstandingrockartdistributionwithinagiven

landscape(Bradley1994).

Themostdistinctchangesinlandscapeuseanditsculturalimplicationsarethosenotedbetweennomads

andsedentarycommunities.Thesedifferencesareparticularlynotablewhensemi-nomadsareforcedto

permanentlysettle.Althoughmostnomadicpastoralpeoplespossesselaboratesystemsofproperty

ownershipandstrongtiestotheirextensiveterritories(Gilbert2007),theBedouinsocietiesintheNegev

werenotrecognizedasdefiningthemselveswithinthecontextoftheirlandholdings(Meir1996).The

Bedouinsenseofterritoriality,thatis,theirneedto‘control’specificareasordominateparticularnatural

resourcesseemstohaveoccurredgraduallyinthenegevasaresponsetochangingeconomic

opportunities..

Atonetime,eachtribalunithadaparticularDira.Diramaybedefinedinanumberofwaysbut

essentiallythedirawasthegeographic,spatialsphereofBedouinlife.Thediraincludedmigrationroutes,

wellsandcisterns.NaturalresourcessuchaswaterandpasturelandswereperceivedasGodgivenand

thedirawasdividedaccordingtodrainagebasinsintolandsintendedforfarmingandlandforpasturethat

wereaccessed,managedandsharedatvariouslevelsoftribalandsubtribalagreements(Yiftacheletal

2016).Intheirpresent-daysedentarystateandinthecontextoflackofrecognitionbytheIsraelistate,

thedirasystemhasmostlylostitsfunctionalmeaningwithinBedouinculture.

WhentheBedouinoftheNegevwereprimarilypastoraliststheirperspectiveofagiventerritoryassumed

asocialratherthanspatialnature.Withagriculturebecomingmorecentraltotheirlivelihoods,thenotion

ofthediratransformedintoamorewell-defineddomain.Grazinglandswerelesslikelytobeconsidered

communalandthestatusofthetribeasasingleentity,begantodiminish.AsmoreBedouinbegan

workinginagriculture,thetribaldirawasparcelledintoplots.Thedemandforlanddrovetheneedto



8

betterdefinepropertyrights,especiallyinthemorearidregionswhereresourceswerescarce.Bythe

early-mid19thc.,thediracametobeaspatialdesignationdefinedbyfixedgeographicboundaries.Meir,

etal.(1996)dividestheevolutionofthediraintofourstages:1)Thedirawasroughlytheequivalentof

thedistancefromthewatersourcetothesummergrazingareas.Thewellsonrouteremainedundertribal

possession;2)Resultingfrombothpastoralandagriculturaldemandsontheland,plotsweredivided

amongextendedfamiliesbasedonwatershedpatternsandwadicourses.Thedira,thatwasoncetribal,

cametorepresentthegreaterterritoryofanextendedfamilyoragroupofhamail,termedrubah.Newor

restoredwellsandreservoirsbecameprivateproperty;3)Intime,moreformalmeansofland

classificationandpossessingdevelopedincludingtheuseofrujum,man-maderockpiles;4)Thiswas

followedbytheconstructionofstructuresandfacilitiesthatwererelatedtodryfarmingcultivation,

includingstoragestructuresforcropsandfodder.Thisperiodalsosawtheerectionofcemeteriesinfixed

locationsandburialtombsofprominenthistoricalfigures.

Thelocationofthecemeteryhelpedestablishtribalterritorybyactingasaphysicaldeclarationof

ownershipandpropertyentitlement(Galilee,etal.2013,75-76;seethe1975WesternSaharaCasein

Gilbert2007;Rosenetal.2007).ThreeBedouincemeteriessetaroundBe'erHafir,awellinthewestern

partoftheNegevHighlands,demonstratethispattern.Thegeographicrelationshipbetweenthethree

cemeteriesissuchthateachcemeterydefinesapreciseareaofownership(Kresseletal.2014).Ownership

ofthecemeterieswastransmittedorallyandoccasionallyreinforcedbytheuseofBedouintribalwusum

insigniathaywerefoundengravedonsomeofthehead-stones(seebelow,Figure3;Galileeetal.2013)

Figure3.Wasmengravedontheheadstoneofagrave,BedouinCemeterynearEzuz,NegevHighlands

(Image:D.Eisenberg-Degen)

Examiningcross-culturalpatterns,attitudesandbehaviourofpastoralnomadsinMediterraneansocieties,

researchersfoundthatsomecommunitiesalterthelandscape.Forexample,pastoralistsmayconstruct

corrals,clearpasturesorbuildpermanentstructuressuchasfences,cairns,storagefacilitiesexcavated

wells(ChangandKoster1986;Schneider1971),burialstructuresandrockengravings(Bradley2009).The

NegevBedouinrarelydugwellsinsteadtheyrefurbishedandthenmaintainedexistingwells,terracedrun-



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offirrigationsystems,damsandcisterns.Thesesystemsremainedpartiallyintactfromatleastthe

Byzantineera.

RockartresearchersinJordan(Corbett2011)andSaudiArabia(Khan2000:25)notedthatmanyrockart

markingsareclusteredwithincloseproximitytothedrainagepoints,dryriverbeds,wells,springs,lakesor

seasonalponds.IntheNegev,numerousmarkswereengravednearcisterns,suchasthosefromthe

ByzantinetownshipofRehovotBa-Negev.Theseconcentrationsmaybeduetothecollectiveland

ownershipandthemannerinwhichcertainindividualhamailmadeuseofavailableresources.

Incontrasttopastoralists,whosecosmologyreflectstheutilizationpatternsoftheresourcesinagiven

area,agriculturistsuseadefinedlandscape.Theagrariancosmologyconstructsratherthanutilizespre-

existingnaturalelements.Agriculturalistsattempttodisconnectthenaturalfeaturesharnessingthe

naturalfeaturesofagivenlandscapetocreateasecondaryorsupplementalenvironment(Ingold

1987:154;1988:50).Tothiseffect,prehistoricfarmersdefinedterritoriesbyenclosingthem(Fowler1983)

andclearingspecificplotsofland(Ingold1987:153).

Intheabsenceoffirmphysicalborders(e.g.,fencing),agro-orientedBedouinlandownershipagreements

weregenerallyacknowledgedinthefieldbyprearrangednaturalindicatorsormarkers.Themostvisibleof

these“landscapeanchors”(Meraoit2011)arethenumerousman-maderockpiles(rujum)thatindicate

adjoiningfamilyplotsandotherlandholdings.Thesemarkerswereusedtodefinephysicalbordersand

werenormallyemployedoverrelativelyshortstretchesoflandscape(Galileeetal.2013).Inthiscontext,

therockpilesweretypicallycomposedofsmallrocksandsetalonghilltopridges,sometimesengraved

withawasm(Kresseletal.1991).Otherlandscapeanchorsusedtodenoteplotdivisionsincluded

prominentmountains,ridgesandrifts,dryriverbeds,treesandrocksand/orman-mademarkersand,

occasionally,rockart(Meir,etal.1996;LancasterandLancaster2011).

TheBedouinPhaseofNegevrockartandWusum

TheBedouinPhaseofNegevrockartisthefinalphaseofthesequencethatspansoverroughlysix

millennia.TheBedouinPhaseisassociatedwiththemostrecentinfluxoftribalgroupsintothecentral

Negevintheearly18thand19thcenturies(Bailey1980;Eisenberg-DegenandRosen2013).Althoughsome

zoomorphsandanthropomorphicelementscanbeattributedtotheBedouinPhase,themajorityof

engravingsoftheBedouinPhaseisnon-figurative.ThenonrepresentationalmakeupoftheBedouinPhase



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ofNegevrockartisapparentlyrootedintheaniconicnatureoftheirreligiousbeliefsystemsandcustoms.

TheofficialreligionoftheNegevBedouinisIslamthoughtheyhavemaintainedseveralpre-Islamicbelief

systems(Abu-Rabia2005;Bailey1982;Boneh,1987).Theypossessaninformalattitudetowardthe

observanceofcertainreligiouspracticesgenerallyundertakenbydevoutMuslims.SomeBedouinshave

claimedthatthenomadismitselfisincompatiblewiththelifeofatrulyobservantMuslim,as

opportunitiesforschooling,learningtheQur'anandritualablutionaredifficultwithintheirdomestic

circumstances.WhileBedouinreligiondoesnotstrictlyforbidthedepictionoffigurativeiconography,it

maybethattheaniconicnatureoftheBedouinPhaseisshapedbythefunctionalroleofthemarksrather

thanfortheirpotentialforaestheticorspiritualvalue.

TheBedouinphase,withrepeatedengravingofabstractelements,standsincontrasttothepre-existing

Negevrockartphases.Theprecedingphasesincludemotifssuchasridersondonkey,horseand

camelback,combatandhuntingscenes,anthropomorphswithupraisedarms,andnumerousdepictionsof

ibex.TheabstractmotifsoftheBedouinPhaselikewisediffersfromtheabstractmarksincorporatedin

olderengravingphases.Forexample,EarlyIslamicinscriptionsareattimesaccompaniedbypentagrams

andasubdividedsquareinterpretedasagamingboard(Amitai-Preiss1997;Bell1969:57;Nevo1985:5-9),

motifsthatareabsentfromtheBedouinrockartrepertoire.ThemotifsusedintheBedouinPhaseare

relativelymoresimplified;mostlycomposedofsingleormultiplelinearmarks.

TherockartsitesofHarMichia,Giva'tHaKetovotandRamatMatredcontainhighvolumeofengravings

fromtheBedouinPhase.Over150differentabstractmotiftypeshavebeennoted(Figures4and5).A

comparativestudyoftheabstractmarksdocumentedatthethreesitesfoundsomemarkstobesite

specific(Eisenberg-Degen2012:206)andappeartosignifythetribalaffiliationsofthedifferent

inhabitants.

Figure4.TableofAbstractmarksfromNegevRockArtSites.

Figure5.WusumfromtheEzuzCemeteryandthenumberthatthesewusumweredocumentedatthe

nearbyGiva'tHaKetovotrockartsite.



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Themarkingsmaybedistinguishedaccordingtotheircomplexitylevelandengravingphase,factorswhich

separatethemintotwomainchronologies(1)Roman-Byzantineperiod(roughlyfromthe1stc.BC-mid7th

c.AD(2)theBedouinPhase,roughlydatedtothe19ththroughthelate20thcentury.Theabstractmarks

fromtheRoman-Byzantineperiodareconstructedfrommorecomplexformsthanthoseattributedtothe

BedouinPhase.TheabstractmarksfromtheRoman-Byzantineperiod,areofamorecurvilinearformand

arepartofalargerpetroglyphrepertoirethatincludesanthropomorphs,packanimals,andother

zoomorphs.TherepertoireoftheBedouinPhaseislimitedmostlytolinearforms.

Merginghistoricalsourceswithethnographicdatahelpidentifysomeoftheabstractmotifsofthe

BedouinPhaseaswusum,tribalinsignia.Somewusumwererecognizedasbelongingtotribalunitsthat

stillresideintheregion,suchastheJanabibandal-Azāzma.Other,olderabstractelementsmaybe

markingsoftribeswhonolongerresideintheregionsuchasthosedocumentedandtracedinSaudi

Arabia(Khan2000:105)andrecognizedinUpperEgypt(Winkler1938:11).IntheNegev,thesemarksmay

representBedouintribeswhopassedthroughtheareaoverthepasttwocenturiesontheirwaytoand

fromneighbouringregions,ortheymayreflectthemovementofearlier,ancienttribeswhofrequented

theregionduringtheRoman-EarlyIslamicperiods(Garf1978;Rubin1991)orevenearlier(Isaac1992).

WusumoftenactassignaturesandareusedbyBedouintosignifyownershipoveranimateobjects,such

astobrandcamelsandotherlivestock.Wusummaybedrawninthesandorconstructedfromstonesor

sticks,paintedorengravednearoronwells,ruins,existingstructuresandprominentrockoutcropping

incorporatedintostoragebagsormorerecently,usedtodecoratetentdividers(Hilden1991).These

symbolswerealsoemployedtodesignateterritorialboundaries,signdocuments,markgravesandcamp

sites(Bates1915;BentandBent1900:369;Conder1883;Field1931;Hilden2010:49-53;Khan2000;

Wendrich2008).ThewusumengravedwithintheBedouinphase,servedtotransmitinformationto

variousBedouinaudienceswhoweren’talwayspresentinthefieldatthesametime.Thewusumrelated

totheusageofnaturalresourcessuchaspasturelandsandwateringholes(Wendrich2008).

Constructedalmostentirelyfromabstractmarks,wusummayconsistofasingleshapeoracombination

ofgeometricforms.Eachhasanamewhichattimesdenotesitsformsuchas"humpofacamel","beakof

aflyingbird","pillar","comb".Itisstillunclearwhythesespecificshapes,objectsandanimalpartswere

chosentorepresenttheirparticulartribalunits.Itmaybethatthewusumweresimplynamedafter

familiarobjects.Atthesametime,othermarksbearnamesseeminglyunrelatedtotheirform.Itseems



12

thattheshapeoftheBedouintribalmarkingsdonotcontainaparticularlydeeporsignificantmeaningor

areinanywayrelatedtomythicaltalesorhistoricalaccounts(Khan2000,17-20).

Itisstillunclearwhatsizegroupawasmreflects.WhilevisitingtheArabiaPeninsulainthe

beginningofthe20thcentury,anthropologistvanGennep(1902)wrotethatitisuncertainwhether

themarkshesawweremadebytribes,clans,paternalfamilymembersorindividuals.Dickson

(1951),whorecordedtribalmarkingsintheearly20thcenturyinKuwait,foundthatallthetribeshe

encounteredexcept`Awazimhave:

…dozensanddozensofdifferentbrandsinaccordancewiththenumberofsectionsandsubsections

intowhichtheyaredivided,orthenumberofshaikhswhothinktheyoughttohavetheirownspecial

distinguishingmarksfortheircamels(1951:420).

Whenquestionedwithinthecontextofourethnography,mostinformantssaidthatanindividualdoesnot

changetheirwasmevenwhenthesizeofagivengroupgrowstoreachseveralthousandmembers.One

informantexplainedthattodifferentiatebetweenonespropertyandthatofanotherfromthesametribe,

onewouldaddanadditionalmarking.Thismaytakeform,forexample,asacuttotheearorasecond

brandingonadifferentpartoftheanimal(interview,March2017).Thecombinationofthetwomarks

narrowtheownershipdownfromthetribalcollectivetotheindividual.Yet,asDicksonnotes,attimes

individualsmaychooseanewmarktoserveastheirwasm.Inadifferentinterviewamemberoftheel-

Asamfamilytoldofamanwhodecidedtochangehismarking(interview,March2016).Currently,this

manusesamarkthatlookslikethenumber7ashiswasmratherthanhistraditionalfamilymark.

Wusumandidlegraffitiasterritorialboundarymarkers

ManyoftheBedouinPhaseabstractmarkingsareengravedinasimpleform,notemphasizedintheir

placement,sizeorthicknessofengravedlinesuggestingasortof'idle'or'casual'graffiti.Bydefinition,

graffitiordoodlingisimageryresultingfromidleunconsciousscribbling(Hodgson2008:51).Rockartmay

beidentifiedasidlegraffitibasedonethnology(Dematté2004),imagery,skill(Taçon2008)andplacement

oftheartwithinthelandscape.Hodgson(2008:51)definesdoodlingmoreas"anuntidybusinesswithless



13

attentiontothepreciselocationofangles,involvingmuchoverlapanddisregardfortheoverallgestalt".

Accordingtothisdescription,manyoftheabstractelements,includingthewusumfromtheBedouin

Phase,couldbedesignatedasdoodling.Onemayarguethatthegraffitiengravedbyshepherdsdonot

holdanyin-depthmeanings,althoughwesuggestotherwise.

Shepherdsmaypassthelonghoursspentwiththeirflocksby,forinstance,spinningwool,carvingapiece

ofwoodorbone,playingthefluteoridlydrawinggraffitiinthesandoronnearbyrocksurfaces.

Sandstoneandlimestoneareeasilymarkedwiththeuseofasharp-edgedrockormetaltool.R.Arayat,a

youngBedouinworkingatanarchaeologicalexcavationatMt.Kidodrockartsite(March2015)saw

inscriptionsscatteredaroundtheexcavationsiteandwasquicktoaddhisownname.Arayatusedametal

toolandscratchedhisnameinArabicintotworocksurfaces.Whenaskedwhyhedidit,heexplainedthat

thecrackinonerockresembledaletterinhisnameandthereforehedecidedtoaddafewmorelettersto

completeitsentirespelling.Thistookplaceoveratimespanofonlyafewminutes.Limestonethathas

developedapatinacrustisnotaseasilymarked.Likewise,creatingamoredetailedpetroglyphwith

precisepercussionistime-consuminganddemandsmoreconcentrationandphysicalstrength.

DoodlingasapasttimehasbeendocumentedamongshepherdsinIran(Watson1979,203),Mongolia

(Demattè2004)andattestedtobyseverallocalBedouininformants.Thisactivitycanbecarriedout

throughoutthecourseoftheday,especiallyinthemorefertilepasturelandswhereshepherdsmaysitfor

longperiodswhiletheflocksgrazenearby.PopularrestareasforshepherdsintheNegevinclude

ridgetops,preferablywithagentlyslopingdrainagebasinrunningtothewadibelow.Rockoutcroppings

withadarkdesertrockvarnishorpatina,areoftenfoundalongtheplateauandupperpartsofthehill

slopes,offeringrockcanvassestomark.Numerouswusumarefoundonpanelsplacedinsuchlocations

andlendthemtheappearanceofbeingidlegraffiti.Whilesomewusummayhavefoundtheirwayinto

thelandscapeinthisfashion,itappearsthatotherswerepurposefullyengravedassignsofownership.

Therecognitionoftherockartasso-calledidlegraffitiinnowayrendersitmeaningless,onthecontrary,it

lendsthemarkingsacontext.Althoughthebasicrepertoireofthisgraffitimaybesimilartoentoptic

designs,suchasgrids,andseriesofshortlinesordots,graffitialsoreflectsitsinscriber(Battles2004).

Doodlingreflectsaninternalstateofbeing,thestructuringofthehumanvisualsystemand/orthecurrent

situationincorporatingexternalstimuli(Watson2008).Thus,theactofengravingmightstartasawayto



14

passthetime,yet,overtime,theverysamemarkingsmaydevelopintoameaningfulimage(Faulstich

2008)and,indoingso,reflectstheculturalsettingandoriginofthemarkmaker(Watson2008).

Manydark-faced,patinacoveredoutcropsbearingmarkslikelyleftbyBedouinshepherdsarestrategically

locatedintheNegevlandscape.Thevantagepointsfromthepanelsofferaviewoftheterrainbelow

includingthewadicoursesandtheadjoiningrun-offirrigationterracedfieldsystems,someofwhichare

stillworkedtothisday.Insuchcases,thedistributionpatternofthewusumfitsbothwiththeseasonal

movementsoftheshepherdsandthetoilingofthefarmers.Hence,theabstractmarksseemtobethe

mixedresultofidlegraffitiandintentionallyengravedownershipmarkspertainingtotheadjacentfields.

SomewusumwererandomlyengravedbyBedouinshepherds,otherswereintentionallypositionedby

Bedouinfarmers.

AstheBedouineconomycametobebasedonbothformsofproduction,thefarmerandshepherd,may

havebeenthesameperson,orfromthesameextendedfamily.Hence,thereareseveralinstancesin

whichthespecificplacementofwusuminthelandscapesuggestsownershiporcontroloveracertainwadi

courses,setsofterraces,pathsorstructures.Forexample,theGiva'tHaKetovotrockartsiteisasmallhill

situatedbetweentwolargedryriverbeds.Itiseasilyreachedbyfollowingawell-travelledpath.Two

wusumareengravedonstonessetoneithersideofthispathandthusappeartofulfiladeclarative

function.Figure6presentasecondexamplefromGiva'tHaKetovotwhereawasmisengravedonarock

placeddirectlyovertheruinsofanancientdwelling.Thispanelisvisiblefromthehilltopaswellasfrom

thelowerpathwhichleadstotheruin.

Figure6.WasmplacedsoastobeseenwhenoverlookinganancientdwellingfromGiva'tHaKetovot.The

wasmconsistingof4parallellines,attributedtotheAdulamtribe,isengravedonadarkstoneatthe

centre,bottompartoftheframe(Image:D.Eisenberg-Degen).

SomewusumattheRamatMatredrockartsite(Figure1,No.3)seemtohavebeenintentionallyengraved

onspecificpanelswhichoverlookagriculturalplots(Figure7).Whilethepastoraland/oragricultural

settinginwhichthesemarksweremade,asidlegraffitiand/oraspremeditatedownershipmarksremains

unclear,themessagecommunicatedthroughtherockartisforthright:"Iampresentandthisismyland".

EvenifnotalloftheBedouinwusumwereinitiallyintendedtobeusedassignsoflandownership,

effectivelythisiswhattheyturnedouttobesince,adheringtotribalbylaws,Bedouinshepherdswould



15

onlygrazewithintheirspecifictribalpasturelands(orwithspecificpermissiontograzeinanother'slands),

wheretheywouldengravetheirowntribalmarking.FortheBedouin,whountilrecentlywere

predominantlyilliterate,strategicallyplacedrockengravingsintheformofdistinctivewusumfacilitated

communication,byenablingtheirengraverstoexpressentitlementoverterritorialresources.Akinto

traditionalformsofanimalbranding,tattooingorcontemporarygraffititagging,wusumconveyed

nuanced“discoursemessages”thatsignifiedtootherBedouinaudienceslandentitlementandproperty

ownership(Tobin1995,7;Haines2012;Hilden1991).

ForthetraditionalBedouinthewusumdenotethepresenceofagivenshepherdwithinacertainfieldor

area.Themarksconstitutedavalidandrelevanttoolofcommunication.Oneinformantexplainedthatfor

theBedouinfamiliarwiththedesertenvironment,wusumactlike“signsonagatepost”.Thatis,wusum

conveyedtheprotocolsfortheuseofaspecificlocalityorresource(InterviewwithI.oftheKashchartribe,

October2015).Anotherinformant,Muhamad,reiteratedthisexplainingthat"wusumcanbeplacedon

camels,onherdsoronanythingthatbelongstous,ourfamily,althoughnotonpeople.Ifawasmisplaced

nearawell,thatisasignforalltheotherpeoplewhocometothewell,toknowthatunlesstheyare

wateringtheirhorses,[iftheywanttousemorewater]theymustaskpermissionfromthefamilyin

charge"(Interview,April2014).

Figure7.PanelwithWusumoftheAdulamtribeoverlookingterracedwadi,RamatMatred,Negev

Highlands(Image:I.Shapira/D.Eisenberg-Degen)

Theintendedmessageofengravedmarkingsarerarelystraightforward.Thefrequencywithwhicha

markisengravedanditsdistributionoverthelandscapearecontributingfactorstounderstanding

itsmeaning.Whenamessageconsistsoflimitedinformationrepeatedmanytimes,thenthe

messageissimplerandeasiertodecipher.Inalikemanner,whentherockartrepertoirecomprises

fewmarksrepeatedmanytimes,themarksmaybeidentifiedasanownershipmarker(Hartleyand

WolleyVawser1998).Aclearexampleofthisisthedoor-shapedwasmoftheal-'Azāzmatribal

confederationthatwasdocumented102timeswithintheHarMichialandscape(Eisenberg-Degen

2012,236)whereitwassometimesfoundengravedseveraltimesonasinglepanel(Figure8).

Wusumlocationmustbeconsideredwhendecipheringtheirintendedmessage.Placementwithina

panelmayalsoexpressabondbetweenmembersofasocialgroup(Khan2000,20).Thus,when



16

setsofengravedtribalmarksareplacedadjacentoroverlappingwithoneanother,thespatial

distributionoftribalmarksandtheirrelationshiptoothermarksseemstoexpressthenatureof

theirrelationshiptooneanother.Thatis,twotribalmarksengravedatthesamesiteorevenonthe

samestonemayexpresspeacefulrelationsbetweentribes(vanGennep1902:Khan2000:20),or,

theymayperhapsbeusedtoidentifytheboundarybetweentwotribalgroups.Wusummayalso

beusedforself-promotionandprovidetheirsignifiedcommunitieswithapsychologicaledgeover

itsopponents.Thisnotionwasindicatedbyaninformantwhoclaimedthatsometime“asmalltribe

canextensivelymarklargeareasinordertoappearlargerinnumberthantheyreallyareinfactand

sobetakenmoreseriouslybytheirrivals"(November2015).

Figure8.Panelwithwusumrepeatedlyengraved,HarMichiarockartsite(Image:D.Eisenberg-Degen).

Despiteappearingasrandommarks,wusumarenuancedandnotonlydotheyrelayamessageof

ownership,buttheirplacementalongsidepreviousmarkingssuggestsanaffinitywithearlierengravings

andmarkingsleftbehindbypreviousinhabitantsoftheregion.Forthisreason,Bedouinengraversappear

tohavepurposefullyavoideddistortingorsuperimposingpre-existingimagesevenasthepresenceof

theirmarkingsinherentlyaddsnewmeaningtotheoriginalmessagescontainedinthemarks.One

Bedouineldertoldus:“Aspeoplewholiveindesert,wemustbecarefulnottodisturbordisrespectwhat

camebeforeus.Thisruleensuresthatthedesertremainspreservedforthefuturegenerations”

(ConversationwithS.Sadan,February2016).Atpresent,nocategoricaldistinctionmaybemadebetween

themarkingsoftheshepherdversusthatofthefarmer,bothconsistingofthesamemotifsandsignifying

affiliation.

Concludingremarks:InterpretingNegevBedouintribalmarkingswithinacontemporarycontext

WusumaredeeplyingrainedintherockarttraditionsoftheNegevandotherareasoftheMiddleEast,

withdozensoftypesandregionalvariationsappearingthroughoutitsdeserts.Somepanelsfeature

overlappingwusumofdifferentengravingphases,suggestingthepresenceofseveraltribesintheregion

oversuccessivehistoricalperiods.Otherwusumarefoundside-by-sideonrockartpanelsandare

attributedtotheBedouinPhaseofNegevrockart.Thesepanels(documentedatcemeteriesaswellas

rockartsites)presentdifferentwusumofthesameengravingphase,reflectvarioustribalcommunitiesor

sub-tribalunitswhowerepresentinthispartoftheNegevoverthesametimeframe.Identifyingthe



17

tribesaffiliatedwiththedocumentedwusumestablishesaconnectionandadocumentaryartefactthat

mayoffergreatervaliditytotheveracityofBedouinlandclaims.

ThesettlingoftheBedouinintheNegevandtheshiftfromadifferentiatedincomesource

(herding/farming)toabroad-based,urbanizedlaboreconomyalteredtheBedouinrelationshipwiththeir

traditionalmaterialcultureandcausedaprofoundlossofancestralknowledgeamongsubsequent

generations.Increasedurbanizationmeantthatfewerhouseholdsownedherds.Thus,theneedto

establishlivestockownershipviaanimalbrandingorgrazingrightsandresourceusagethroughrockart

insigniadeclined.SomeofourBedouininformants,mainlyeldertribesmenyetlivingintheNegev

Highlands,werefamiliarwiththeirtribalwasm,(Interviewsheldin2014-2016).Thoughfewcould

rememberorrecognizethewusumofothertribes.ThereisahighlikelihoodthatthisaspectofBedouin

culturemay,inthenot-too-distantfuture,altogetherdisappear.

TheadvancementofthisphenomenonoflossofknowledgeisevidentinthelargeBedouintownsinthe

vicinityofBeer-Sheva,butithasalsotakenitstollonthemoretraditionalizedresidentsoftheperipheral

and/orunrecognizedvillagesandtownships.TothecontemporaryBedouinmale,facedwithongoingand

insolublechallengesinhisattemptstosecuresomemeansofofficialsettlementwiththenational

authorities,Bedouinfolkwaysrootedtoaformereraarefastbecomingextraneoustohiscurrent-life

reality.Thisnotionwasclarifiedintheresponseofamiddle-agedinformantwhoresidesinan

unrecognizedvillageintheremoteNegevHighlands.Whenshowncolorphotographsofsomeofthe

wusumlocatedinthevicinityofhisvillageheresponded:“We’vegonethrough500yearsofadvancement

inlessthan50years,howdoyouexpectmetorememberwhat[wusum]symbolsmygreatgrandfather

usedtomarkhisland?”(Interview,August2015).ThestudyofBedouinrockart,therefore,particularly

aspectsofitsspatial,socialandhistoricaldimensions,offersauniqueopportunitytogaininsightsintothe

fastvanishingmechanismsofcommunicationandtraditionalformsoflandscapeusageformallypracticed

byNegevBedouin.

ResearchintothehistoricalpresenceoftheBedouintribesintheNegeviscomplexastheinterpretation

ofthefindingsareladenwithpotentialpoliticalimplications.Untilquiterecently,theBedouinwerean

illiteratesocietyandthereforedidnotmaintainawrittenhistoryoraunifiednarrative.Therelativelylittle



18

informationavailabletoresearcherswithregardtothehistoricalpresenceoftheBedouinintheNegev

generallyfollowtheoftennegativeviewofthenomadinWesternthought.Misguidedbywestern

thinking,overthecenturiesmanysawthenomadicpopulationsasbarbaricandhostileversusthelater

civilizedagriculturalist.Bedouinweredescribedandreferredtoeitherfromtheadministrativeperspective

orfromtheperspectiveofwayfarers,pilgrimsandtravellers.Theseincludepersonalizedreportsof

crossingthedesertsofwhatisnowsouthernIsrael.Thesenarrativeswereconsistentlyunderscoredwith

threatsofbeingrobbed,raped,kidnapped,torturedormurderedbyroaminggangsoflawlessBedouin

(Burckhardt1831;Conder1879,290;Eisenstein1926;Hasselquist1866;Sharon1975).

HistoricaldataregardingBedouindailylifepriortotheirurbanizationprocessisfragmentary.Systematic

anthropologicalstudyofNegevBedouinlifestylesandtraditionsonlytookfirmrootinthe1960swiththe

settlingoftheBedouin.MuchofthisresearchcentredonhowBedouinsocial,economicandculturallife

wasadaptingtothechangesandchallengesfacedinthenewurbansettings.Anacceptednarrativeof

Bedouinhistorywaspiecedtogetherbyscholarsandcombinedarchaeologicaldatawitharchival

Ottoman,BritishandIsraelilegaldocumentsandtheethnographicdocumentationofBedouinoral

traditionsfromthebeginningofthe20thcentury(Abu-Rabi’a2001;Al-Aref1937;Bailey1978,1980,1985,

1990;Ben-David1993;Ben-DavidandOrion1998;MarxandShmueli1984;Meir1997;Sharon1988).A

recurringcommondenominatoramongthesesourcesisthecentralityoflandownershipwithinthe

cultureandlivesofthe19thand20thcenturypastoral-cultivatorNegevBedouin.Rockartwasnot

consideredanespeciallyimportantfeatureofBedouinculture.

ThenuancedplacementoftheBedouintribalmarksserved–andcontinuestoserveasameansof

expressionamongtheBedouin.Similartotheurbangraffititaggingmethods,wusumannouncedtonon-

presentaudiencestheownershipstatusofacertaingeographicsetting.Themeaningscontainedinthe

wusumcouldonlybeinterpretedby‘readers’sharingthesameculturalinheritance,socialbackground

andlivingatagiventimewithinthesamegeographicregion.Forinstance,whenspeakingwithAhmed,a

youngBedouininformantlivinginTelSheva,aboutwhichwusum,hedrewaTshape.Yet,Ahmedwas

unabletoidentifytowhichfamilyorgroupthewasmbelonged.Afterbeingaskedonhowheknewitwas

awasm,Ahmedsimplyrepliedthat“hejustknewitwas”(Interview,June2016).Moreresearchcanaidin

furthercomprehendingtherepeatedusesofvarioustribalmarkings,orthepreciselengthoftimeeach

wasmwasactivelyusedintheregionandwhatfactorsledthemtoremainpertinentorlosetheir



19

standing.AbetterunderstandingofthewusummotifsengravedonNegevrocksartpanelscouldhavea

bearingonBedouinlandownershipclaimsbyhelpingtoestablishthepresenceofaspecifictribeina

particularplace.Sinceindividualthamailhavebeenconsistentlylinkedtoextendedfamilysub-tribalclan

confederations,despitetheirdiversity,thebodyofBedouin-mademarksfoundwithintheNegev

landscapeformsaninvariablycohesivesemioticsystemofsignswhoseinsightfulinterpretationmay

provideempiricalverificationforthecontestedBedouinlandclaims.Thisresearch,representsatentative

beginningtofurtheranalysesoftherelevancyofBedouinrockengravingswithincomplexcurrent-day

socio-politicalrealitiesandconditions.

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Signposts in the Landscape: Marks and Identity among the ... · Figure 1. Map of the Negev, Israel with indication of rock art sites mentioned in the article. 1, Giva't HaKetovot