SanjeevaObstacles to Achieve Human Rights in Asia

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    Young girls from across Asia are trafficked into sex work or sexual slavery-like

    conditions. Nepalese girls are trafficked into India. Mostly rural Thai girls aretrafficked into brothels in the cities and outside Thailand. Many young Chinese

    girls are trafficked from mainland China (from rural to urban areas) as well as into

    other Asian countries such as Hong Kong for sex work. Many of these girls do not

    have any rights. Diseases such as AIDS are contracted easily among most of these

    young girls, many of whom end up dying at incredibly young ages.

    Dalits or so-called untouchables in India are living in sub-human conditions.

    They continue to do filthy jobs such as the cleaning of toilets or other designateddegrading jobs in line with their caste. Many of these Dalits also become victims of

    police custodial deaths, women are raped and children are denied education. There

    are over 180 million such Dalits in India itself today. This is despite India

    prohibiting untouchability in its 1947 Constitution.

    The above demonstrates only a fraction of the human rights violations that occur in Asia

    each and every day. Indeed, most people in Asia are victims of human rights violations

    and do not enjoy the rights that should be afforded to them. This is despite the notion of

    human rights being included in many national constitutions and laws. This is despite

    these countries being party to international human rights treaties. This is despite the

    establishment of national human rights institutions in these countries. This is despite

    enormous numbers of reports written by many international and local NGOs on the

    human rights situation in these countries. This is despite many human rights NGOs

    directly working in these countries. Despite all this, human rights in many parts of Asia

    remains an idea on paper only, having not reached the people that they are intended for.

    This paper will attempt to examine why this is so.

    Non-implementation of human rights at domestic levels

    At the domestic level throughout Asia, human rights remain largely a notion with little

    done to implement them or educate the public as to what they are about. Who then is

    responsible for changing this situation? It should be the state and state institutions that

    are responsible for such implementation. Yet if we look into the States, and their

    relations to human rights, we often find that they are in fact the agents most responsible

    for violations. How can we expect them to enforce human rights among their societies,

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    The case of Gerald Perera [Sri Lanka]2

    Gerald was a cook working at the Harbour Authority in Colombo. He was a Catholicand was married to a Buddhist. They had three children; a girl (8), and two boys (5 and

    8 months).

    Gerald arrested on mistaken identity and severely tortured

    At 12.45 on 3 June 2002, Gerald Mervin Perera was arrested in the presence of his wife

    by police officers from the Wattala Police Station. The police officers dragged Gerald

    into their jeep saying, "you are the man we are looking for." Gerald was taken to WattalaPolice Station, where several policemen subjected him to torture. Geralds hands were

    tied behind his back; he was blindfolded and hung from a beam before being severely

    beaten with iron rods and wooden poles for about one hour. The officers then forced

    him to the ground and began to burn him with lit matches. During the torture Gerald

    was interrogated about a murder case concerning which he knew nothing about. He was

    kept at the police station on the night of 3 June, before being released the following day.

    On the morning of his release, Geralds brother was informed by Sena Suraweera, the

    Officer In Charge (O.I.C.) of the Wattala police station, that Gerald had been mistakenly

    arrested and detained based on erroneous information. Gerald had therefore been

    subjected to torture as a result of mistaken identity.

    Gerald hospitalised due to the effects of torture and falls into a coma

    Following his release and due to the effects of the torture, Gerald was taken to the

    Navaloka Hospitals Intensive Care Unit in Colombo. On arrival he suffered kidney

    failure and fell into a coma for two weeks. During this time, he was kept alive by a life

    support system. In a report written by the Judicial Medical Officer (JMO) of Colombo,

    who had observed Gerald on 16 August, he concluded that Gerald had developed acute

    renal failure, had lost sensation in a part of his spine, had complete loss of power of the

    muscles around both shoulder joints and lacked the ability to move both arms. He

    further noted that there was sensory loss around both elbow joints, that there were

    2 Detailed information concerning the case of Mr. Gerald Perera, please go to the AHRC

    website, where you can find all of the relevant urgent appeals, press releases,

    statements and press cuttings collected together on one page. This can be found by

    going to:http://www.ahrchk.net/gerald .

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    blackish scars on the back of Gerald's right hand, rope scars around both wrist and

    bruising to the left shin.

    Friends and villagers rally around Gerald and against torture

    Geralds friends from his workplace and from his village collected money for medical

    expenses. They also held a number of protests against police brutality when Gerald was

    in a coma.

    A human rights petition is filed on behalf of Gerald

    A petition was filed with the Supreme Court on 19 June 2002 by a human rights lawyer

    working with the AHRC, W.R. Sanjeewa, concerning violations of Gerald Pereras

    rights that are guaranteed under of the Constitution of Sri Lanka. The aim was for

    Gerald Perera to receive adequate reparation for the suffering and injuries that he

    endured, and for the Attorney General to be given the order to prosecute the perpetrators

    under Act. No 22 of 1994 of Sri Lanka, which prescribes a minimum 7 years of

    imprisonment for any act of torture. The perpetrators were accused of having violated

    the following articles of the Constitution of Sri Lanka: Article 11, which guarantees

    freedom from torture and other cruel and inhuman treatment or punishment; Article 13.1

    which stipulates that a reason for an arrest must be given; and Article 13.2 which

    guarantees the freedom from illegal detention.

    On 26 June 2002, while Gerald was still unconscious, three Sri Lankan Supreme Court

    judges heard submissions made on his behalf in a fundamental rights violation case

    concerning his torture at the hands of the following policemen: Sena Suraweera, the

    Officer In Charge (O.I.C.) of the police station; Sub Inspector (S.I.) Kosala Navaratne,

    O.I.C. Crimes: S. I. Suresh Gunaratne: S.I. Weerasinghe: S.I. Renuka; Police Constable

    (P.C.) Nalin Jayasinghe and P.C. Perera.

    The Supreme Court awards compensation to Gerald

    On 4 April 2003, the Supreme Court passed a landmark judgement concerning Gerald

    Pereras case and awarded him a record-breaking 800,000 Rupees (about 9,000 US$)

    cash as well as full medical costs in damages. Mr Perera's medical costs exceed the

    amount awarded in cash and the total amount was about 15,000 US$.

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    Gerald becomes an activist

    Gerald soon learnt of what had happened during his coma and of the support he had

    been given. He felt very grateful to those who had helped him. He also learned about

    his own rights, including those regarding torture. As he gained more and more

    knowledge on this, he began to participate in torture victims meetings and attended a

    regional human rights workshop held in November 2003 in Sri Lanka. He narrated his

    experience and declared his commitment to fight torture.

    Continuing threats to Geralds life from the Police

    Meanwhile, the police officers that were facing criminal charges for Gerald's torture,

    approached Gerald many times. They first asked him to accept money to the value of

    USD$50,000 and to then withdraw his witness statement from the criminal trial. They

    also threatened him that if he went ahead with the trial, his life would be in danger.

    Gerald ignored these threats. He also refused any money saying, there are many

    people behind me and if I accept this money I will be betraying them and the cause they

    are fighting for.

    The perpetrators (relevant police officers) of the torture that Gerald was subjected to

    had to face criminal prosecution. The criminal case under Act. No 22 of 1994 against

    the aforementioned alleged perpetrators was scheduled to be heard before the Negombo

    High Court on 2 December 2004.

    Gerald shot, critically injured

    At around 11:15am on 21 November 2004, Gerald Perera was shot by an unknown

    assailant at close range, while traveling on a bus. Geralds killer walked to where Gerald

    was sitting in the back row and shot him several times. The bus driver drove directly to

    Ragama General Hospital, and after some treatment Gerald was dispatched to the

    Colombo main hospital for emergency treatment. The shooting took place only a matter

    of days before Gerald was to appear as the victim and key witness in the criminal case

    before the Negombo High Court. The AHRC is convinced that the killing was carried

    out on orders of those facing trial. The police officers facing criminal charges still

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    maintain their positions without any suspension of duty pending the outcome of the

    trial.

    Gerald succumbs to his gun shot wounds

    On 24 November 2004, Gerald Perera passed away at around 1pm local time, at the

    Colombo General Hospital.

    International lobbying

    AHRC has continuously lobbied for the case of Gerald since the time he was subjectedto torture by the police. There have been a number of appeals sent on behalf of him to

    the international community and as a result, UN authorities have intervened into

    Gerald's case on a number of occasions. In the aftermath of the shooting of Gerald,

    AHRC intensified its international campaign for the case of Gerald. As a result, local

    and international media covered the case of Gerald intensively. Many of our partner

    organizations approached Sri Lankan embassies in their own countries to protest against

    the murder of Gerald. In Korea, there was a signature campaign that collected over

    1,400 signatures urging the police to arrest the perpetrators and bring them to justice.

    AHRC also contacted higher police authorities, the National Police Commission and the

    Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka directly to urge them to expedite the arrest of

    suspects and bring them to justice.

    Immediate effects of Geralds death

    Geralds family became terrified after the death of Gerald. They lived in fear and did

    not even attempt to recover Geralds body. AHRC immediately sent two colleagues,

    Eugene Soh from Kwangju, Korea and Bijo Francis from AHRC office to Sri Lanka.

    They played a crucial role in helping Gerald's family recover his body and provided

    necessary emotional and moral support. Local groups working against torture in Sri

    Lanka met and decided to carry on with their fight against torture while taking greater

    precautions. A mass funeral was arranged for Gerald on the 26 of November 2004.

    Thousands attended the funeral and national television covered the event. Hundreds

    staged a protest on the funeral day against the police who are suspected of being behind

    the murder of Gerald. A senior policeman spoke to the public during the protest

    promising prompt action. Threats to activists and victims continue.

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    The AHRC called for a witness protection programme to protect other victims of torture

    who have become witnesses in criminal cases field by the state against police officers.Eventually, police protection was provided to the houses of one victim and an activist.

    The police suspended the service of 7 police officers related to the case of Gerald

    Perera. The Officer In Charge of Wattala Police station has been transferred. One

    month after the murder of Gerald the police arrested two persons, including one police

    officer, as suspects for the murder of Gerald.

    Basil Fernando wrote the following in the aftermath of Geralds death:

    When he regained consciousness two weeks later, he began to fathom the

    magnitude of what had happened to him. He was from Hendela - my hometown.

    Knowing the people of his neighbourhood, I could feel the strength of his

    indignation at being treated in such a manner. These are a fiercely proud people,

    whose natural reaction would be to resist such inhuman treatment.

    Gerald insisted on seeking justice. One of the expressions he used so often was,

    'What I want is not money compensation but actual justice.' I met him directly

    for the first time only in court, when the case came to be argued before judges. I

    found Gerald to be a very warm and large-hearted individual. On that very first day

    he told me that until this incident had happened, he had not known anything about

    human rights. He said, 'But when I was unconscious, people had come. A lawyer

    had come from the human rights groups, and thereafter I was strongly supported by

    them. Only now do I understand this type of work. I want to be part of such work.'

    ".

    .

    After the judgement, of his own volition, Gerald visited human rights organizations

    and when there were meetings he would come and speak. No encouragement was

    needed for this, as he was convinced that it was his duty to participate in this way.

    The last time he volunteered to come and speak was on the United Nations Torture

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    Prevention Day, June 26th 2004, at a meeting held at the Sri Lanka Foundation

    Institute. This speech is available on video. His style of speaking was very soft and

    gentle but he conveyed deep convictions and determination.

    His sense of self-respect made him refuse to bow down to these pressures. He

    did not take the efforts to deter him as seriously as many other victims do. His wife

    recalls that she had told him to take her with him when he attended inquiries

    concerning his torture. However, he had said that there was nothing much to worry

    about. That was very much in keeping with his character. Even as I write this, I can

    recall his smile, the very affectionate expression on his face and the firmness of his

    voice.

    That such a gentle person could have been treated so brutally twice, the first time by

    way of extreme torture and the second by a well-planned murder, is a clear

    indication of the extent to which the basic institutions of justice have collapsed in

    the country. It is not so much the depravity of the perpetrators that is responsible for

    this tragedy, but what contributed most of all was the institutional collapse of the

    policing system in the country. That is what made this killing possible.3

    The killing of a torture victim speaks to how the rule of law in Sri Lanka has totally

    collapsed, and how discipline in the police force has degenerated to the extent that some

    officers have become nothing better than the planners and instigators of homicide. Over

    the last ten years, the AHRC has repeatedly voiced concerns over the exceptional

    collapse of the rule of law in Sri Lanka. It is now a place where ordinary citizens lack

    even the most rudimentary security. Today the whole government apparatus stands as an

    accused party to this murder by reason of its failure to provide Gerald Perera with

    adequate protection.

    Outdated models of human rights work

    Human rights NGOs are partly to share the blame for the lack of progress of human

    rights at the local level. Many human rights NGOs conveniently adopted human rights

    working models from developed countries. Many NGO activists got their training in

    3 Fernando, Basil, Gerald Perera whom I knew, Asian Human Rights Commission, 2004

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    the West. Many big international NGOs have trained local human rights activists in

    developing countries to carry out human rights work. Many NGOs have regarded the

    United Nations as the centre of all of what they do. The information and documentationof many NGOs has been directed towards UN systems and big international NGOs only.

    By conducting their work in such a way, local NGOs ignored the disparity between

    justice systems in developed countries and those that exist in Asian countries. Many

    human rights models developed by large NGOs and western groups have been based on

    the assumption that there is a basic functional justice system in all the countries where

    these models are to be applied. However, the reality is rather different. In Asia, most

    countries do not have genuinely democratic governments. Further, justice systems, suchas policing, prosecution and judiciary, are deteriorating or have collapsed. In the West,

    such systems have been established and functioning reasonably well for a long time.

    There is a historical legal tradition developed in the West to uphold justice and human

    rights. Functioning anti-corruption mechanisms have been established in the many

    Western countries. However in Asia, only Hong Kong and Singapore can be mentioned

    as having established effective anti-corruption mechanisms. In most Asian countries,

    very little emphasis has been given to the improvement of justice systems. Justice

    system institutions are either very corrupt or heavily politicised or both.

    Further, human rights work should attempt to include ordinary people who have become

    victims of human rights themselves. Often, NGOs focus on political prisoners and high

    profile persons who have become victims of human rights. This is not adequate. This

    will create a misconception among the public that human rights groups are working on

    limited number of privileged groups or persons.

    One should not be confuse the above analysis as a criticism of the West or international

    standards. Rather it is a self-criticism of ourselves. Established rule of law traditions in

    the West are examples to follow. In fact we need to learn how such traditions have been

    established. Human rights are universal. However, these standards need to be enforced

    within the context of a system of rule of law. If that system of rule of law is absent, our

    efforts to enforce human rights are fruitless.

    Further, human rights actions needed to be persistent and repeated if necessary. Regular

    repetition of actions helps create public conceptions, debate and support.

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    Incomplete models of human rights education

    Another emphasis of many human rights groups in Asia including many national human

    rights institutions has been human rights education. However, often human rights

    education has been limited to explaining international human rights standards, the UN

    human rights system and how NGOs could participate in them. There is a serious flaw

    in this model of human rights education. Human rights education should focus on the

    implementation of human rights at the local level. Such implementation could always

    abide by international standards but with a local focus. When you discuss problems

    with regard to implementation, you encounter various problems with regards toinstitutions that should be guaranteeing human rights to people. Once again, we are

    back to the justice system here. Human rights education needs to seriously focus on

    problems with regard to local justice systems and institutions and how the local groups

    could lobby to improve these systems. Such lobbying needs to be done locally as well

    as internationally.

    Outdated communication system mindset

    Many NGOs also live and work on the old system-mindset meaning we disregard the

    changes in the world in terms of information technology. We are living in the

    information age where the sharing of information to a large number of persons can be

    done through the press of a button. Fifteen years ago, many NGOs were used to a

    certain styles of work. We produced publications and mailed them to a limited number

    of NGOs and close contacts. Thus our outreach was limited. We had meetings after

    meetings regional and international but often the same people attended these

    meetings and there was no continuity. Contacting each other took weeks if not months.

    Today this has changed dramatically. With the Internet, e-mail and mobile phones, we

    are in constant touch. We can disseminate information to an unlimited number of

    persons in seeking solidarity and support. We can do this little or no cost. All that we

    need is someone to type this information into a computer, and a list of e-mail addresses

    that we can send the information to. This improvement in communication could be

    regarded as the biggest change in the way of life for all people in the world in the 20 th

    Century. People have become closer to each other information wise. E-mail and use

    of the Internet by NGOs is no longer an option or a privilege. It has become a necessity.

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    But the potential of such communication has not been fully realised or explored. Today

    we can go beyond our NGO circles and reach out to hundreds of thousands of persons

    who can become supporters of our local causes. But if we remain in the oldinformation-mindset, we will fail and no doubt regret this later. Today the greatest

    resources are the young who are more acquainted with information technology than

    older generations. Given the opportunity, these young people could become an

    indispensable asset to our work.

    Further, innovative models of education need to be used to educate the public at large.

    This means human rights education needs to go beyond the human rights activists and

    lawyers. The use of mass media for local campaigns can not only educate the public onhuman rights issues, but can help create public opinion and support for human rights

    causes.

    Alternative models of human rights work Analysis

    When you look at the case of Gerald Perera, you could make few remarks.

    Gerald was an ordinary citizen who was tortured. Human rights organisations and a

    lawyer intervened on behalf of him. When his case was publicised, the public at large

    could identify themselves with him, as there are many other innocent citizens who are

    routinely subjected to torture by the police. Public anger and dissatisfaction of the

    police surfaced and was debated. Thus the institutional problem became a public debate

    and public consensus was built that police are too ruthless and torture by the police is

    unacceptable.

    Gerald also became an activist. He became a member of the victims group that was

    initiated with the local human rights NGOs by Eugene Soh from Kwangju. The victims

    met each other and began to talk about their own problems and experiences. This

    became a forum of supporting each other as well as a forum to rally a campaign against

    torture with greater involvement of victims. Victims became strengthened to speak out.

    Human rights education programmes invited these victims to talk and share their

    experiences instead of listening to human rights lectures by scholars from universities.

    Human rights workers at training programmes became patient listeners. Their education

    model has been changed. After listening to these victims, the workers began to discuss

    what would have prevented these victims from these violations thus justice system

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    problems relating to implantation of human rights at the local level as well as effective

    remedies for human rights violations at the local level. Human rights groups also

    brought victims to international and UN forums to directly recount their experiences.Thus the top-down educational model was changed to become a bottom-up one.

    Further, a number of local media sources were used to advertise and highlight the

    demand on Government institutions to end torture in Sri Lanka

    When Gerald was murdered, it was a crucial point of time for the victims and activists

    in Sri Lanka who were campaigning against torture. However, with the help of

    inspirational models like Kwangju Uprising, this moment was transformed into a

    opportunity to take a further step. It was a moment to respect Gerald for what he stoodfor and draw inspiration from his life. Many activities intensified to covert this moment

    into one of transformation and progression. This is exactly what happened in Kwangju.

    On the 26 of May 1980, when a group students decided to sacrifice their life in the

    name of democracy. It is very important what happened after that. The family

    members of the victims supported by activists and civic leaders continued to

    commemorate the Kwangju uprising year after year, risking arrests and harassment by

    the military government. This continued and persistent commemorations were

    instrumental to keep the spirit of Kwangju Uprising alive. Persistent actions by the

    family members and activists later prompted the successful prosecution of two former

    presidents of south Korea Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo - who were sent to jail;

    one to life and the other for 21 years. Thus the Kwangju Uprising changed Korea for

    good by ending military rule permanently and eventually creating an environment for

    real democracy in south Korea.

    Regional human rights groups like the AHRC used modern communications systems

    effectively to spread information relating to Gerald to a large international audience. As

    a result, thousands of people all around the world wrote letters and faxes to the Sri

    Lankan government and related institutions. Many also wrote letters to relevant

    authorities in the UN. The use of communication technology created a large

    international lobby.

    Cultural and religious differences and conflicts

    When you look into various cultural and religions differences and conflicts throughout

    Asia, one common perspective appears one group, often the dominant religious,

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    ethnic, linguistic or cultural group has denied rights of another group. Often minority

    groups become the victims. Prolonged practise of discrimination, and rights violation

    of these minority groups has prompted some members of these groups to initiate armsstruggles to achieve their rights or in some cases self-determination in the land they live.

    Once again, the institutions that should guarantee rule of law and justice have often

    failed in such environments. If the courts guaranteed the rights of minorities,

    differences between groups could be narrowed. I do not say that this is the only way to

    achieve common ground when there are differences. However, I do wish to stress that

    independent and impartial justice systems could make a big contribution to ease

    differences through delivering justice. Often, groups tend to take up arms and resort to

    conflicts when all other avenues available, including the avenues to seek justice, areclosed to them.

    Conclusion

    Human rights are universal. However, to achieve this, human rights must be realised at

    a local level, which is not always done. Obstacles to achieve human rights are

    predominantly local. As discussed in this paper, the obstacles span from outdated

    methods used by the NGOs, narrow perceptions of human rights work, outdated

    communications mindset to educational models. But the most fundamental obstacle

    seems to be the absence of a functioning justice system to prevent human rights

    violations as well as to provide effective remedies when violations occur. When justice

    systems are corrupt and politicised, they lose their independence and professional

    character, resulting in inefficient services. Thus such systems become nominal without

    much effect. Such systems also create conducive environments for human rights

    violations. Often the rich or the affluent become beneficiaries of such systems. The

    poor and the non-affluent become victims. Thus absence of a proper justice system

    which does not uphold rule of law can be the biggest obstacle to achieving human

    rights. Not only human rights NGOs, but also other institutions such as national human

    rights institutions, international NGOs and UN agencies, must take a greater

    responsibility to make a concerted effort to build independent and corrupt-free justice

    systems, which abide by international human rights standards. Such systems will not

    only prevent human rights violations, but also sustain human rights.

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    About the author: Sanjeewa Liyanage, a Sri Lankan, was involved in the student

    movement from about 1984. In 1988 he became the Asian coordinator of InternationalYoung Christian Students (IYCS) an international Catholic student body and worked in

    about 14 Asian countries. In 1995 he joined the Asian Human Rights Commission

    (AHRC) and helped establish its electronic communications network involving

    thousands in Asia and other countries. He has assisted human rights training programs

    for different groups including students, activists, lawyers and judges from the Asia-

    Pacific region. He first visited Kwangju in May 1996 and played a key role in the

    process leading to the creation and declaration of Asian Human Rights Charter A

    peoples Charter including drafting of the final document. He represented Asian LegalResource Centre (ALRC), the sister organization of the AHRC, at UN forums including

    Commission on Human Rights in 1999, 2000, 2001 and 2002 and preparatory meetings

    leading to World Conference Against Racism. Mr. Liyanage is presently the East Asian

    focal point for the NGO Coalition for International Criminal Court (CICC) in New York

    and a member of the Assembly of Delegates of the World Organization Against Torture

    (OMCT) in Geneva. He is a member of the editorial board of Human Rights

    SOLIDARITY and article 2, published by the AHRC and ALRC. He has undergone

    human rights training at the Institute of Social Studies (ISS) in The Hague and Danish

    Centre for Human Rights (DCHR) in Copenhagen. He obtained his Masters of Law

    (LLM) from the University of Hong Kong in 2004. Sanjeewa Liyanage is presently the

    Programme Coordinator Communications of the AHRC and ALRC.

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