Select Document: John Hampden Jackson, Finland and Ireland ... · literary journal and its related summer school in Essex.6 He later edited The ... There is plenty in Hampden Jackson’s

Irish Historical Studies (2017), 41 (160), 256–270. © Irish Historical Studies Publications Ltd 2017doi:10.1017/ihs.2017.35

Select Document: John Hampden Jackson,‘Finland and Ireland: assorted

comparisons’ (1937)

ANDREW G. NEWBY WITH RICHARD MC MAHON*Aarhus University, Denmark and Trinity College Dublin

AB S TRAC T . This select document is an annotated translation of John Hampden Jackson’s1937 Finnish-language text ‘Finland and Ireland: assorted comparisons’, an article previouslyunavailable in English. It represents an intriguing and extended instance of the generalisedcomparisons that were made between Irish and Finnish history by observers from the nineteenthcentury onwards. Therefore, as an example of a mid-twentieth-century primer of the twocountries’ ‘parallel histories’, Hampden Jackson’s article is an excellent resource. Moreover,although Hampden Jackson had carved out a niche by the 1930s as an expert on Finland, hisreflections on Ireland expose a rather patchy and superficial knowledge, and arguably a degreeof condescension. Some of the value of translating this article is that it exposes attitudes of the(broadly-defined) British Left towards Ireland in the 1930s, and particularly the way thesewere presented, in comparisons with other countries, to an overseas audience.

Political and social comparisons made between Finland and Irelandfrom the mid-nineteenth century onwards were generally underpinned by

the assertion of parallel historical narratives. William Alexander Henderson,a journalist who later became director of the Abbey Theatre, wrote ofFinland’s ‘resemblances to Ireland’ after a holiday in Russia in 1904.Having outlined the two countries’ similarities in an Evening Herald article,Henderson added that:

I have so far indicated the marvellous coincidental resemblances intradition, history, customs, aspirations, attitude, temperament,geographical position, etc. between Finland and Ireland ... Perhaps inno two other countries of the world could such perfect identity ofparallelisms be traced.1

Likewise, the nationalist M.P. for South Down, JeremiahMacVeagh, claimedduring a visit to Helsinki in 1910 that he had been unprepared for the ‘strangeparallels which [were] to be found between the two cases’ of Finland

* Aarhus Institute of Advanced Studies, Aarhus University, Denmark, [email protected] Department of History, Trinity College Dublin, [email protected]

1 Evening Herald, 19 Nov. 1904.

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and Ireland.2 As the apparently analogous experiences of the ‘long nineteenthcentury’ in Finland and Ireland culminated in independence and civil war, theTuam Herald made an editorial comment in 1923 that ‘it is not often that anexact parallel in the history of two countries at any time of their existence canbe found, but … we are very much struck with the similarity … Finland is asmall country like Ireland. It is now a Republic.’3

The following document is a translation of an article on Finland and Irelandthat was published in a Finnish journal in 1937.4 It is worth noting that many ofthe phenomena noted by John Hampden Jackson in the article – conquests, thecentralisation of royal power, Reformation, the chaos of the Napoleonic era, thegrowth of nationalism, and eventual independence – were common throughoutEurope and by no means limited to Finland and Ireland. As an example,however, of a mid-twentieth-century primer of the two countries’ ‘parallelhistories’, Hampden Jackson’s article is an excellent resource. It represents anintriguing and extended example of the generalised comparisons that were madebetween Irish and Finnish history by observers from the nineteenth centuryonwards.Moreover, althoughHampden Jackson became renowned as an experton Finland, his writings on Ireland reflect a very generalised knowledge, withoutpersonal experience or areas of speciality. Some of the value of translating thisarticle is that it exposes attitudes of the (broadly-defined) British Left towardsIreland in the 1930s, and particularly the way these were presented, incomparisons with other countries, to an overseas audience.

John Hampden Jackson (1907–66) was a prolific author on a variety oftopics relating to British and European history. The son of J. Parker Jackson, aprominent Liverpool businessman, John Hampden Jackson attended KingWilliam’s College on the Isle of Man before graduating with an M.A. fromChrist Church, University of Oxford, and taking up a position as historymaster at Haileybury College in Hertfordshire.5 He became known as a ‘left-leaning’ historian and commentator, and was an acquaintance of GeorgeOrwell, John Middleton Murry and others through his work for The Adelphiliterary journal and its related summer school in Essex.6 He later edited TheDemocrat, and was an extraordinarily energetic public lecturer on interna-tional relations and politics. He was also a pioneer of adult education, initiallyas a member of the Oxford Extra-Mural Board (1938–47), and then theCambridge Extra-Mural Board (1947–66).7 Elaine Morgan, the Welshevolutionary anthropologist, encountered Hampden Jackson during her timein Oxford and referred to his ‘upper-crust’ accent, adding that he ‘certainlywasn’t right-wing, but he had his own rarefied philosophical stance. He waspassionately in favour of the common people.’8 This impression wasreinforced by the American historian, Frank H. Simonds, who described

2 Freeman’s Journal, 10 Aug. 1910.3 Tuam Herald, 27 Oct. 1923.4 John Hampden Jackson, ‘Suomi ja Irlanti: eräitä vertauskohtia’ in Suomalainen

Suomi, no. 6 (Oct. 1937), pp 415–21.5 Liverpool Daily Post, 2 Mar. 1940.6 The complete works of George Orwell: a kind of compulsion, 1903–1936, eds Peter

Davison, Ian Angus and Sheila Davison (London, 1998), p. 493.7 Mary Salinsky, ‘Writing British national history in the twentieth century’ (Ph.D.

thesis, King’s College, London, 2013), p. 220; The Independent (London), 9 Oct. 2008.8 Elaine Morgan, Knock ‘em cold, kid (Kibworth Beauchamp, 2012), p. 51.

NEWBY AND MC MAHON–Select Document: ‘Finland and Ireland’ 257





Hampden Jackson’s ‘academic tone’ as being ‘flavoured by the placidity of“Mr Chips”’.9 In a retrospective appreciation of Hampden Jackson, by hisformer pupil, the historical novelist Peter Vansittart, he was described as ‘abrisk, sturdy figure with russet hair and amused eyes, markedly independent,slightly theatrical’. Vansittart recalled a ‘fluent’ teacher, and a committedmember of the Labour Party who was able to call on the Labour leaderClement Atlee, an Old Haileyburian, ‘to address his civics class’. HampdenJackson died at the age of fifty-nine, and Vansittart concluded that ‘probablynothing of him remains in print. He was serious but not sententious, with a witelegant and spontaneous.’10

Hampden Jackson’s comparative article on Finland and Ireland issignificant not only as an example of the overarching parallels that wereperceived in the nations’ histories. It is also illustrative of the cooling attitudesof the British Left towards an independent Ireland, particularly after Éamonde Valera’s accession to presidency of the Free State’s Executive Council in1932, prefiguring the ‘deep rift’ that has been identified between ‘Labour andmainstream Irish nationalism’ in the 1940s.11 While it would be misguided toinfer too much about the sources of Hampden Jackson’s knowledge of Ireland,his writing seems to indicate consistent similarities with his Adelphi colleague,George Orwell. Indeed, Kevin Kerrane’s analysis of Orwell’s perspectives onIreland resonate strongly with views expressed – explicitly or implicitly – inHampden Jackson’s published works:

Orwell never set foot in Ireland, but that hardly discouraged him fromissuing strong opinions on Irish culture … his sense of Irish history wasspotty. According toOrwell’s friend Paul Potts, ‘Hewas a storehouse of oddinformation about weird subjects. Yet I would have trembled to think aboutwhat would have been the result had he written a book about Ireland.’12

There is plenty in Hampden Jackson’s 1937 article that reflects an ‘Orwellian’assessment of Irish history and society. While this can be explained partly by alack of detailed knowledge, it was reinforced by a disdain for nationalism –something emphasised in the Irish case by Hampden Jackson’s strong faith inBritish liberalism.13 In his 1932 bookAhistory of England – co-written with fellowChrist Church graduate and Haileybury master Charles Carrington – Hampden

9 FrankH. Simonds’s review of JohnHampden Jackson, The post-war world: a shortpolitical history, 1918–1934 (London, 1935), in Saturday Review of Literature (20 July1935), pp 6–7.10 The Guardian, 21 Sept. 1989.11 Laurence Marley, ‘Introduction’ in idem (ed.), The British Labour Party and

twentieth-century Ireland: the cause of Ireland, the cause of labour (Manchester, 2016),p. 7. See also Ivan Gibbons, The British Labour Party and the establishment of the IrishFree State, 1918–1924 (Basingstoke, 2015).12 Kevin Kerrane, ‘Orwell’s Ireland’ in Irish Review, nos 36–7 (2007), p. 14.13 This strengthened during the Second World War. Perhaps no better example of

Hampden Jackson’s faith in ‘Britishness’ can be found than his article ‘A forgottenideal’ in The Spectator, 26 Oct. 1944. Here, he argued that to British readers, ‘It is rightthat we should be modest about our national achievement, proper that we shouldrealise our shortcomings and the need to repair the ravages of laissez-faire and classinequalities. But at the risk of sinful pride we should remind ourselves that for ahundred years and more the people of Europe have looked to us for a model.’

258 Irish Historical Studies





Jackson described the Irish Free State as a ‘sop to Irish pride’, adding that ‘a fewrebels continued to fight against the settlement’.14

Moreover, Orwell pointedly referred to de Valera as a ‘petty fuehrer’,15 andthere are suggestions of this attitude in Hampden Jackson’s article,particularly in his juxtaposition (p. 419) of de Valera with the ‘calmer morereasonable Irish who were ready to accept the Treaty’. Elsewhere, HampdenJackson’s comment that the 1916 leaders were ‘executed, not including(strangely enough) Eamon De Valera’ reiterates a point he had madepreviously in both The post-war world (1935), and England since the IndustrialRevolution (a schoolbook, first published in 1936).16 Hampden Jackson’sattitudes towards Ireland certainly seem to typify ‘many English leftists’adherence to England’s imperial history’, and particularly a faith in Britain’spotential to be an international bastion of liberalism.17 Here, a rather Janus-faced approach to nationalism can be detected with an antipathy to someforms of nationalism barely able to disguise an indulgence for other, morepalatable, varieties – grown, for instance, in the soil of the home counties or,indeed, emerging from the writings of Finnish nationalists in the early decadesof the twentieth century.

The magazine Suomalainen Suomi (Finnish Finland) was established in1933 as the organ of the Suomalaisuuden Liitto (officially known in English asthe Association of Finnish Culture and Identity). The Suomalaisuuden Liittowas founded in 1906 to promote the place of the Finnish languageover Swedish in civil society. In its early days, it featured writing byUrho Kekkonen, an Agrarian Party politician who later became Finland’slongest-serving president, and the noted Finnish author Mika Waltari. Aftervarious iterations it was renamedKanava (Channel) in 1973 and has continuedto be published eight times a year, as Finland’s self-proclaimed ‘leading socialand cultural political magazine’.

During the 1930s, Hamden Jackson became known as a leading ‘authorityon Finland’ in Britain.18 According to Vansittart’s account, HampdenJackson’s interest in Finland stemmed partially from his interest in socialdemocratic politics, and partially from an instinctive suspicion of ‘largepower units’ – either in international politics or internal party politics. Hetherefore sought to popularise ‘the values of smaller democracies’. Along withFinland, he wrote on Estonia, and produced a pamphlet on the Baltic states.

14 Charles E. Carrington and JohnHampden Jackson,A history of England (London,1932), pp 767–8.15 Orwell quoted in Erika Gottlieb, The Orwell conundrum: a cry of despair or faith in

the spirit of man (Ottawa, 1992), p. 57.16 In The post-war world, he noted that the British ‘almost executed a lean crow of a

man who gave his name as Eamon de Valera, but reprieved him because he had beenborn in America’ (Hampden Jackson, The post-war world, p. 91). In England since theIndustrial Revolution, Hampden Jackson wrote: ‘Only one leader was reprieved, andthat was because he had been born in America and the English were anxious not tooffend the United States just when there was a chance that they would come in to theWorld War on the English side. The name of the reprieved man was Eamonn [sic]de Valera.’ See John Hampden Jackson, England since the Industrial Revolution,1815–1948 (Rev. ed., London, 1949) pp 167–8.17 Kristin Bluemel, George Orwell and the radical eccentrics: intermodernism in

literary London (Basingstoke, 2004), p. 70.18 Cambridge Daily News, 2 Dec. 1939.






The acknowledgements for Hampden Jackson’s Finland (London, 1938;2nd ed., London, 1940) refer particularly to Paavo Soukka and Jussi Teljo, andit is possible that Teljo – a regular contributor to Suomalainen Suomi – wasresponsible for arranging the translation of Hampden Jackson’s articles.19

Teljo (1904–92), who was also a prominent member of the SuomalaisuudenLiitto, and professor of social science at the University of Helsinki, wassomething of a kindred spirit. Politically he was a social democrat – althoughhe does not seem to have been a party member – and he was active in the 1930scampaign to have increased Finnish-language education at the University ofHelsinki.20 The article ‘Finland and Ireland: assorted comparisons’was one ofthree pieces which Hampden Jackson contributed to Suomalainen Suomi in1937, in between ‘An Englishman observes Finland’ (Mar. 1937), and‘Changing England’ (Dec. 1937), and part of a larger body of Finland-related work that he produced from the late 1930s.21 He argued that:

Overall, it appears that the year 1937 has seen a revival of British sym-pathy for Finland, and that this will allow Finland to play an importantrole in promoting peace and democracy in Europe. Nothing I have seenin Finland has shaken my belief that this sympathy is well founded.22

19 Teljo was sub-editor of Suomalainen Suomi magazine in 1937, during which timeHampden Jackson contributed three articles. Teljo was also a translator of variousworks into Finnish, notably Trevelyan’s History of England (published as G. M.Trevelyan, Englannin historia (Porvoo, 1948)).20 Ylioppilas, 12 Apr. 1933; Jussi Teljo, Suomalaisuusliikkeen Tehtävät (Porvoo,

1935); Pekka Kalevi Hämeläinen, Kielitaistelu Suomessa, 1917–1939 (Helsinki, 1968),pp 192, 232.21 John Hampden Jackson, ‘Englantilainen tekee havaintoja Suomesta’ in

Suomalainen Suomi, no. 2 (Mar. 1937), pp 107–12; idem, ‘Muuttuva Englanti’,Suomalainen Suomi, no. 8 (Dec. 1937), pp 567–73. Elsewhere, see: John HampdenJackson, ‘German interventions in Finland, 1918’ in Slavonic and East EuropeanReview, xviii (1939), pp 93–101; idem, ‘Russian control in Finland’ in ContemporaryReview, clxx (Aug. 1946), pp 69–72; idem, ‘Finland since the armistice’ in InternationalAffairs, xxiv, no. 4 (Oct. 1948), pp 505–14; idem, ‘Russia, Finland and Estonia’ inContemporary Review, clxxxi (June 1952), pp 334–7; idem, ‘Finland’s reparations’ inWorld Today, viii, no. 7 (July 1952), pp 307–14; idem, ‘Resettlement of Karelianrefugees’ inWorld Today, ix, no. 6 (June 1953), pp 249–56. In addition to his academicand political reflections, Hampden Jackson featured on Yleisradio (national broad-caster) radio programmes in Finland in the late 1940s and 1950s, e.g.: Sunday 13 Feb.1949 – John Hampden Jackson, ‘Englantilais-Suomalaisia Suhteita: 1 – HistoriallinenTausta’, [‘English–Finnish Relations: 1 – Historical Background’]; Friday 26 June1953 – JohnHampden Jackson, ‘Vaikutelmia Suomesta’ [‘Impressions of Finland’]. Seealso, John Hampden Jackson, ‘Democracy in Finland’ (16 Jan. 1940) (Royal Instituteof International Affairs, London, MS RIIA/8/611); idem, ‘The Finnish situation’(20 May 1948) (ibid., MS RIIA/8/1542); idem, ‘Problems of Finland today’ (9 June1953) (ibid., MS RIIA/8/2145). Hampden Jackson’s appearances on B.B.C. radio –e.g., in 1954, speaking on ‘Modern Art in Finland’ – also indicate that he was requiredto act as a general commentator on Finland (Belfast Telegraph, 18 Jan. 1954).22 See Hampden Jackson, ‘Englantilainen tekee havaintoja Suomesta’. Some of this

enthusiasm was based on the apparent defeat of fascism in Finland. In early 1938,Hampden Jackson penned an article entitled ‘Fascism in Finland’ for the NewStatesman, in which he argued that only one country in the world had seen a ‘fully-fledged fascist movement’ decline in influence after initial success, and ‘that country was






Hampden Jackson’s magnum opus on Finland, which was first published in1938, received considerable praise in the Finnish press, and was usedinternationally as a source for Finnish history. In this work, he reiteratedthat ‘the parallel between Ireland and Finland is singularly close’.23

It is said that Arthur Griffith founded the Free State with an essay onHungary; he might have founded it more securely with a study of theFinns ... The truth is that statesmen of London and Dublin – to saynothing of Belfast – have a lesson to learn from the history of Finland.24

Therefore, while Hampden Jackson does not appear to have published‘Finland and Ireland: assorted comparisons’ in English, some of hiscomparative reflections were presented in passing in his Finland as a way ofgiving historical context for foreign readers. In general, and this is not perhapssurprising given the attitudes to both countries he displayed elsewhere, heseems much more positive about 1930s Finland than 1930s Ireland, and heimplied that Ireland could learn much more from Finland than vice-versa. Inher review of Finland, the American travel writer Agnes Rothery noted that:

J. Hampden Jackson’s is a straightforward and authentic history, writtenby an Englishman from a British point of view … Mr. Jackson is anEnglishman, and he makes the comparison between Finland and Irelandin their struggle for home rule, for their own language, institutions, laws,and their own solution of their problems.25

This is an important observation. Hampden Jackson might have been perceivedas an ‘authority’ in Finland. However, his observations about Ireland do not seemto be quite as well-informed, and are generally included in his text to support hispositive take on Finland and the Finns. The full article is presented here intranslation for the first time. In places, Hampden Jackson is quite clearly usingpoetic licence, and in others he seems to misunderstand or misrepresent both thethrust and details of Irish history –with due regard for the integrity of the originaltext we have highlighted some of the more obvious missteps in the footnotes.

John Hampden Jackson, ‘Finland and Ireland: assorted comparisons’(translated by Andrew G. Newby)26

Comparing parallel historic events can often be misleading but sometimes thesimilarities between events can be so perfect that the urge to compare them

Finland’. The right-wing Finnish nationalist Lapua League, which had been founded in1929 was outlawed after the Mäntsälä Rebellion in 1932, an attempted coup d’état, andits influence gradually declined. This article received particular attention in Finland.See: John Hampden Jackson, ‘Fascism in Finland’ in New Statesman and Nation,xv (Jan. 1938), pp 4–6.23 John Hampden Jackson, Finland (2nd ed., London, 1940), p. 16. The first edition

of this work was an inspiration for Revd Edward J. Coyne’s comparative article ‘Fin-land and its lessons for Ireland’ in Studies, xxviii, no. 112 (Dec. 1939), pp 651–61.24 Hampden Jackson, Finland, p. 17.25 Agnes Rothery, ‘Four books on Finland’ in Saturday Review of Literature (2 Mar.

1940), p. 10.26 Page references corresponding to the original Finnish text are included in square

brackets in the translation below.






is irresistible. This is the case with Finland and Ireland. At first glance theseborder posts of Eastern and Western Europe have nothing in common. Whatsimilarities could Finland have with that lush green island where it alwaysrains and where the waves of the Atlantic unceasingly batter its shores?Nevertheless, a large number of similarities are to be found in the history ofthese two countries.Around the same time, in fact almost in the same year as Eric IX The Holy

of Sweden made his first crusade to Finland, Henry II of England led his firstinvasion of Ireland.27 For the Swedes, just like for the English, their excuse wasthat the oppressed savages had requested their help; Eric, just like Henry, hadgot the Pope’s blessing for his Crusade. The latter could not call his invasion aCrusade as the Irish had already been Christians for far longer than theirEastern neighbours. Despite this, the Pope at the time, (Hadrian IV), blessedHenry’s flag and promised him ownership of the island.28 Henry, on the otherhand, had promised to recognise and reorganise the Irish Catholic church ashis first act. The Irish people had nothing to protect them against the well-organized army of Henry and his noblemen.29 Their only hope of survival wasretreating to their fortresses in the bogs and hoping that the invaders would tireof their marauding and pillaging.Before leaving Ireland, Henry left a garrison of soldiers in Dublin. This

garrison was similar to the one left in Turku by the Swedish.30 In the MiddleAges more and more English noblemen moved to Ireland, where they dividedup the land at the expense of the Irish. After a while, a new Irish-English racewas born, which had a lot in common with the Swedes in Finland. These Irish-English people married natives, and adopted Gaelic, the native language ofIreland. In addition, they often transformed their names into Gaelic forms.

27 Eric’s crusade (or invasion) is said to have taken place two decades ahead ofDiarmait Mac Murchada’s invitation to Henry II to intervene in Leinster. The tradi-tional historical narrative describes the First Swedish Crusade as taking place around1150, with the goal of converting heathen Finns to Christianity. Researchers havequestioned the historicity of these events. See: Alan V. Murray, Crusade and conversionon the Baltic frontier, 1150–1500 (London, 2001), p. 123.28 The reference here is to the papal bull Laudabiliter, issued by Pope Adrian IV in

1155, in which Henry II was given papal blessing for an intended invasion of Ireland toroot out evil and extend the boundaries of the church. This was issued apparently atHenry’s request but historians now identify the church of Canterbury as the primemover. In any case, Henry II did not act on Laudabiliter and when he did go to Irelandin 1171, it was to enforce his power on the Anglo-Norman barons recruited byDiarmaitMacMurchada as much as, or more than, a personal wish to invade and hold Ireland aspart of his empire. While in Ireland, however, Henry held a reforming church council.See: Marie Therese Flanagan, Irish society, Anglo-Norman settlers, Angevin kingship,interactions in Ireland in the late twelfth century (Oxford, 1989). We are grateful toDr Margaret Murphy (Carlow College) for the above note and for further clarificationon some of the finer details of Irish medieval history in the notes that follow. See, inparticular, notes 29, 31, 32 and 34.29 Henry II, it might be noted, did not engage in a single battle while in Ireland.30 Turku, in southwestern Finland, was founded in 1229, and its castle dates from the

1280s. The territory of ‘Finland’ at this time was not clearly defined. The first formaldelineation of Finland’s eastern border did not occur until the Treaty of Pähkinasaaribetween Sweden and Russia (Novgorod) in 1323. See: Pirjo Jukarainen, ‘The bound-aries of Finland in transition’ in Fennia, clxxx, nos 1–2 (2002), pp 83–8 (figure 1).






For example the Norman de Burgh became the Irish [416] Burke, and so on.31

Medieval Ireland, however, was never completely under English rule. The powerof the English kings hardly reached further thanDublin.32 The rest of the countrykept its Irish laws and customs, adopting only limited facets of the feudalismintroduced by the English barons. Ireland was too large and wild to be totallyconquered by the English. If England’s largest enemy had been on the other sideof Ireland as Sweden’s enemy was on the other side of Finland,33 the matterwould have been quite different. From the eleventh century to the start of thenineteenth century England’s biggest enemy was France. Invading Ireland onlybecame relevant when the threat of France leading an invasion through Irelandinto England seemed imminent. Occasionally, but only occasionally, GreatBritain’s westernmost island came to interest England’s Medieval kings. Forexample, Richard II made two trips there at the end of the fourteenth century,with the intent of getting the Irish nobles used to English customs.34 This wasunsuccessful as the cultural gap between the two nations was too large.

The first serious attempt at making Ireland more English occurred at the endof theMiddle Ages. The Tudors, just like the Swedish Vaasa dynasty, were rulerstrying to centralise power.35 They confidently attempted to bend nobles to theirwill, and to spread the will of the king throughout all the social classes. Only acouple of years after the first Vaasa ruler made a trip around Finland, the firstTudor tried to enforce English laws on Ireland, with the help of his vassal SirEdward Poynings.36 Where the Vaasas succeeded the Tudors failed. The mainreason was religion. Finland was a Lutheran country, which linked it to itsmother country. But Ireland on the other hand was a country that had beendeeply influenced by Catholicism, and was strongly opposed to the Protestants ofEngland. The Reformed church was a disaster for them and this created a newfeud between the two countries. The Tudors – and their successors The Stuarts –tried in vain to overcome this barrier. Ireland remained a Catholic country, andtherein lay the greatest difference between it and Finland.

31 The Irish form would be de Búrca, with Burke as the Anglicised form. The practiceof the English in Ireland adopting Irish forms of their names was specifically forbiddenby the Statute of Kilkenny, 1366.32 At the height of English power in medieval Ireland about two-thirds of the country

had been colonised and was nominally loyal to the English crown. This area rapidlycontracted thereafter but the statement that the power of the English kings hardlyreached further than Dublin is an exaggeration even with reference to the fifteenthcentury. See: Robin Frame, Colonial Ireland, 1169–1369 (2nd ed., Dublin, 2012).33 i.e., Russia.34 Richard’s expeditions of 1394 and 1399 were primarily to obtain the subjection of

the Irish kings and return Ireland to profitability for the English crown. In 1394 he didpropose some measures for ‘civilising’ the Irish kings but there was no great will oneither side to carry on with this experiment after the king returned to England.35 Gustav I Vasa (1496–1560) is generally credited with creating a centralised

Swedish state, through administrative reforms and the creation of a powerful armyand navy.36 Poynings’ Law, 1494, laid down that no legislation could be enacted by the Irish

parliament until it had been inspected and approved by the king and his council inEngland. Gustav I Vasa took the Swedish throne in 1523, after the end of the KalmarUnion. Gustav I instigated a Protestant Reformation in 1527, but it was a gradualprocess rather than a revolution, and was only confirmed by the victory of Charles IXover the Catholic king, Sigismund, in 1598.






Despite this, great similarities can be found between the history of thesecountries in the following centuries. During the seventeenth century more Englishpeoplemoved to Ireland, which also happened in Finlandwith the Swedes.37 [417]Queen Elizabeth I gave English nobles large areas of lands in the south of Ireland.James I gave out even larger areas of land in the north of Ireland to the Scots.38

Oliver Cromwell tried and failed to exile the Irish west of the river Shannon andgive the land left behind to his English yeomanry. A new Anglo-Irish culturallayer was therefore born. Just like the Finns, these people kept their nativelanguages, but the difference lay in the fact that they adopted a new religion.These people became the ruling class of Ireland and were in fact more easilycompared with the German people living in the areas near the Baltic Sea.39

Access to the more important posts in the country was reserved for thesepeople. No Catholic Irishman had the right to vote or be chosen into theparliament that met in Dublin. Catholics had no role in the public sector, fromgovernors to postmen.40 But despite this the Catholics had to pay taxes to theProtestant church, which the Irish greatly resented. The Anglo-Irish formed asmall minority government, and a hated upper class. (This was also known as‘The Ascendancy’).At this point the parallels between Finland’s and Ireland’s positions become

more obscure. The Irish, who in the same manner as the Finns had beenstripped of their native language, were forced to accept the invaders’ culture inorder to aid their own progression. In their fight for freedom they were relyingon Anglo-Irish outcasts, just as the Finns had once relied on their country’sSwedish-speakers. Ireland’s leaders were expecting help from England’sarch nemesis France, exactly like some Swedish Finns turned their eyestowards Russia. At exactly the same time as Sprengtporten41 was negotiatingwith Catherine and Armfelt42 with Alexander I, Wolfe Tone was holding

37 The centralisation of the Swedish state (including Finland) did indeed precipitateconsiderable population movement. Members of the higher nobility in Finland tendedto settle around the royal court in Stockholm, but at the same time, as HampdenJackson notes here, there were opportunities for lesser nobles from all over the Swedishrealm to gain offices in Finland. The late sixteenth century also saw the large-scalemovement of Finns from Häme and Savo to various parts of Sweden and, later,Norway. These ‘Forest Finns’ were initially encouraged by the Swedish monarchs asthey settled large areas of previously uninhabited land.38 James I’s plantations also featured a considerable English contingent, though

Hampden Jackson might have simplified this for narrative purposes, and to reflectJames’s own Scottish origins.39 The Baltic nobility were a privileged class of families – originally largely of

German background – who resided in the Baltic states and provided officers for theSwedish and Polish kings.40 This is an exaggeration, as Catholics did operate at the lowest levels of state

administration as, for instance, local constables. See: Neal Garnham, The courts, crimeand the criminal law in Ireland, 1692–1760 (Dublin, 1996), pp 29–30.41 As political relations between Sweden and Russia deteriorated, Catherine the

Great had given some encouragement to the small Finnish separatist group led byGeorge (or Göran) Magnus Sprengtporten (1740–1819). See: Stewart P. Oakley, Warand peace in the Baltic, 1560–1790 (London, 1992), pp 153–4; T. K. Derry, A history ofScandinavia (London, 1979), pp 189–92.42 Gustaf Mauritz Armfelt (1757–1814). Despite a somewhat turbulent relationship

with the Swedish King Gustav III, Armfelt distinguished himself as an officer in the






negotiations with the French rebels and Napoleon.43 There are a couple ofsimilarities that can be noted between Armfelt and Wolfe Tone. Tone was bynature brilliant, charming, clever, irresistible and rather capricious, but at thesame time uncommonly stubborn. His plan was to persuade France intoattacking England through Ireland where a people’s uprising would be putinto motion. Both France and Ireland would benefit from this plan. The firstone from defeating England and the latter from the independence they sosorely desired. It was by chance – if chance can be talked of – that Tone’s planswere foiled. [418] Twice France’s powerful navy was destroyed just off thecoast of Ireland due to storms and fog. Only a tiny proportion of the soldiersled by Hoche made it to land: there they were easily slaughtered by theEnglish.44

The rebellion of the Irish failed but it frightened the English governmentinto tightening their reins on Ireland. To do this the power of the Anglo-Irishupper class had to be broken. Members of the Dublin parliament were bribedto vote in favour of ending this institution, and in 1800 an Act of Union45 waspassed which transferred power to London, leaving the Anglo-Irish with theright to send a few representatives to the English parliament.

The entire nineteenth century was a ceaseless battle between Irishnationalism and English imperialism. At first the fight was over religion; onlyafter 1829 was even a hint of tolerance granted towards Ireland’s Catholicmajority.46 Then the struggle took on an economic aspect. After the infamous

Swedish army and, in 1792, was appointed guardian of the infant Gustav IV. Russia’sdefeat of Sweden in 1809 led to the abdication of Gustaf IV, and also cost Sweden itsFinnish territories. Armfelt subsequently became an adviser to Tsar Alexander I and iscredited with convincing Alexander to recognise Finland as a ‘Grand Duchy of theRussian Empire’, therefore giving the Finns an opportunity to develop an autonomousstate in the nineteenth century. See: David Kirby, A concise history of Finland(Cambridge, 2006), pp 71–4.43 Hampden Jackson seems to have been unaware of the life and career of Johan

Anders Jägerhorn, a Finnish nobleman and army officer. In 1788 Jägerhorn wasimplicated in a plot against the Swedish king, and of advocating Finnish sovereignty,for which act of treason he was exiled to Germany. In Hamburg he got to know LordEdward FitzGerald. As an agent of the French, Jägerhorn met with FitzGerald todiscuss the 1798 invasion plans, only for the Finn to be arrested by the English andimprisoned for two years in the Tower of London. In 1982, Des O’Malley unveiled aplaque outside Jägerhorn’s house in Porvoo. See: Etelä-Suomen Sanomat, 7 Apr. 1982;Paul Weber, On the road to rebellion: the United Irishmen and Hamburg, 1796–1803(Dublin, 1997), pp 59–60. The connection of Jägerhorn to the United Irishmen wasreasonably well-known and it is conceivable that Hampden Jackson was seeking tomaintain a strictly comparative narrative without intertwining historical threads.44 French troops, under the command of General Hoche, did not land in Ireland and

references to slaughter are unfounded. For the best guide to the 1790s, see ThomasBartlett, David Dickson, Dáire Keogh and Kevin Whelan (eds), 1798: a bicentenaryperspective (Dublin, 2003).45 Although not expressed explicitly here, Hampden Jackson would have expected his

Finnish readers to contrast this with the momentous events of 1809, when Finlandpassed from being part of the Swedish kingdom to being a self-governing grand duchyof the Russian tsar.46 There were, of course, a series of Catholic relief acts in Ireland in the closing

decades of the eighteenth century that introduced more than ‘a hint of tolerance’ forCatholics, allowing them to hold, in theory at least, a series of important positions






famine that took place during the 1840s, smallholders refused to pay rent totheir English and Anglo-Irish landowners before they received reassurancesabout the fairness and permanency of their tenancy. This was only resolved atthe end of the century when funds were given from London to the Irishsmallholders in order for them to buy land. During this time Ireland’sNational Party had taken a new direction. The Irish now demandedindependence, the right to govern themselves.47 England did not agree to thisdemand although a few of the state’s leaders (particularly Gladstone) did theirbest to see the Home Rule Bill accepted in parliament. Twenty years beforeEugen Schauman shot Bobrikov in Helsinki the English governor-general waskilled by the bullet of an Irishman.48 Only by 1914 was the Home Rule lawpassed, and even then the English refused to enact it because of the outbreak ofWorld War One.During the war Ireland, just like Finland stayed neutral.49 Irish activists,

like the Finns, secretly contacted their motherland’s enemies.50 Ireland did nothave a Jaeger battalion in Germany,51 but just when it seemed that Englandwould conscript the Irish to fight for them, Sir Roger Casement persuaded

within Irish society. On the relief acts of 1778, 1782, 1792 and 1793, see ThomasBartlett, The fall and rise of the Irish nation: the Catholic question, 1690–1830 (Dublin,1992). It is likely that, for Hampden Jackson, Daniel O’Connell’s international famewould make 1829 a more recognisable date for a Finnish readership.47 In highlighting a demand for ‘independence’ (itsenäisyys) rather than self-

government (itsehallinto), Hampden Jackson conflated here the home rule demandsof the Parnellites with the republican separatism of the Fenians / I.R.B. In so doing, hearguably simplified, misunderstood or misrepresented the chronology of the Irishnationalist movement.48 Despite Hampden Jackson’s poetic prose, of course, Frederick Cavendish and his

assistant Thomas Henry Burke were stabbed to death by the Invincibles in the PhoenixPark in 1882, and not shot.49 As it had been a part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and

governed from London, the implication that Ireland was ‘neutral’ is misleading. Astronger comparison would have been an exploration of the ‘special’ status that Finlandand Ireland had been granted over conscription.50 Although there are few examples of direct links between Finns and Irish agitators

during the First World War, Germany was actively engaged with nationalists fromboth countries. The British ambassador in Sweden, Sir Esme Howard, also acknowl-edged that, having failed with the Easter Rising in Dublin, and with the Verdunoffensive having stalled, the Germans would be seeking new opportunities to createchaos. Howard’s report to London quoted a local political informant that ‘whenever abig military movement came to naught the Germans promptly turned to politicalintriguing, in order to create a diversion both at home and in the field’. With Verdun ata stalemate, ‘the nearest result was the uprising in Ireland’. After its failure, ‘somethingelse has to be thought of. Undoubtedly the turn has now come to Finland and Sweden’.See: Keith Jeffery, 1916: a global history (London, 2015), p. 103.51 Teutophile academics in Helsinki launched a secret recruitment drive for the

German army. When it became known in September 1914 that a new Russificationscheme was planned, activity increased among those who hoped to take advantage ofthe international situation, and profit from German assistance, guns and pressure.Some 2,000 Finns travelled in secret to Hamburg for military training. They wouldform the Twenty-Seventh Prussian Jaeger Brigade. They did see action on the EasternFront rather than in Finland, and returned to fight for the Whites in the FinnishCivil War.






Germany to send weapons to Ireland for use in a War of Independence.Unfortunately for the Irish nationalists Casement’s plans sprung a leak andGermany’s [419] weapons never made it to their destination.52 Activists tookover Dublin in 1916 but after a week’s fighting they were toppled and theirleaders were executed, not including (strangely enough) Eamon de Valera.53

But Ireland’s will to become independent stayed strong and when the WorldWar ended England sent its troops to Ireland in order to quell any agitation.This sparked a war that continued until 1922, when Ireland was given thestatus of a self-governing dominion within the British Commonwealth.

It was thought that the treaty would satisfy the Irish nationalists, but theirextreme members, led by de Valera, refused to recognize the treaty. From thisstarted a Civil War between de Valera and his followers, and the calmer morereasonable Irish who were ready to accept the treaty.54 The latter won the warand Ireland was a dominion of Britain for the next ten years. But in theelections of 1932 de Valera was victorious, and from there a new phase beganin the history of the nationalist movement. De Valera refused to pledgeallegiance to the king of England. He also refused to pay back interest for themoney that the smallholders had used to purchase their lands; he dideverything in his power to make Ireland economically and culturallyindependent from England.

The cultural part of the question is probably more interesting for Finnishreaders, for there more similarities can be found between Finland and Ireland.In Ireland as in Finland the mixing of races produced some rather talentedindividuals. Just like many of Sweden’s most famous names from thebattlefields, government and literature were originally from Finland, many

52 Roger Casement’s treatment in Hampden Jackson & Carrington’s schoolbook Ahistory of England was even less sympathetic; he was dismissed as a ‘fanatic calledCasement’ (Carrington & Hampden Jackson, A history of England, p. 766).53 Hampden Jackson had previously referred to the Easter Rising as a ‘mad, mad

escapade’ in The post war world, p. 91.54 Finland’s Civil War (1918) has been the subject of concerted comparative analysis

with the Irish case by Bill Kissane, who has written that ‘the very moment Finland andIreland asserted their claims to independence, statehood revealed the depths of theirinternal divisions’ (Bill Kissane, ‘Victory in defeat? National identity after civil war inFinland and Ireland’ in John A. Hall and Siniša Malešević (eds), Nationalism and war(Cambridge, 2013), pp 322–3; A. G. Newby, Éire na Rúise: An Fhionlainn agus Éire arthóir na saoirse (Dublin, 2016), pp 115–16). To give some statistical context, the FinnishCivil War resulted in over nine times more deaths than the Irish case (approximately36,000 in Finland), arising from a conflict that lasted just over three months (as opposedto just short of eleven months in Ireland). Hampden Jackson sidestepped mentioningthe Finnish case explicitly in his text, probably because this would have meant anunavoidable choice of label to describe the conflict. The victorious Whites recalled the‘War of Liberation’ (implying a fight for national freedom from Russia), which onlygradually (by the 1960s) came to be replaced bymore neutral terms such as ‘civil war’ or‘internal war’. See: Tuomas Tepora and Aapo Roselius, ‘Introduction: the FinnishCivil War, revolution and scholarship’ in idem, The Finnish Civil War, 1918: history,memory, legacy (Leiden, 2014), pp 6–7. In his 1938 English-language account, Finland,Hampden Jackson allowed himself space to express some of this nuance: ‘The civil waris officially known today in Finland as the War of Independence, the implication beingthat the Whites fought for Finland’s independence against Russian Bolsheviks and themisguided proletariat whom the Russians had fooled into supporting them… the truth,however, is not so simple’ (Hampden Jackson, Finland, pp 141–42).






of England’s heroes had their roots in Ireland. Out of the soldiers Wellington,of the sailors Dundonald;55 Burke and Palmerston of the statesmen, and Swift,Goldsmith, George Moore and James Joyce of the writers were all Irish. Andsince Shakespeare there has hardly been a decent English playwright, thathasn’t been Anglo-Irish by birth (the list starts off with Sheridan andGoldsmith and ends with Bernard Shaw and Oscar Wilde along with EugeneO’Neill and Sean O’Casey.)56 The characteristic Anglo-Irish ingenuity hasalways been manifested in quirkiness and satire. Almost all of England’ssatirists are Anglo-Irish and the skill and art of English-language conversationis nowhere at a higher level than in Dublin.[420] Alongside this Anglo-Irish civilisation Ireland’s own Gaelic civilisa-

tion has stubbornly continued its existence in the cottages of Western Ireland.The Irish of Galway and Connaught cannot, in the absence of literarycivilisation, demonstrate their skills by writing. But like the Karelians ofFinland they have expressed themselves through music and poems.57 What anabundance of mysterious poems, spells, music and legends await a Lönnrot ofIreland’s western counties to round them up into Ireland’s Kalevala.58 Thefamous Irish harp is an instrument similar to the kantele. The Finnish bittersweetness can be detected in Irish songs and the Irish ‘keeners’ could almost befrom Karelia (by chance it is so that out of Finns Karelians most closelyresemble the Irish by nature. An Irishman would use the term ‘jöröjukka’59 todescribe someone from Häme. They on the other hand would call Irishpeople ‘suunsoittaja’.)60 The natural talent of the Irish as with the Finns was

55 Presumably referring to the Scot, Thomas Cochrane, tenth earl of Dundonald, astoried officer in the British navy, nicknamed ‘the sea-wolf’ by Napoleon. HampdenJackson is employing here an extremely liberal definition of ‘Irish roots’. See: IanGrimble, The sea wolf: the life of Admiral Cochrane (Edinburgh, 2000).56 Hampden Jackson here seems to be conflating ‘Anglo-Irish’ with Irish (and Irish-

American) literary figures who worked through the medium of English.57 Karelia was in many respects the heartland of Finnish national identity, and its

people presented as the culture-bearers of Finnish music and poetry. Lönnrot’sethnographical investigations in the region, resulting in the publication of Kalevala in1835, underpinned subsequent constructions of a Finnish ‘national’ history. See: PerttiAntonen, ‘The Kalevala and the authenticity debate’ in JánosM. Bak, Patrick J. Gearyand Gábor Klanczay (eds), Manufacturing a past for the present: forgery andauthenticity in medievalist texts and objects in nineteenth-century Europe (Leiden,2014), pp 61–2; Derek Fewster,Visions of past glory: nationalism and the construction ofearly Finnish history (Helsinki, 2006), p. 94. The first edition of Kalevala was publishedby the Finnish Literature Society: Elias Lönnrot, Kalewala taikka Wanhoja Karjalanrunoja Suomen Kansan muinosista ajoista (Helsinki, 1835).58 Standish O’Grady and Douglas Hyde, for example, have been compared to

Lönnrot in the sense of being national ‘culture-givers’. See: John Wilson Foster,Fictions of the Irish literary revival: a changeling art (Syracuse, 1987), p. 20. In his 1904account, William Alexander Henderson also referred to Lönnrot as ‘a scholar after thestamp of Eugene O’Curry or Douglas Hyde’ (Evening Herald, 19 Nov. 1904). It shouldbe noted, of course, that there was a strong Irish language manuscript tradition forcenturies prior to the publication of Hampden Jackson’s article.59 Jöröjukka is the Finnish name of the German folk character Der Struwwelpeter

(Shock-headed Peter). The implication here is that the inland Finns of the Häme regionwould be considered morose or grumpy in Irish eyes, unlike the Karelians.60 Blatherer.






mainly poetic. This fact stopped foreigners getting a proper viewof either countries’civilisation because anything poetic is hard to translate to another language.

There is an ongoing argument over language in Ireland. It is a real culturalbattle that can be compared to the language contention in Finland.61 TheAnglo-Irish refer to the fact that English has always been the written languagein Ireland and that all civilised Irish can read and write it. They insist that if theIrish are stripped of the English language they will also be stripped of theirconnection to the wonderful literature and civilisation that has been theirs forcenturies. The same argument is used by the Swedish[-speaking Finns], whoclaim that giving up the Swedish language would also mean giving up the likesof Runeberg62 and Snellman.63 In the same way that many Finnish leaders didnot speak Finnish as their first language, the leaders of the Irish national partyfrom Parnell to Erskine Childers could not even speak Gaelic. Irishnationalists on the other hand pointed out that English was the language ofthe invaders and capitalist oppressors, and that Ireland’s own Gaelic (whichwas during the dark times of the Middle Ages the best literary tongue inEurope) is the only natural way to express the undying spirit of Ireland. It is forthis reason that de Valera has made Gaelic an official language of Irelandalongside English.

In fact the Gaelic fanatics do not have nearly as good arguments on theirside as the Finnish men of Finland one hundred years ago.64 Not even oneIrishman out of a hundred can speak Gaelic. [421] During the past fewcenturies English has become the language of the people in Ireland. And theIrish have learnt to use it masterfully. Nowhere in the world, not even inEngland is English spoken so beautifully and diversely as in Ireland. Thegreatest of the currently living English authors is W.B Yeats fromDublin, whosings of Ireland’s history and mythology and uses rhythms and sayings onlyencountered in Ireland. On the other hand it is important to remember thatGaelic is mainly spoken along the west coast of Ireland. This is why attempts

61 The magazine Suomalainen Suomi was in many respects a product of the languagecontention between Finnish and Swedish in Finland, and this seems to have been animportant point of comparison for both Hampden Jackson and his editor.62 Johan Ludvig Runeberg (1804–1877) was one of the nation builders of the nine-

teenth century, a Swedish-speaking Finn who nonetheless seemed to present the essenceof the Finnish land and people through his poems. He became the acknowledgednational poet of Finland, and composed the song Vårt Land / Maamme which becamethe national anthem of independent Finland.63 Johan Vilhelm Snellman (1806–1881) was, like Runeberg, a leading figure in

Finland’s national movement in the nineteenth century. An essentially conservativefigure in many respects, he promoted the Finnish language as an essential ingredient ofnationhood, and he helped to establish Finnish as an official language in 1863.Hampden Jackson’s main point here is that many of the leading Finnish nationalists,and promoters of the Finnish language, came themselves from Swedish-speakingbackgrounds.64 See: Michael C. Coleman, ‘“You might all be speaking Finnish today”: language

change in nineteenth century Finland and Ireland’ in Scandinavian Journal of History,xxxv, no. 1 (2010), pp 44–64. In Finland, Hampden Jackson continued this flattery ofhis Finnish-speaking Finnish friends: ‘The Gaelic enthusiasts were as uncompromisingas the Finns in their triumph were generous; the Gaels have not yet found a modusvivendi with the Anglo-Irish while the Finns have reconciled, if they have not quitefinally appeased, the Swedo-Finns’ (Hampden Jackson, Finland, p. 17).






to revive the language are artificial. The Irish must be taught Irish like anyother foreign tongue. They are also taught to reject Yeats and O’Caseybecause they wrote in English and to admire authors whose only good aspectwas that they wrote in Gaelic. Ireland’s Catholic bishops support the Gaelicmovement because many of the English writers are negative towards thereligion whereas the users of Gaelic are spiritually disciples of the church.65

There is still one similarity left between these two countries. For the timebeing Finland has not reached its natural boundaries, as East Karelia isstill under the power of Russia. Ireland is also still divided because the sevennorth-eastern counties,66 where King James planted a group of Scots in theseventeenth century, are outside of de Valera’s Ireland and under England’sgoverning. England gives Northern Ireland the same amount of apparentfreedom as Russia gives the East Karelians but it is very unlikely that eitherwill loosen their grip, one on Belfast and the other on Murmansk.67

The differences between Finland and Ireland are almost as clear as thesimilarities. Finland is currently enjoying the wellbeing and other virtuesbrought by national independence whereas Ireland is still poor andquarrelsome. Dublin’s parliament is being divided by a dispute between thesupporters and opponents of Gaelic.68 The people of Ireland have every reasonto gaze enviously at the Finns, who were saved from religious division byLutheranism, own a wealth of beautiful forests and whose native language hasbeen preserved despite its hard times.

65 Again, he seems to have been reassured by his Finnish colleagues that the languagequestion was now settled in Finland: ‘In fact the language quarrel in Finland, like thereligious quarrel in Ireland, is an anachronism. The chief purpose it serves in thiscentury is as a disguise for the new economic conflict between the old ruling class andthe new’ (Hampden Jackson, Finland, pp 126–7).66 Quite why Hampden Jackson considered there to be seven counties in Northern

Ireland is not clear.67 This comparison was the basis for one of the Free State’s earliest interventions in

the League of Nations: ‘On their first appearance at Geneva, Irish delegates supportedFinland in its dispute with the Soviet Union over autonomy for the Finnish-speakingprovince of Karelia (“a kind of Finnish Six Counties”) and took particular interest inthe working of the League’s machinery for dealing with minorities’ (Gerard Keown,First of the small nations: the beginnings of Irish foreign policy in the interwar years,1919–1932 (Oxford, 2016), p. 135).68 This was a curious and largely invalid point of division to highlight given that there

was broad agreement within Irish political life in the 1930s on the need to support theIrish language.






Map 1. The Grand Duchy of Finland, 1809–1917Map credit: Andrew G. Newby

Key:

Countries SWEDEN

National capital St. Petersburg

Major town Turku

Province Kuopio

Other town mentioned in the text Humppila





Map 2. ‘A new map of Sweden and Norway’ (1840), showing the Grand Duchy ofFinland (right) in its position (1809-1917) as the north-western frontier of the RussianEmpire.Source: James Wyld, A new general atlas of modern geography (London, 1840)(http://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi-fd2015-00008124) (1 Mar. 2017). Reproduced courtesy ofthe National Library of Finland.





Documents

Select Document: John Hampden Jackson, Finland and Ireland ... · literary journal and its related summer school in Essex.6 He later edited The ... There is plenty in Hampden Jackson’s