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r
The S c o t s Magazine.O C T O B E R , 1 7 4 6 .
P r o c e e d i n g s o f the Political Club, continued from p.
4 1 6 .>
453
*lbe fpeecb ^"Horatius Codes, in 4he character o f Sir John
Hynde Cotton, the lajl publtjbed o f the debate about paying the
Noblemens new-raijed regiments.
Mr Chairman,
A S the chara&er o f the French minifters has been lugged
into this debate, in order to vindicate the chara&erofourownj
tho’ Ihave
no great concern about the chara&er of either, I mud beg
leave to endeavour to fet both in their proper light. A s France is
fituatcd upon the continent, it is the inter- eft of that kingdom,
to extend its frontier, fo as to make its interior as fafe and fe-
cure as poflible; and as their monarch is an abfolute fovereign,
their minifters are under a neceflity to humour his paflions,
efpecially his pride and ambition, which are paflions that molt
monarchs are fub- je&to: therefore when French minifters
contrive means for extending their frontier, and for this purpofe
endeavour to fow diflenfions among their neighbours, they not only
ad a part which is confident with the intereft of their country,
but a part which they are neceflarily obliged to a&.
On the other hand, Sir, as this kingdom is furrounded with the
fea, it is im- poflible for us to extend our frontier, and it is
againft our intereft to acquire any new pofleflions, but fuch as
may ferve to in- creafe or fecure our trade, and fuch as way be
defended by our navy. W ith regard to the continent, therefore, our
intereft confifts only, in taking care, that no one of the powers
thereof (hall extend its frontier, or increafe its riches and
pofleflions, fo as to be able to give law to all the reft; and as
France is at prefent the moft likely to arrive at this pinnacle o f
power, it is the intereft o f this nation, to guard chiefly againft
the increafe of her riches, or the extenfion of her frontier:
confe-quently, it is our intereft to prevent her
V o l .V III.'
X
being able to fow diflenfions among herneighbours upon the
continent, or to increafe her trade and commerce. And as our
monarch is not as yet an abfolute fovereign, our minifters are not
under any neceflity to humour his paflions, efpecially thofe
paflions which cannot be indulged confiftently with the true
interefl: and hap- pinefs of his people.
After having thus, Sir, flated the duty and the circumftances o
f the minifters o f the two nations, let us examine which o f the
two has adted moft agreeable to their duty and circumftances for
thefe laft twenty or thirty years: and if upon that examination it
fhould appear, that the French minifters have done nothing but what
they were in duty bound to do, as well as un- der a neceflity o f d
o in g ; and that the Englifh minifters have upon every emergency,
and without any neceflity, either egregioufly negledted, or afted
diredlly contrary to what they were in duty bound to do, it will be
eafy to determine which o f the two deferves the beft
charafler.
T o touch every particular, Sir, in which our minifters have,
during that period, either miftaken or failed m their duty, would
require more time than I have to fpare, and more of your patience
than I can e x p e d : therefore I {hall touch only fome of the
ftrongeft lines; and for that purpofe muft obferve, T h a t the
treaty o f Utrecht left the difputes between the E m peror and
Spain undecided. In this ftate they remained at the acceflion of
his late M ajefty; and it was then, as well as b efore, the
intereft o f this nation, to have them decided in an amicable
manner, and by our mediation, in order to prevent France from
making an advantage by the confufion thefe difputes might occafion.
For this purpofe we certainly ought to have kept ourfelves as
indifferent as poflible, with refpeft to the two contending
3 O parties.
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A.CA Proceedings of the P o l i t i c a l C l u b . 0 £t.
1746.parties. But, inftead of this, our minifters made us at once o
f a party with the E m peror, by entering into an alliance with him
in the year 17 16 , by which we engaged to defend and preferve him
in the pof- JeJJion o f a ll the kingdoms, provinces and rights
'wbatfoe'ver, w hich be actually enjoyed andpoffeffed. As this made
us a party in the quarrel, it of courfe put an end to our acting as
mediators; and at lali produced an open rupture, not only between
the Emperor and Spain, but between Spain and this nation ; during
which the French took occafion to eftablilh themfelves in the
pofieffion ò f a great part of Hiipaniola, to fettle colonies upon
the river Miffiffippi in America, and to improve their trade and
commerce in every branch.
In 17 2 1 , ’ tis true, we made a peacewith Spain, not much to
our honour upon many accounts; but the war, or at leaft the
difputes between the Emperor and Spain, continued without our
giving our- felves much trouble about their being ended. And,
indeed, it was needlefs for us to do fo, becaufe we had now loft
all credit both at the courts o f Madrid and Vienna. Luckily for
us, and for Europe, i f we had embraced the opportunity, a quarrel
happened between the courts o f France and Spain, which made the
latter offer to accept o f our fmgle mediation for terminating all
their differences with the Emperor. Surely, it was for the intereft
of this nation, to have all thofe differences ended in an amicable
manner ; furely, it was ftill more for our intereft, to have them
ended b y our mediation, and without the inter- poiition o f
France^ but, I do not know by what fatality, our minifters refufed
to be mediators, unlefs the court o f France fliould be joined with
them ; which the court o f Spain, then highly exafperated a- gainft
that court, would by no means accept o f ; fo that at laft the
courts o f V i enna and Spain, ?in the ye'ar 1725, came to an
accommodation between themfelves, find without any mediation. Was
it pof- iible, Sir, that any event could have happened more
fortunate for Europe in general, or for this nation in particular ?
Should ro t we have readily and chearfully approv e of this
accommodation? fhould notwe have cemented more ftrongly, i f
pofli-
4
ble, the happy union between thofe two courts? fliould not we
have heartily entered into their new alliance, to which we were
invited by both ? But our minifters took it into their heads to be
highly affronted and terribly frightened at this new alliance;
infomuch that they immediately began to negotiate, and foon after
concluded, at Hanover, a counter alliance with France ; which laid
a foundation forall the troubles Europe has been fince involved
in.
I now come, Sir, to our famous guaranty of the pragmatick
fan&ion. It was foreleen by the court o f Vienna, and, I
believe, by all the courts o f Europe, that, upon the Emperor’s
dying without male heirs, difputes would arife between his el- deft
daughter and fome o f the princes of Germany, as well as the court
of Spain, who pretended a right to his fucceffion, or to fome part
of hi? dominions. It was the intereft o f Europe, and o f this
nation, to have thofe difputes fome way fettled before the Emperor’
s death: it was the intereft o f France to keep them open. The
Emperor appeared fo fond of tranfmitting his dominions entire to
his eldeft daughter, that it was evident, that nothing but necef*
fity could prevail upon him to give the leaft fatisfadlion to any
one o f the claimants. H ow was he to be brought under this
neceffity ? By no other method bat that of refuiing toguaranty his
pragmatick fan&ion upon any other condition. Accordingly it was
for feveral years peremptorily refufed by all the powers of Europe,
and among the reft by the diet of the empire itfelf; but, in the
year 1731, our minifters blundered into a general guaranty o f that
fettlement, without ftipulating the leaft fatisfa&ion, or fo
much as a pro- mife of fatisfattion, to any one of thole potentates
who laid claim to his fucceiTion, or to any part o f his
dominions.
This, Sir, was dire&Iy playing the game into the hands o f
the French minifters;
K
becaufe from that time it became impof- lible to prevent
difputes ariflng in Germany upon the Emperor’s dying without male
heirs. And when that unlucky, tho* not unforefeen or unexpe&ed
event happened, we were fo far from endeavouring to prevent thofe
difputes, that we in
flamed
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0
I
0 &.1746.' 'Proceedings of the P o l i t i c a l C l u b .
455flamed them. T h e King of Pruffia no fooner heard of the
Emperor’s death, than he refolved to lay claim to what he thought
belonged to him in Siiefia ; and as pofTefiion is, they fay, eleven
points of the law, he marched his troops dire&Iy, and by force
of arms took poffeffion o f agreat part of that duchy. T h is
method of proceeding was, I fhall grant, contrary {0 the laws and
conftitutions of the em pire : but, among fovereign princes, the
forms of law are feldom obferved ; and fuch trefpaffes muft be
overlooked bythofe that have a mind to treat with them. For this
the King of Pruffia himfelf fur- nilhed us with an opportunity:
for, at the fame time that he marched his troops into Siiefia, he
declared by his minifter at Vienna, that his caufing his troops to
enter Siiefia was not with any ill defign a- gainft the court of
Vienna, but to prevent his claim upon that duchy’ s being defeated
by thofe who formed pretentions to the late Emperor’s fucceffion ;
and he further declared, that, upon the ceffion of a part of that
duchy, he was ready with all his forces to guaranty the other
dominions poflHTed by the houfe of Auftria, and for that purpofe to
enter into a ftrift alliance with the courts of Vienna and Ruffia,
and the maritime powers; that he would ufe his intereft to procure
the Imperial dignity for the Duke o f Lorrain ; that he would
immediately furnifh the court o f Vienna with two millions of
florins; and that he would embrace every opportunity for affifting
the Queen of Hungary to make herfelf an amends for the lofs fhe
might fuftain upon that occafion.
Thefe conditions might have been re- fufed if the King o f
Prufiia had been the only claimant; but this of Pruffia, Sir, was
far from being the only claim entered againft the Queen of Hungary.
Im mediately upon her father’s death, both the Duke o f Bavaria and
the King o f Spain laid claim to her whole dominions, each as next
heir o f entail to the late E m peror. And tho’ the Eie&or o f
Saxony did not immediately enter his claim, yet it was known, that
he likewife had a claim, as having married theeldeft daughter of
the Emperor jofeph : for tho’ theKing of Pfuflia did not declare it
openly
A
and exprefcly, it was known that his chief reafon for being fo
precipitate in fending his troops to Siiefia was, left he fhould
beprevented by the Elector o f Safcony’ s fending h'is troops to
take poftefiion of that duchy. In thefe confufions, what part was
it the intereft of England to aft ? Surely, not only to advife, but
to infift upon the Queen of Hungary’s difuniting thefe claimants,
by giving immediate fa- tisfa&ion to fome of them : and o f all
the claimants, it was moft confiftent both with our honour and our
intereft, to infift upon her giving fetisfa&ion to the King o f
Pruffia; becaufe he was a Proteftant prince, becaufe he was moft
able to affiil her againft the reft, and becaufe his claim was no
incroachment upon that fettlement which we had guarantied. But,
inftead o f thi', our minifters from the very firft promifed, T h
at in cafe the King o f Pruffta remained unfhaken in his deftgns,
nve would faithfully and religioufly perform the trea~ ties that
obliged us to ajji/i her Hungarian Majejiy. N a y , we went much
further ; for it is evident, that from the time of the King of
Pruffia’s invading Siiefia, to the 5th of March following, we were
fo far from advifing the court of Vienna to give any
fatisfa&ion to Pruffia, that w s thought of nothing but o f
concerting a plan o f operations for compelling that prince by
force of arms to withdraw his troops from Siiefia.
Was not this, Sir, a fecond, or rathera fourth time playing the
game into the hands of the minifters o f France ? By our condu£t
upon this occafion we gave France an opportunity of raifing a civil
war in Germany, which otherwiie fhe could not have found : for i f
the Queen of H ungary had freely and fincerely entered intoan
accommodation with Pruffia upon t j e terms he had at firft
offered, neither the Duke of Bavaria nor the Ele&or o f Saxony
would have dared to have attacked her in Germany, nor would Hanover
have been obliged to ngree to that neutrality itwas afterwards
bullied into; and if H a nover had not agreed to a neutrality. I
believe our fquadron in the Mediterranean would have been fo
reinforced as to prevent the Queen of Hungary’s being attacked in
Italy. After all this, Sir, can
3 O 2 ^
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456 Proceedings of the P o l i t i c a l C l u b . Oft. 1746.it
be a queftion, whofe fault the late or the prefent confufions in
Europe are o w ing to ? W e may, in order to amufe the vulgar,
exclaim againft the treachery andambition o f the French minifters.
T h e y are treacherous, I (hall g ra n t; but in this they have
been o f late years pretty exactly copied by fome o f their
neighbours. T h e y are ambitious, ’ tis tru e; but it is their
duty, and they are under a neceflity to be fo. It is the duty o f
our miniftersto guard againft their treachery, and to prevent their
having fuel for their ambition. I f we have furniihed them with
combuftible materials for fetting the houfe on fire, who are to be
blamed for the conflagration ? thofe whofe duty it was to fetit on
fire, or thofe whofe duty it was to prevent it ?
* T o pretend, Sir, that there was any danger of the Queen o f
Hungary’ s throwing herfelf into the arms of France incafe we had
infilled on her giving fatisfa- £tion to the K in g of Prullia, is
absolutely chim erical; for, to do this, fhe muit have firfc given
fatisfa&ion both to the King o fSpain and the D uke o f
Bavaria, which would have coft her more than was ever afked
byPrufTia: and to fuppofe that France would have fupported her
againft both thefe princes, as well as againft Pruf- fia, is to
fuppofe, that France would have joined in preferving the power o f
the houfe o f Auftria ; which is contrary to the intereft o f that
kingdom, and to the whole tenor of French politicks for ages
paft.
As to the other pretence, S ir ,That not- withftanding the Queen
of Hungary’s re- fufing to follow our advice, we were ob liged by
the treaties fubfifting between us to affift her againft the King
of Pruffia ; I am furprifed to hear it infilled on, by thofe who
concurred in neglecting to affift the late Emperor in the year
1734, when he was attacked, without any juft provocation, by
Fiance, Spain, and Sardinia.Surely, we were then as much obliged to
affift him, as we were to afiift his daughter in the year 1 7 4 0 ;
becauie in that period o f time we had entered into no pew treaty
with the houfe o f Auftria, and confequently all the treaties that
werefubfifting between us in the year 1740,
1 *
were equally fubfifting in the year 1734» But what furprifes me
moil, is, that Gentlemen fhould infill fo ftrongly upon our being
obliged by treaty to affift the Queen o f Hungary at the end of the
year 1740 and beginning o f 1 7 4 1 , when fhe was attacked by none
but the King o f Praffia; and yet afterwards, when fhe was attacked
by F'rench, Bavarians, Saxons, Spaniards and Neapolitans, as well
as Pruffians, thofe very Gentlemen concurred, not only in
neglecting to give her any afliftance,except the 300,000 1.
ftipulated by a newtreaty in June 1 7 4 1 , but alfo in neglecting
to fend a fufficient fquadron to the Mediterranean, for preventing
her being attacked in Italy. I f we were obliged to affift her when
attacked by Pruffia alone, furely we were much more obliged to
affift her when attacked by fo many potentates together: and i f
the then apparent impoffibility o f giving her effectual affill-
ance be pleaded as our excufe, it muft be allowed, that the fame
excufe might have ferved for not aflifting her againft Pruflia;
becaufe it was evident, that our affifting her againft him, would
occafion her being attacked by all the other potentates I have
mentioned, who only waited for Pruffia’s being forced by fuch means
to join in an alliance with them.
Sir, I have been the more full upon this fubjeCt, becaufe an
Hon, Gentleman told us, that the pride and ambition o f the French
minifters muft be allowed to be the true caufe o f our prefent
confufions; and he told it in fuch a concife manner as feemed to
indicate, that he expeCted we fhould take it upon his ipfe dixit.
Their pride and ambition may, ’ tis true, have been the immediate
caufe; but I hope I have fhewn, that the mifconduCt o f our
minifters has given fcope to their ambi-' tion j confequently, our
minifters muft be allowed to be the true and original authors o f
the prefent confufions in Europe. And about their charaCter the
Honourable Gentleman Ihould, I think, be under fome concern.
Perhaps his concern for the character o f his friends may be
entirely fvvallowed up in the concern he feems to be under for the
liberties o f Europe ; and therefore I fliall do himthe favour to
obfeive, that it is impoflible
(9
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Oft.174-6* Proceedings of the P o l i t i c a l C l u b . 457to
fuppofe, with any (hadowof reafon, that the liberties of Europe are
in any danger,when no one ftate in Europe except our- {elves has
the leaft apprehenfion o f their being fo. That we ought to take
fome care for the prefervation of the liberties of Europe, J (hall
readily a d m it ; but that we ought to fet ourfelves up as the
only champions for the liberties o f Europe, I abfolutely deny. As
we are the mod remote from the danger, we never ought to be the
firft to take the alarm. When the danger is real, we may always
depend on being called upon by thofe who are next to it. Then^ve
ought to give a helping hand towards preventing or removing it. But
even then we ought to affift only : we ought not to take the whole
burden upon our own (houlders; for i f we do, our neighbours will
always load us with it; which is certainly the cafe at prefent, i f
the liberties o f Europe be in any danger. Therefore I think we
(hould withdraw a little, if it were for nothing elfe but to fee
whether any of our neighbours will take up that part o f the burden
we lay down ; for this fome of them will certainly do, if there be
any real occafion.
This experiment, Sir, T muft recommend to the Hon. Gentleman who
feems to be under fuch a concern for the danger which the liberties
o f Europe may be ex- pofed to by the event o f the prelent w a r :
and I recommend it, becaufe I am perfua- ded it would very foon
alleviate the concern he is under; for i f the princes o f Germany,
and the Dutch, fhould once find us refolved not to pay their
troops, or fight their battles any longer for them, they would
themfelves take care, that it Ihould not be in the power of France
and Spain, to prefcribe fuch terms of peace to the Queen of Hungary
as might be in- confillent with the prefervation of a balance of
power in Europe. This, I fay, they would take care o f ; this they
have in their power to do, i f they have a mind to exert
themfelves, without any, or with but a very little affiftance from
u s ; and when they do not exert themfelves, we may always
conclude, that the liberties of Europe are in no danger. A man o f
a firong imagination and melancholy complexion may really fancy, or
a man wno
for his own endS defigns to frighten children may pretend, he
fees a ghoil op ghaftly fpeClre, and may drefs it up in a mod
hideous (hape ; but if none o f thofe about him can perceive any
fuch thing, furely no man o f common fenfe will believe him, much
lefs frighten himfelf with fuch an imaginary phantafm. T h e cafe
is the (ame with regard to the danger which the liberties o f
Europe may be in from the event of the prefent war. Let our
minifters fancy or pretend what they will, I fhall fuppofe the
danger chimerical, as long as I find it is not perceived by the
minifters o f any other prince or potentate in Europe not
particularly concerned in the event of the war i and as w e have no
particular concern in the event o f the war upon the continent, I
can fee no Teafon why we fhould not call home 1̂1 our national
troops, i f we (land in need o f them for our domeftick
fecurity.
But, in order to juliify the prefent mea- fure, I find it is
(aid, Sir, that we muft: not only call home all our national
troops, but muft alfo raife fifteen new regiments; becaule, it is
faid, we muft have a large body o f troops here about London, for
defending our capital; we muft fend an army to Scotland, for
defeating and difper- fing the rebels; we muft have another army
upon the borders, to prevent their entering England ; and befides
all this, we muft have regiments regularly formed in every part*of
the kingdom, and ready at a moment's warning to march, in order to
difperfe chofe inlurre&ions that would certainly happen, fhould
we be invaded by 3 or 4000 foreign troops. Sir, i f I thought all
thefe precautions neceflary, I (hould think the nati-on in the molt
deplorable and defperate circumftances: but I have the pleafure to
think, and the fpi- rit which now appears confirms me in thinking,
that the common city-mifitia are fufficient for defending our
capital ; and that in every county in England, the county-militia
are fuflicient for preventing, or difperfmg anv infurredt»on that
can be railed by the difaffedied : therefore we have no occafion
for any regular troops in England, but fuch a number as may be
fufficient to defeat any foreign invafion that may be fuddenly made
upon us: for
which4
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45̂ > Proceedings of the Po l i t i c a l C l u b . 061.
1746.which reafon, I think we may, i f we pleafe, fend all but 5 or
6000 o f our regular troops againft the rebels in Scotland ; and if
we can do this, we cannot, furely, have the leaft occafion for
raifingany new regiments.
But now, Sir, fuppofing the nation to be in the deplorable
fituation the Hon. Gentleman has been pleafed to reprefent, and
that therefore it is abfolutely neceffa- ry for our fafety, to take
all the precautions he has mentioned, I {hall /hew, that we have
already, or for a very final! expence may have, a number of troops
fuf- ficient for all thefe purpofes, without raifing fo much as one
new regiment. By the parliamentary eftablifhment o f lart fefiion,
we have now on foot 15,768 men for guards and garrifons here at
home, a^d 28,107 men of national troops in Flanders, amounting in
all to 43,875 men, befides our marines, and befides Several
independent companies now raifing under the command of our ufelefs
marine officers. As to our marines, I fhall not reckon upon them,
becaufe I fuppofe them all employed on board our (hips of w a r ;
and as to our new independent companies, I {hall fuppofe them
employed in garrifons : but I muft reckon upon the 6000 Dutch
troops, who, I hope, are come here to fight, and not to compliment
us with their countenance only, as they did laft fummer in
Flanders; therefore I muft compute, that as foon as we have brought
all our national troops over from Flanders, w e fhall have 49,875
men o f regular troops in the ifland : fo that we may have a body
of 10,000 regular troops to guard our capital ; another of 10,000
to be fent againft the rebels in Scotland ; a third of 10,000
ported upon the borders to watch their motions ; a fourth of the
fame number potted in the centre of the kingdom, to march againft
any foreign troops that may be accidentally landed in England ; and
a fifth of very near the fame number to be ftationed in the moft
difaffe&ed counties, for preventing thole infurrections that
are fo much apprehended. From all whichI muft conclude, that i f
there were not a man in the kingdom ready to venture his life in
defence o f the government, exceptthofe of our army and navy, we
have re
gular troops enough already on foot for protecting our capital,
for defeating the rebels,for defending us againft invafions, and
for preventing or defeating any infurre&ion.
Sir, I {hall go yet a little further; I fhall fuppofe, that an
army of 50,000 regular troops is not Tufficient, and that we muft
have 10 or 12,000 more for our fe- ,
4 1curity againft the prefent domeftick danger. M ight not we
have done this by adding private men to each troop and company in
the fervice, without loading the nation with a great number of new
officers, which muft always be the confe- quence o f raifing new
regiftients ? If his Majefty {hould iflue a proclamation, that , no
man that lifts upon this occafion {hall be obliged to go abroad, or
to ferve any ; longer than till the rebellion is extinguifh- ed, it
would certainly be more eafy to find good men for this purpofe,
than to find fuch men for filling up the new regiments; becaufe a
man who is really re- folved to venture his life in his country’s
fervice, and does not lift merely out of vanity, and in expectation
of his never being expofed to any danger, will certainly chufe to
ferve in an old veteran regiment, rather than in a regiment juft
newly rai- fed, and moftly compofed of men whofe courage had never
been tried either in battle or lkirmifti. It cannot be faid, that
both our troops and companies have already as many private men in
them as 13 confident with the fervice : for in all foreign fervice
their troops and companies are more numerous than ours have as yet
been m ade; and even in our own fervice, a company of marines has a
much greater number of private men in it, than there are in any o f
our companies of foot; therefore i f any additional number of
regular troops be necefTary, that additional number may and ought
to be raifed, by making an addition of private men to our old, and
not by raifing new regiments.
N ow , Sir, i f no additional number of troops be neceflary, it
muft be allowed, that the whole expence we are put to in
maintaining thefe new regiments is unne- ceflfary ; confequently we
have no realon to thank thofe Noble Peers for their gene- rofity in
not putting us to the expence ofclothing as well as paying them and
their
regi-
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Oft.1746» Proceedings c f the P o l i t i c a l C l u f .
459regiments: and fuppofing it vvere necef- fary to raife an
additional number o f troops, as it might be done by adding private
men to the old regiments, the pay o f their officers in thefe new
regiments will amount to much more than would have clothed an equal
number o f private foldi- ers; confequently, even in this light,
the publick has no reafon to thank thofe N o ble Peers, fhould they
be at the expenceof providing their regiments with arms,
accoutrements, horfes, and cloaths. But when all accounts come to
be fettled, efpe- cially the accounts of the off-reckonings,I
believe it will appear, that no one of thofe Noble Peers has been
at any expence, but, on the contrary, that they have all been
confiderable gainers: and tho’ commiffions in thefe new regiments
may not fell for near the price o f commiffions in old regiments,
yet I believe they will fell for fomething; and if the Noble
Colonels do not make a market o f the commiffions they have thus at
their difpo- fal, they will at leaft have an opportunity of
obliging their friends and relations, which muft be allowed to be
of fome value. So that in every light this meafure can be put, it
muft be looked on, not as an aft of generofity in thofe Noble
Colonels, but as a very great and a very ex- penfive favour
conferred upon them by the publick: confequently it will be con-
fidered as a new fcheme of corruption, contrived by our miniilers
for fecuring thevotes of thofe Noble Peers in parliament, and of
their friends and relations at elections in the country ; and,
furely, weought at prefenl to avoid any meafure thatmay produce
fuch an opinion among the people.
This, Sir, brings me, o f courfe, to con- fider the bad
confequences which this meafure may be attended with. T h e
objection of its raifmg difcontents aifiongft the officers of our
old regiments, is far frombeingevaded, by fuppohngr that none of
the officers of our old regiments would accept of the command, or
of any preferment in thefe new regiments. I f this were true, I am
fure we could expeCt no fervice from thefe Noble regiments: for if
none o f our old officers will accept of preferment in them, 1 do
not fee how the
country Gentlemen that accept of com- niiffions, can ever come
to know their bu- finefs, unlefs a military fchoolmaiter
beappointed for each regiment. But this isa fuppofition that can
never be made by any one that knows the courfe o f preferment in
the army. It is a maxim among the officers o f our army, never to
let flip an opportunity for preferment; becaufe à Colonel on
half-pay, has a better title to a regiment than a
Lieutenant-Colonei in full pay ; a Lieutenant-Colonel upon halfpay,
has a better title to iucceed to a Lieutenant-Colonel in full pay,
than any M a jor in full pay ; and fo of all inferior ranks in the
army. Suppofing thefe regiments were to be difbanded precifely at
the time now limited ; yet, according to this rule, thofe that had
the command of them would have a better title to the firft va- cant
regiment, than the oldeft Lieutenant- Colonel in the army ; thofe
that had been Lieucenant-Coionels in thefe regiment?, would have a
better title to the firft Lieu- tenant-Colonel’s commiffion that
fhould become vacant in a ftanding regiment, than the oldeft Major
in the arm y; and fo of all the inferior commiffions: confequently
we muft fuppofe, that no Lieutenant-Colonel would refufe the
command of one of thefe new-raifed regiments, nor would any officer
in our old regiments refufe preferment in our new : on the
contrary, all o f them will think, they have had iniufiice done
them, i f thofe that were * never officers before, or younger
officers, are preferred pver their heads to a fupe- rior rank in
thefe new regiments; and this cannot fail o f producing hereafter,
as well as now, a great deal of ill blood a- mong the officers of
our ftanding army.
As to the privilege thefe Noble Colonels have got of appointing
all the officers under their command, if thefe regiments be foon
difbanded, as I hope they will, no prefent danger can refult from
it; but tins great danger lies in the precedent. E>very Nobleman
that fhall hereafter getthe command o f a regiment, will from this
precedent claim a right to have the difpofal o f all the
commiilions that fhall become vacant in his regiment; and Ihould
this right be once by cuftom cilablifhcd,every one o f cur chief
Nobility will intitt
ujpon4
-
4
460 Proceedings of the P o l i t i c a l C l u b , O f t . 1 7 4
6 .upon having a regiment. By this means our prefent Nobility, like
thofe of anci- cnt times, may come to be pofTefl'ed o f a military
force entirely depending upon themfelves, and ready to march, at
their command, againft this houfe* fhould we ciifoblige them, or
even againft the crown itfelf. This may therefore be a prelude to a
new Barons w a r ; and may render th is houfe as it was of old,
entirely dependent upon, and fubfervient to theother*
Sir, I am the more afraid o f this con- fequence, becaufe all
thefe new regiments are to be raifed by members o f the other
houfe. W hat intitles them to this preference, I do not know.
Surely, there are many members of this houfe that are as capable of
raifing regiments for the fervice of their country, as moft members
of the other } and I hope we are no way behindhand with them in our
zeal for the fupport o f our prefent eftablilhment. I f it be an
honour to raife regiments upon the prefeat occafion, that honour
fhould, I think, have been conferred upon fome o f the members of
this houfe, as well as upon f)me of the members of the o t h e r :
and if it be an advantage, we have an e qual, i f not a fuperior
right to i t ; becaufe we alone raife the publick money, and
becaufe the far greateft part of the publick expence is borne by
us, and thofe we reprefent.
When I mention thofe we rcprefent, Sir, I cannot but recoiled
the many in- ftrudlions they have lately given or fent up to us
againll corruption, both in parliament and at ele&ions, and
againft fe- ptennial parliaments, as the chief caufeof the
prevalence o f corruption. Thefe in* itruttions lufficiently point
out to us the gnevances which the people complain of, and the
methods by which they expedl to be relieved ftpm them. Surely, at a
time when we have fo much need of the hands as well as hearts of
the people, we fhould think o f giving them fome fatisfaflion. A
fhort bill for repealing the feptennial atì , and reftoring
triennial parliaments, is the lead we can think of. Could the
pafnng of fuch a bill create any divifions amongft us ? could it
retard any other bu- finefs we now have, or can have in thisftflion
before us ? I make no doubt, Sir,
of our having after this, as well as before, a feftion of
parliament annually afTembled; and I fhall the lefs doubt of it, i
f nothing be done in this feflion for preventing our minifters
having a corrupt influence upon our parliaments} for no mini- fter
can have a reafon for preventing the annual meeting of parliaments,
when he is fure of their doing every thing he can defire, and
nothing but what he defires. Such a parliament will always be a
moft convenient tool for a minifter. But can the people ever expefl
the redrefs of any grievance from fuch a parliament Ì The queftion
is not therefore, Whether we fhall have one or more feffions of
parliament after the rebellion is extinguifhed ? but, Whether in
thefe feffions we fhall e- ver be able to carry any bill through,
that may leflèn the corrupt influence of minifters either in
parliament or at e- le&ions ? And i f we can judge from
experience, we muft conclude that we fhali not.
Every one o f the bills that have beenmentioned in this debate,
has been already more than once moved for, or brought into
parliament, and at every time we have found the influence of
minifters ftrong againft us. Can we fuppofe, Sir* that their
influence will be lefs powerful , after the rebellion is at an end,
than it was i before the rebellion began ? I f they now refufe to
{hew fome complaifance for the ! defires o f the people, can we
fuppofe they will be more complaifant after the prefent danger is
removed ? Sir, I know mankind fo well, and have had fo much
experience, that I do not fuppofe, we could carry either the repeal
of the feptennial bill, or the place-bill, or the pen- iion-bill,
againft the utmoft our miniflers could do: but in this time of
danger, I really think they fhould join with us in having fome o f
thofe bills pafled into laws, in order to fecure the hearts of the
people, by doing fomething towards removing that dangerous
grievance which they have fo long and fo generally complained of.
When a man’s houfe is on fire, ought he not to take every method
for inducing his neighbours and fervants toaflift
inextinguilhingthe flames? Shouldhe then perfilt in refufing to do
them
juitice,
-
#
0 5 1 . 1 7 4 ^* Proceedings of the Po l i t i c a l C l u b . 4
6 1jultice, would not they deferve the badge if they gave him any
afliftance ? Let this be applied to the people of England, and
confider the confequence, if none o f thefe bii ̂be pafled in this
feffion. I (hall not grudge our minifters the honour, I hope they
will be themlelves the introducers o f all or fome of thefe bills ;
and if they and their friends join in carrying them through, I will
engage, that none of them fhall occafion any difputes or divifions
a-mongtl us. This, Sir, the people haverealon to exped from them ;
it is a g ra titude due by minifters to a people who have fhewn
ihemfeives fo ready to venture their lives and fortunes in fupport
of their government: but if they go on, as ufual, in oppofing every
thing that maytend towards fecuring our liberties againftthat moil
deadly foe, Corruption, it is they that are the authors o f our
divifions, they are anfwerable for the confe- quences, let them be
never fo fatal.
In the reign o f Richard II. notwith- ftanding the imminent
danger the nation was then threatened with, the parliament took
care to obtain a redrefs o f the grievance complained of, before
they would grant any money for guarding againft the danger.
Corruption, either in parliament or at ele&ions, was at that
time neither felt nor complained o f ; and, thro’ our whole
hiltory, to this very day, we fhall find, that it has been a
conftant error in our parliaments, never to think of redref- fing a
grievance, or providing againft a danger, but what was generally
felt, and loudly complained o f at that inftant of time. Happy had
it been for the leading men of that parliament, happy had it been
for their fovereign, happy had it been for the natron, had they
then thought of applying a proper preventive againft corruption. By
their neglecting to do this when it was in their power, many o f
the ch ie f men amongft them fuffered death, banifhment, or
confifcation, in a few years after, by fentences paffed a^ainft
them in a corrupt parliament: and the confequences o f this were,
the dethroning, and untimely death, if not murder, of Richard ; the
advancement o f Henry I V . to the throne, and thereby laying a
foundation for the longand bloody wars that enfaed between the,
Yoi> VIII.
houfes o f Y o rk and Lancafter. But fuppofing no unhappy
confequences had followed theirnegleCt,can their negleCl topro-
vide againftcurruption when it was neither felt nor complained of,
be a precedent for our neglecting to provide againft corruption
when it is both felt and complained of? N o , S i r : but their
fteadinefs in providing againft the grievance that was then felt,
norwithftanding the danger wherewith the nation was threatened, is
an example w e ought to follow; and as fuch it was mentioned by my
worthy friend in this debate.
I do not know what an Hon. Gentleman meant by unanimity, and a
readyconcurrence with his Majefty. Sir, i fwe were to think of
nothing but unanimity, and a ready concurrence in ail the meafures
his Majefty may be advifed by his minifters to purfue, we have very
little bufinefs here. Neither the King nor the people could expeCt
any benefit from our meeting. Our duty in this aflcmbly is, to
examine ftriCtly, but candidly, e- very propofition that comes
before us, and to give or refufe our concurrence according as our
honour and confcience direct ; therefore it is impoffible to expeCt
unanimity upon every occafion: I am for- ry to find fuch a number
amongft us unanimous upon fo many. After the clofeft attention to
this debate, I cannot be per- fuaded, that the railing of more
troops is any way neceflary ; I am convinced that the method now
propofed for raifing them is, in every refpeCl, the very woritthat
could have been chofen. I f his M a jefty has been otherwife
advifed, 1 think he has been wrong advifed: it is an ad* vice
which, I think, can proceed from nothing but the felf-intereiled
views o f fome of his minifters j it is, an advice that will load
the people with a needlefs expence, and, confequently, raife great
discontents among them ; it is an advice that©may be attended with
many other fatal confequences: therefore I can neither inhonour or
confcience concur in voting forits being carried into execution. —
See
Mag- 1745» P' S36 -We next give the Jubjiance o f federal
fpeeches made upon the motion for an addrefsin anfwer to the
King's Jpeei % M ag. 1745*p . +71, 2. 3 p n t
« *
-
4-62 Proceedings of the Po l i t i c a l C l u b . 0 & . i 7
4 6 ,
The fpeech o f L. Lentulus, in the char after o f Henry Legge,
Efq\
M r Preficlenti
I R i s e up to undertake what T know Iam very little able to
execute ; but I am prompted by my zeal for the fup- port o f our
prelent happy eftablifhment; and encouraged by my being fenfible,
that the fame laudable zeal warms the heart o f every Gentleman
that hears me. M y zeal will therefore, I hope, be an excuie for my
incapacity, as well as preem ption; and if I fhould be any way
defective in what I am going to propofe, I make no doubt o f the
dete&’s being fupplied by fome of thofe many that are bleffed
with a greater capacity, and more knowledge in parliamentary
affairs. From this prelude Gentlemen muft perceive, that I amgoing
to propofe an add refs, by way of an- fwer to his Majefty’s moft
gracious fpeech from the throne. A nd tho’ , in genera!, a ready
concurrence may be expected upon this moft remarkable occafion ;
yet, that no Gentleman may think himfelf furpri- fed, I fhall
previoufly explain every article I intend to propofe, and give fuch
rea- fons for thofe that may appear extraordinary, as, I hope, will
procure an unanimous approbation ; for at furh a formidable crifis
I fhould be forry to offer anything that might occafion the leaft
oppo- fition or altercation.
T o return his Majefty thanks for his moft gracious fpeech from
the throne, and to congratulate him upon his happy return to thefe
kingdoms, are compliments of courfe, which ftand in need o f no
explanation, nor of any arguments to inforce them ; therefore T
fhall not en large upon this head. But with refpe
-
Oft 1746. Proceedings of the P o l i t i c a l C l u b .
463wicked, the mod unnatural defign that e- ver any fet of inen
engaged in f
The contention railed amongft us, Sir, by this rebellion, is not
folely, Whether we fhall have this Royal family, or another Royal
family ? Whether vve fhall be the fubje&s of a free government,
or the /lavesofanabfolutegovernment? or,W hether we fhall be
Papifts or Proteftants ? but, Whether we fhall be free born Eng-
liihmen, or French flaves ? If the rebels fhould fucceed, which God
forbid, and which indeed I have no apprehenfion of, we muft have a
Royal family that founds its right, not upon the choice o f the
people, or the laws o f the kingdom, but upon the pretended law of
God : we mull be the flaves of an abfolute government: we mult all
be Roman Catholicks: and, to fum up all, we mult be the fl^ves of
Frenchmen; which of all flaveries muftby Englifhmen be looked on
with the . greateft horror and contempt. I therefore do not wonder
at the fpirit which has appeared in this country, in favour of his
Majefty and our prefent happy e- ilablifhment. It is a frefh
inftance ofthe good fenfe, as well as o f the courage of the people
o f this kingdom ; and as I heartily congratulate my countrymen
upon it, I fhall propofe, that we fhould like-ivife congratulate
his Majefty upon the fubjeCt.
I have now mentioned, Sir, all the articles I am to propofe, by
way of addrefs upon this occafion ; and as I cannot think, that any
objection will be made to any part of it, I fhall add no more, but
conclude with moving, “ T h a t an humble addrefs be prefented to
his Majefty, to return his Majefty the thanks, & c . [as in the
addrefs, Mag. 1745, p. 473. mutatismutandis.]
The fpeechoflA. Ebutius Elva, in the cha-rafierof Welbore Ellis,
E/q;
Mr Prefident,
A S I cannot fuppofe, that any G en tleman in this houfe wifhes
fuccefs to the prefent rebeilion, and as nothing can tend more
effectually to its being fpeedily defeated, than our declaring, in
the molt zealous manner, our resolutions, to fland by his Majefty
in the fup-pore of oar prefent happy eftablifhment $
I think I need not trouble you with many arguments for fhewirg
the propriety, and even the neceffity o f what my H on . friend has
propofed. I think we may withconfidenceconclude, that,
ifwecanpreventthis rebellion’s being countenanced by any foreign
power, or joined by any number o f people in England, we fhall foon
be a- ble to put an end to it, notwithftanding the fuccefs they
have lately met with ; and for both thele purpofes nothing cam be
more effectual, than both houfesof par- v liament declaring
themfelves in the warm- eft manner againft it. T h a t the
rebellion will be countenanced, that it has been encouraged by our
enemies the French and Spaniards, wecannotdoubt, S ir ; but there
is a great difference between their countenancing, and powerfully
affifting the rebels. I f they fee, that the rebels can do but
little for themfelves, they will con-
, elude, that the rebellion muft be foon defeated,
notwithftanding the utmoft afiilt- ance they can give. From hence
they will conclude, that their afìifting the rebels in Scotland, is
not the beft card they have to play ; and therefore they will
negleCi aflifting them as much as they might o- therwife do, in
order to pufh their w arlike operations with the more vigour in
fome other part o f the world : whereas, i f they fhould think,
that the rebellion now begun in Scotland, might with their afiift-
ance become fo formidable as to have a good chance for fuccefs,
they would think only o f aCting upon the defenfive in every other
part, and would turn their whole ftrength towards the fupport of
this rebellion. N ow , as nothing is more likely to give both the
courts of France and Spaina mean opinion of this rebellion, than
the open and warm declarations of both hou- fes of parliament
againft it, it is neceffarywe fhould embrace this firft opportunity
of manifefting in the ftrongeft manner our loyalty to our King, and
our zeal for the fupport o f our prefent happy eftablifhment. T h
is , Sir, is the more necefjary, becaufc o f the grofs
mifreprefentations that have been often repeated by Britifh
refugees both at the courts o f France and Spain. By them the
people o f Great Britain havebeen reprefented as almoft univerfally
dif-
• affeCteu to our prefent R oyal family, and3 P z the
-
4 6 4 P r o c e e d in g s o f th e V o l i t i c a l C l u b .
061 . 1 7 4 6 .i
the government as being fupported by nothing but bribery and
corruption. T h e Jpirit that now appears without doors, will in a
great meafure refute thefe mifre- prefentations; and i f the fame
fpirit fhould appear within, it will convince both the courts o f
France and Spain of the falfhood o f what they have heard fo
confidently af- ferted by the Bricifh exiles that are in their
fervice ; which will o f courfe turn their thoughts from being at
any great expence, or rifking any coniiderable body o f their
troops in fupporting the prefent rebellion.
T h en , Sir, with regard to the people o f England, we have
already from their behaviour the greateft reafon to hope, that very
few of them will join the rebels, fhould they by any accident make
their w ay into England. But fhould we (hew any indifference or
coldnefs* upon this oc cafion, fhould we negledt the firft
opportunity o f feconding the laudable zeal that appears among the
people, we do not know what a fatal effeft it might have without
doors. It would certainly either cool the zeal of the people for
their fove- reign, or give them but a very indifferent opinion of
the parliament; which in either cafe might be fatal to our
liberties and conftitution. On the other hand, if w e fecond the
laudable zeal that appears among the people, i f the fame fpirit
prevails within doors that has fo frequently {hewn itfelf without,
even the molt o ifa f fedted, even the moll enthufiaftick Jacobites
will begin to defpair of their caufe, and will not dare to aifilt
in any manner, much lefs join openly in the rebellion ; by which
means it will remain confined to thofe who have already been fo mad
as to appear in arms againft the governm ent: and if it remains
confined to them, I truft in God we may very eafily and very fpee-
dily make it end in their deftruètion.
For thefe reafons, Sir, I cannot think that any Gentleman will
rèfufe his con- fent to what my Hon. friend has propofed. And the
expreffions he has chofen, are fo ftrong, and fo well adapted to
the fubjeft, that I do not think they can be amended by the moil
zealous amongft us. But I mud wifh that he had made his proportion
a little more extenfive. I think weShould, upon this occafion, make
our ac-
knowledgments to his Majefty, for his wife and well concerted
mea Cures, in getting the D u k e of Lorrain chofer< Emperor,
and for his endeavours to bring about a reconciliation between the
Emprefs Queen of Hungary and the King of Pruffia. His fucceis in
the firft ot thefe two great fchemes, will be an atonement for all
the Ioffes the allies have met with this laft campaign, and will
probably be afoundation for their triumphing in the next.A- d tho’
his Majefty did not fucceed to his wifh in the other, yet he fhe
wed what an influence he had upon his PrufTian Majefty ; which is
certainly a good omen of the fuccefs o f our future negotiations.
This fhews how neceffary hi* Majefty’ s laft journey to Hanover
was, and what an advantage it was attended with to the common caufe
in general; which o f courfe muft, at laft, be an advantage to this
nation in particular. Therefore his wifdorr- and vigilance deferves
our higheft acknowledgments ; and fhould not, I think, be neg-
ledled upon this occafion. I am fure my Hon. friend would not have
neglected it, i f it had not been with a defign to avoid, upon this
extraordinary occafion, every thing that might afford the leaft
pretence for oppofition ; and as I muft allow, that unanimity is
now the chiefeft th ng to be aimed at, I fhall not offer to add any
thing to what he has propofed, but conclude with feconding his
motion.
The fpeech o f A . Sellius, in the character of Major
Selwyn.
M r Prefìàent,
T H E ftate o f this kingdom, with re-fpett to its political
fituation, obliges us not only to be more than ordinarily
circumfpeft and vigilant in all our future undertakings; but it
alfo furnifhesyou with fuch a fund and variety o f matter, that I
don't fee how your addrefscan be too ftrong, or even too
voluminous. It muft indeed be allowed, that our Ioffes and
misfortunes both by fea and land, during the courfe of the prefent
war, are but too confiderable, and our fucceffes unhappily fhort o
f our expedlations: but as certain caufes muft have their certain
effe&s, fo it would be ridiculous and abfurd, to impute that to
chance, or to think that for
tune,
-
0 &.I74-6* Proceedings of the P o l i t i c a l C l u b . 4
65tune, which of all things is the moft variable, could for any
ienes of time continue the fame courfe, unlels fupported by viicue.
No : the iecret counlels of God are impenetrable; but the ways by
which he accomplifhes his defigns are often evident. When he
intends to exalt a people, he fills both them and their leaders
with virtue fuitable to the attainment of his ends, and takes away
all wifdom and valour from thofe he refolvesto deftroy.
Hiftory abounds with inftances of this kind: for thus the pride
of the Babylonians and Affyrians fell, thro’ the bafenefs of
Sardanapalus; and the great city was taken whilit Belfhazzar lay
drunk, and was ovei taken amongft his proftitutes. And I could wi(h
that nothing o f the like nature had happened in thefe our days
fmce the commencement, at leaft, of the prefent w a r; but more
efpecially that fatal mifcarriage of our fleet off Toulon, in the
Mediterranean ; where, for want of common condutt, as well as
courage, we were not only beaten, but drove by an inferior force ;
and that too proved be yond all contradiction, elfe we had not
iuffered the French to retake the Poder, a large fhip of the
Spaniards, with an officer and men of ours on board her: but the
French changed their tack upon us in the evening o f the day of
a&ion, and we accordingly changed ours, and manfully ran from
them. And our late defeat in the North carries with it fomething fo
fhocking in the nature of it, that one can fcarce conceive it
poilible, that entire corps of dragoons of thirty years ftanding,
unoppofed by any fort of cavalry, fhould aft a part that the very
banditti foot whom they fhould have engaged, muft have been afhamed
of.
This, Sir, is that fort of phenomenon, which, at the beginning
of all civil commotions, always excites the fuperftitious herd to
take that as due to their merit, which was nothing but the natural
effe&s of a (hameful lethargick caufe, in thofe who fhould have
kept a better look-out: elfe why was that unhappy country, not a
little prone to milchievous inlurre&ions, left to the care of
Irifh troops, i f at any religion, perhaps, in all probability,
Roman Catholicks, in conjmidlion with a
few raw, undifciplined foot, juft fufHcient to render the man
that commanded them more an objett of compaffion than ani-
madverfion ? for the avoiding of an engagement at too great an
odds, w ^ always an argument o f better conduct in a General, than
attacking at the head o f fuch a rabble-rout as he knew were not to
be depended upon.
Sir, the abfurdity of our negotiations abroad for fome time
paft, accounts for the many difafters that have (o lately befallen
us, anc) more that may befal: for who can look back into the ftate
of our foreign affairs, but muft obferve, that we have been doing
little elfe for above twenty years, befides pulling down with one
hand and fetting up again with the other; fo that a drum was never
to beat in Germ any, but we, knight-errant-like, thought we muft
have recourfe to arms ? Thus are we ftill fo ridiculoufly fond o f
interpofing upon the continent; nor are we ever like to be roufed
out o f our prefent ruinous infatuation, until nectffity forces us
to prize that fituation wherein kind narure hath placed us, in an
ifland, independent of the mightieft monarch upon the continent;
who formerly was proud o f receiving our laws: but fhould we
perfift in wantoning away our vitals in others quarrels, how foon
may we become an eafy prey, either to fuch foreign or domeftick
foes as fhall take it in their heads to d i ft re fs us ? and thus,
from our having been once a powerful, nay, infult- ing ftate, we
muft then dwindle down to that of an infignificant, petty
province.
Sir, what advantage ever accrued to this nation by the
vi&ories o f our two moft renowned heroes, Edward III. and H e
n r y V . which they gained in France? Or what got we, but glory,
at the famous battle of Crefly ; where, according to the words o f
a moft celebrated poet, T h e E n g - Jifh, with half their forces,
could entertain the full pride of France, whilft the otherhalf
ftood laughing by, and out of work,and cold for want of adlion ?
But we were then, as at many other fubfequent times, fmiled upon by
Mars as his favourites: and why he hath, upon many late occa-
fions, changed his countenancc, is eafily enough to be accounted
for, However,
let
-
466 Proceedings of the P o l i t i c a l C l u b . Oct. 1746.let
us now aft like men, and fuch fubje&s as have no notion of
parting with a prince that hath always made the laws of the land
the rule of his povernment: fo thatoI (hall always look upon the
projedì of invading this ifland by a foieign force as ridiculous
and abiurd, fo long as we enjoy our religion, laws, and liberties,
in asample a manner as was ever known to us, or any o f our
anceftors.
Sir, who does not know, that revolu tions in ftates are the
natural confequences o f unpopular and opprejlive meafures, fuch
as, God be thanked, no troops o f this nation yet were ever able,
or willing to defend ? For an inftance o f which, we need look no
farther back than the year 1688, in confequence of which
revolution, fveare now blefled with the prefent R o y al family :
fo that as the bad meafures e f that reign were fo conducive to
thofe good things we now enjoy ; why then, nothing but the reverfe
o f fuch meafures can io tf?e£lua!ly fecure the continuance o f
them in this land to Ui and cur pcfte- r i t y .
Sir, altho9 our late as well as prefent Itieafures are far from
being calculated to the true intereft of this nation ; yet I
flatter myfelf, that every Gentleman muft be convinced, that the
project of fupplying the prefent Emprefs with money inftead o f
men, was the moft eligible, and efpe- cialiy after the repeated
rerjionftrances of the Dutch againit our fending over troops lo
Flanders, and after affuring our then right worthy negotiator that
they were in no capacity to comply with the treaty of 1 7 14 . And
is it not too notorious, how ihamefully they have adted upon the
de- fenfive, whereby our troops have had the mortification to fee
the glory of the late war totally reverfed, by the lofs o f almoft
all Flanders in one campaign ? Surely, Sir, a patriot of above
twenty years in the cppofition, muft have been ftrangely out o f
luck, when in confequence o f his fir ft and favourite fcheme after
coming into power, by Itrenuoufly fupporting a de- Itru&ive
land-war, by which the nation was drained of her defence, he
kindled fuch a flame ii< his native country, as requires no lefs
than a foreign aid to extin-guilli it. H owever, let us take the
ad
vice his Majefty gave us this day from the throne, and aft like
men ; then we fhall not be unreafonably terrified upon any occafion
whatfoever. Let us follow alfo the example of our gallant
anceftors, whofe religious attachment to facred things made them
always look* upon the enemies o f their peace with fcorn and de-
rifiun; for fear is nothing but a betraying o f the fuccours which
reafon of&rs; and as I am one of thofe that defire to live bat
in the fear o f God only, and as I honour my King, I fhall
therefore be for the ad-
drefs. 1-jfo j j ournai (q fa continued. j
B r i t i s h M a g a z i n e .
A differtation concerning Samfon’j foxes, Judg.xv.4. Written
originally in French,
S Amfon, the brave and heroick leader of the Ifraelites, being
exafperated by the Pbilijiinesy meditated a juft revenge. His
indignation, however, did not precipitate the execution of his
defigns. H e ftaid till the harveft lime, thinking that the deftrn-
dtion of their corn would be the greateftcalamity he could expofe
them to for the affront he had received. When he ob? ferved, that
the Pbilijiines had put together all their fheaves, and made three
hundred fhocks, he formed a ftratagem to burn them, and took the
advantage of the night to prevent difcovery. Tfcis adventure did
not depend fo much upon his great ftrength, as his prudence,
courage, and difpatch. I need not inquire whether he had with him
any friends or fervants, fince he wanted no help on fuch an
occafion. H e found three hundred fhocks o f corn in the fields,
which could not be fet on fire one after another, without a lofs o
f time, and the danger of a difcovery. T o make the game fure, he
judged it necefTary to lay two fheaves at length upon the ground,
to make a communication between every two fhocks; and then he put
fome other combuftiblematter between the two fheaves, fuch as flax,
hemp, & c . which he could eafily carry with him into the
fields. T h e execution might eafily be made, without any lofs of
time. T h e whole parade was accordingly finifhed with great
expedition,
under
-
Oft. 1746- d differtation concerning Samfon’ j foxes. 4 C]under
covert of the night, without giving the Philijiines the kali
jealoufy of his contrivance. '
At laft, every thing being ready, he re foiutely took the fire,
which till then lay concealed, and touched the combuftible matter m
the middle of the two Iheaves, and fo pafled through all the
fields, where he had joined the {hocks together. T h is he
effi&ed with fo much good order, cun ning and difpatch, that
all the heaps of Corn were inftantly reduced to allies.
This js the conflagration which Sam/on accompliflied, without
being obferved by thtPbilifiines. T h e fire, fanned by the wind,
foon blazed all around, and overflowed the neighbouring fields,
confuming the ftanding corn, the vineyards, and the olives.
This is the ftratagem fo artfully contrived, and carried on by
Sam/on, who, without any difficulty or difcovery, involved a whole
harveft in a flame.
Hence it appears very evident, that Sam- fon, who was a warrior,
not a fportfman, did not undergo the fatigue o f a fox-chace, but
dire&ly attacked the magazines o f his enemies; did not
unkennel three hundred btafts, but only found fo many fiiocks o f
corn. He did not tie three hundred tails, but only joined fo many
(heaves together.
What has milled interpreters, has been the cuftom of the ancient
y ew s, who always affe&ed the hieroglyphical or myfti- cal
fenfe in words of an equivocal fignifi- cation. In this ftory they
infinuated to the reader, that Samfon had deceived his enemies, who
before had been too cunning for him, by tampering with his wife.
This gave occafion to the faying, Sam/on purfued the foxes ; that
is to lay, he revenged himfelf with great damage to the Phi-
liftines. T h ey concealed this thought under the ambiguity o f the
word s c h u a l i m inftead of s c h o a l j m , which properly
fi- gnifies fheaves. For words muft be explained according to the
fubjeft, fcope, and feries of the difcourfe. It is obfer- vable
too, that the word s a n a b , which we tranflate tail, through the
whole tenor of the Je
-
4 6S p o e t i c a l e s s a y s . o & .m e.Love's magazine
o f flames and darts, Whole bijlories o f eyes and hearts.But oh! v
iew w ell the outward fcene \ You 11 never need to look voithin.W
hat Cloe loves fhe plainly fbows ; For lo ! her very books are
beaux.
On L I B E R T Y .
H A il, Liberty ! thou facred power W hich ever w ith fa ir
Virtuefbines ;
Not all the gold can purchafe thee, That blazes in bright
Wefiern mines.
Not the gay guards in g litf ring arms, Who crowd in pomp the
monarch's
gate,Can to his foul v o ic 'd freedom g iv e,
I f crimes and fears attend his Jlate.
JTis Virtue, godlike and divine,That makes the gen'rous hero
brave ;
Who s bafe w ill always meanly think, For Vice was ever born a
fla v e .
The ravager o f h a lf the globeW illfig b at lajl for thee in
vain%
Who, tbo'thou fcorn'fi the tyrant's pride,Spontaneous waits in
Virtue's train .
How is the humble cottage blefs d W ith thy propitious, cheering
/mile !
W hile jealoufies and racking cares Torment the knave, w ith a
ll his guile.
But in the facred , laurel fhade,W hile rapturous thoughts my
bofom
move,Thou deign1 [I to fire my glowing foul',
W ith thine, and beav nly Virtue'slove.
Thus I : but then fupremely blefs'd,That greats all pitying,
godlike mind,
Whofe labours, utmoji wijhes, planThe happinefs o f a ll
mankind.
i
O h ! might I live to praife thy deeds. And rife by thee to de
at blefs fam e ;
Thy glories would my breaji in fpire, And fet my raptur'd
thought on flame.
Who art thou, who ?— The folar orbIn his meridian, fullefl
blaze,
D a rtj not around him flronger lights Or brighter, royal beams
di/plays.
To conquer, is the hero's crown ;B u t'tis the part o f heav'n
to fave.
Thofe laurels that w ith mercy fhine,Alone fur vive ibe ghm y
grave*
T o an unfortunate friend.
T h e race is not to the fwift, nor the battle to i the ftrong,
neither yet bread to the wife, nor yet riches to men of
underftanding, nor yet favour to men of ikill. Eccl ix. II.
S Evere thy fa te ! parts to no purpoje lent! j Thy morn o f
life's a fcene o f difcontent!Thy fchemes to live w ill not
perfection know,Each projefi finks thee deeper into woe !Dark,
high, and intricate, O heav'n ! thy ways* \ Some bajk in wealth,
fit Jmiling all tbeir days; ' Succefs attends each ill-concerted
fcheme: jThofe hit the matk, alt ho' they take no aim ! ■ Others,
more wary, wafte theirfiefb w ith care; 1 j FortuneJlillfrowns, by
adverfe winds they fleer, > Founder on fands, or f ir ike the
rock Defpair. J Perplexing track! it made the holy feers iPropound
their doubts in great jehovah’ j ears, Arraign his wifdom at the
human bar,AJk why his conduB w ag'd w ith reafon w ar?“ * Why da
the wickedprofper ! — yea, and why Are thofe thy fav'rites who deal
treach'rcufiy ? 1 Why length o f years, why height ofpow'r attain?
Why their feed blejjed w ith a large domain ? j Why fpare the rod?
why fea fi them with delight? Joy crowns their day, and mirth
illumes their night! j And when their gorged fouls no more can
crave, Thou fend'fl thempainlefs tithe downward grave!”
But jujl art thou, O God! t ho' thus I plead; 1 ] Thy thoughts
and man's run vajily retrograde ; > Yet why fuch fuff'rings on
the bonefl laid? J Be fet oil ev'ry fide, he's laugh'd to
fcorn,Plagu'd ev'ry eve, and chaflen d ev'ry morn ; Treated as
fool, to ev'ry knave a prey ;S till pufìo' d, not helped, on the
fiipp'ry w ay:His midnight watchings, and his daily care,Tends all
to w ant, and ifiufs in defpair /
Obfcure the theme ! This fcene w ill not unfold, T ill caufes
and effeBs we can beholdCeafe then to pry, or know, what is
forbidden } Let's bear the tajk affigned us by heav'n ;Who often
keeps the richeji wine till lafi%And fends a calm when proper
florms are paft.Thy virtue, purg'd and prov'd, as gold by fire,W
illfkine more bright, and raife thy merit higher. Trufl then in
God, on his firong aids depend; Remember Job ! his help is tbine,
my friend.
* jo b x. 3. Jer. xii. 1. Hab. i. 13,
On a F a n a t i c k .
I F there be fuch, whofe giddy brains Fancy their breaft a
church contains,His head let each o f thefe wife peopleFurnifb w
ith falls,— a n dcall't a fteepk,
-
Oit. *740* O f knìty and feverity to the rebels. 469I Of lenity
and feverity to the rebels.I [ A multiplicity o f other tnt ere
fling affairst I hindered our infer ting the following effays I the
months in which they nuere pubh/bed. ]j W e s t m i n s t e r J o u
r n a l , M a y z\.
Of employing the rebels in the her ring-fifbery.
Mr T o u c h i t ,
Y OU will perhàps think me a littleold-fafhioned in my notions,
but I cannot avoid looking back on the ancient Romans, who always
thought it a greater glory to fave a citizen, than kill
I an enemy; nor did le v e r read, that conquering of rebellious
fubjeds was thought, with them, worthy of a triumph.
I was as much againft the rebellion as any body ; but I mult
own, I am neither for killing wretches in cold blood, nor for fome
people’s extravagant fchemes of tranfporting them into the
plantations, where, the fpirit of refentment remaining, they may
poffibly be more ferviceable to the French, and dangerous to us,
than inthe highlands.
Befides, I conGder, that every rebel we deftroy, we deprive the
King o f a fubjedt, or one that fhould be a fubjedt j and it would
be a much more glorious and acceptable fervice to his Majelty, i f
a way could be found to reconcile hearts, and make them ufeful as
well as dutiful fubjedts.
And taking this for granted, I will venture to propofe a method,
which wifer heads may eafily improve and digeft,
-
47Q O f lenity and feverity to the rebels. Oct. 1746.tnent, you
ftill found the way to lead us on, by the affurance of a mull
powerful afliftance upon our return to our own country : inftead of
which, you fupplied us with a few miferable engineers, who pointed
the artillery in fuch a manner, as i f they had been bribed by the
Campbells and Monroes; and with a few French andIrtjb poltroons,
who in the day of battle were the firft that fled out of the field
: and thus you left us expofed to the valour and fortune o f the
never-to-be-conquered D u k e o f Cumberland.
And now, to complete our mifery, you interceed for us (forfooth)
by menaces; you dare the braveft of Kings to do him- felf juftice,
and threaten (with an impu dence equal to your bafenefs) that you
will revenge the punifhment of the guilty, by making victims o f
the innocent.
But know, vain Frenchman, that the deluded Scots have given up
the defperate caufe, and long for nothing fo much as for an
opportunity to wreak their fury and indignation upon a falfe and
treacherous court, which has betrayed them, and plainly defigned
the defolation which it has accornplifhed.
I f the K in g ’s innate mercy fhould prevail over your attempts
to fruftrate i t ; i f his Majefty will take U9 into his fervice,
and tranfplant us, with our families, into any of the Northern
parts o f America,Hudfons bay, Newfoundland, Cape Breton, or Nova
Scotia, (Oname of happy omen !), the neighbouring colonies o f your
perjured nation fhall, to the lateft generations, feel the
fharpnefs of our fwords and ven
geance. Yours, R e b e l - P e n i t e n t .
G e n e r a l E v e n i n g P o s t , J u n e 2 1 ,f
The Jpir'tt and principles o f the rebels.S I R ,
T H E fame principles, the fame fpi-rit, the fame views, that
begun and carried on the rebellion 1 7 1 5 , begun and carried on
the rebellion 1745, namely, the principles of Popery, and an
abfolute, in- defeafible, hereditary r ig h t; a wicked per-
fevering fpirit, to overthrow our prefent happy fettlement,
confirmed and eftablifli- cd by laws righteoufly executed for
morethan half a century; and to give us Pro-
*
teftants, in exchange for that blelfmg, anabjured Popifli
pretender, the tool of foreign powers, longing for and aiming at
the deftruCtion o f our conftitution and trade.
When the rebellion 1 7 1 5 was extinguished, the lenity of the
then government was fuch, (perhjps to calm me violence o f party,
which had raged tempeltu- oufly for fome time), that only rhiee of
, the N bility, its fautots, were interdedas examples of
punifhrnent; yet two only fuffered death ; for one ordered tor exe-
1cution, efcaped in difguile the >.iyht before. T h e two who
iuffered, v iz . the Earl of Dernuentnxiater and Lv.id Kenmuret in
their anfwers to tne articles o f impeachment againft them for high
treafon, pleaded Guilty, and profeflt-d the moft fincere :remorfe
for their offence. I wih quote part o f their anfwers, and fubjom
part ofthe Earl’s fpeech at the time o f his execution, (a time
when, from the folemnity o f the tragedy, we may fuppofe he fpoke
from the heart without difguife), and part o f a letter of Lord
Kenmure's, and then . leave the reader to judge on which fide :
they were fincere, and which fide they ; aimed to deceive. I hope,
from this in- ■ ftance, and many fuch inftances ofinfin- cerity I
could produce, that, when the laws come to take effcCt on the yet
unpuni/hed i offenders of the prefent rebellion, we Pro- teftants,
as loyal fubjeCts, fhall with one voice agree, that a due execution
of the laws is but an equitable recompence for the blood fhed by
the rebels, not only in the rage of battle, but alfo out of cruel
wantonnefs on perfons not able to refill their fury, whofe manes
cry aloud, JuJiice! JuJiice! JuJiice! — Our millions expended and
loft by the fufpenfion of our manufactures, to which add the ravage
of the Northern banditti, ought not to go unatoned for. A ftriCt
execution of the laws is the phyfick o f government, to preferve
the body-politick in due temperature.
T h e Earl, in his anfwer to the articles o f impeachment, fays,
“ T h a t to a charge o f fo high and heinous a nature, he can*not
anfvver without the deepeft concernand affliction.— H e afTures
himfelf, however, that grand aflembly doth not engage in the
profecution o f an offence f o
open
-
f Oft. 174 *̂ O f lenity, and feverity to the rebels. 471open to
conviction, in the ordinary courfe of law, with defign to intercept
that mercy which he, from the report o f his Ma-
[ jelty’i natural goodnefs, had r» afon to ex- pedt.— He
confefTes he is guilty o f the offence wherewith he is charged in
the faid articles.— He beg> leave to inform their Lordihips,
that his temper and inclination
f difpofei hun to live peaceably under his ! Màjelly’ sg
>vernment.— H e never had the1 leajl prejudice or malice againft
bis perfon,
nor was be ever heretofore concerned in, or privy to any drfgn
or contrivance to fubvert or difturb the ejlablifhed government,
the la w or religion o f this kingdom
In the Earl’s fpeech, immediately before his execution, he fays,
“ Being in afew minutes to appear before the tribunal of God,
where, tho* moft unworthy, he hopes to find mercy, which he has not
found from men now in power,— he afks pardon o f thofe whom he
might haveicandalized, by pleading Guilty at his trial.— He is
fenfible, that in this he madebold with his loyalty, having never
owned any other but King James III fo r his rightfu l and law ful
fovereign.— Him he had an inclination to jerve from his infancy,
and nuas moved thereto by a natural love to hisperfon'* He
proceeds, and calls G od to witnefs that he fpeaks truth.
Lord Kenmure pleaded Guilty ; — and when called on by the Lord H
igh Steward, “ What have you to fay for yourfelf, why judgment
fhould not pafs upon you according to law ? ” anfwered, “ M y
Lords, I am truly fenfible of my crime, and want words to exprefs
my repentance.— God knows, I never had any per- fonal prejudice
againft his Majefty, nor was 1 ever acceffory to any previous
defign a-gainji him.**— After his execution, a letter was found
which he wrote to the pretender, by the ftyle of King Jam es, in
which he declared, “ T h at he died for his faithful fervices to
his Majelty, but hoped the caufe he died for would fiourifh after
his death.”
Can there be greater prevarication than in their anfwers before
their Peers, and in their dying words ?— So will the prefent
offenders fhift, fo confefs in their dying Words.
From thefe premises I conclude; that%
thofe who have rebelled againft the prefent government, and
thofe who entertain their principles and fpirit, will always be
rebels to any government not founded onthofe very principles by
which they have been deluded.— I am, & c .
G e n e r a l E v e n i n g P o s t , J u ly i z .
Pity to the rebels, and the charge o f cruelty committed at
Culloden, confidered.
S I R ,
PTty to the rebels now under the cen- fure o f the law, that
they may be objedb o f mercy, is the cry o f thofe, and
only thofe, who wifh well to the rebels. Cruelty committed by
the King’ s forces under the command of the Duke at the battle o f
Culloden, is another cry now artfully propagated by them.
A s to the firft, Pity is, Apafjion o f themind arifing from the
apprehenfion o f hurt to another that doth not dejerve it ;
therefore the true objedts o f our pity are fuch perfons as are
fhortly to fuffer injury, as injury is contrary to juftice. Cicero
fays, JuJiice is the moji fpltndid o f a ll virtues i and the Civil
law defines univerfal juftice to be, A perpetual deftre o f giving
to every one his due, and hath for its direction the divine and
human law.-^-From the above definition of pity and juftice, the
prefent rebels aie not objedts that can lay any claim to favour;
their crimes being o f the blackeft dye, as murder and robbery, and
thofe the means to introduce and eftablifh tyranny and Popery. When
a common malefa&or is to fuffer for murder or robbery, no
reafonable man can fo pity, as to hope that the criminal may be
received to mercy; becaufe the law, which preferves fociety and
property, has given the criminal up to punifhment, as a fatif-
fadtion due in juftice to the breach of the law. And if mercy
cannot in reafon be fhewn to fuch criminals o f a private nature,
much lefs can it be fhewn to fuch publick and atrocious offenders
as the prefent rebels, who would, now their day of tribulation is
nigh, beefteemed objedts o f mercy. W hat Sacrifices their rage and
malice intended for their day o f triumph, is fitter to be thought
on than divulged.
For a fumniary o f their criminal adti- ons, take the following
fhort catalogue.
3 0.* ■ To
-
i f +4
472 O f lenity and feverity to the rebels. 061.1746. jT o prove
them I bring the common voice o f the nation.— T h e murder o f
many loyal fubjeCts, whofe lives, loft in defending the caufe o f
true religion and legal l iberty, is o f infinite more value to the
Hate, than thoufands of rebels, who would de- ftroy the Hate. Here
are objeCts that call for our pity, as they, brave and worthy men,
loft their lives merely by the crimes o f others.— Thedeftroying of
publick and private property by rapine.— T h e infinite expence to
the ftate, which occafioned extraordinary fums of money to be
raifed at a great increafe of intereft, as the credit o f the ftate
was, at that critical in- itanr, fhaken.— Our commerce in great
meafure, and confequently oqr manufactures, flopped, as our (hips o
f war were obliged to guard our coalts againft invafi- ons
threatened, and againft fupplies fending to fupport the Northern
rebels.— T h e fe are, in general, their criminal aCts; the
confequcnces o f them* had rebellion triumphed, are too (hocking to
n a m e : therefore, any favour fhewn to thofe offenders is as if,
after the fuppreffion of a flaming and devouring fire, you ftiould
rake up the afhes and embers, and keep the combuftibles till
another fitting opportunity to expand its deftruCtive flames. Such
ufe was made o f the lenity towards the rebels in 1 7 1 5 , fuch
ufe was made o f mercy in former rebellions} but I hope, as
examples of ill timed lenity have been productive of ill effeCts,
we fliall be morewife, by removing the caufe, and the e f f e d
will ceafe. This is juftice, juftice due to the individuals of the
publick, who have fuffered in life, member, and property; and it is
alfo due to thofe who have vigoroufly exerted themfelves for the
prefervation of a conftitution dear and valuable to all honeft
Britons.
As to the cry of cruelty committed a- jninft the rebels in time
o f battle : When armies are engaged in battle, the fword is then
the law to end the controverfy; which is not concluded till one
party becomes viCtors, by flaughtering their opponents, or caufing
the more timid and weak to throw down their arms and crave quarter,
or attempt to fave themfelves by fpeedy flight, tho’ often fuch
attempt isattended with the greateft danger, Such
o f the rebels as fell in battle, fell with their a rm s; and
fuch of them a9 threw down their arms and craved quarter, obtained
i t ; and the greater part that run from the battle, carried their
arms with them, hoping from their numbers, tho* fcattered, yet to
recolleCt and renew the fight. T h a t many o f the rebels fell in
battle, (a glorious fall indeed to us free Britons, as by it our
conftitution was relieved from threatening danger), was the
accident o f war, owing to the fine and juft difpofition of our
forces, uniting heart and hand in the common defence of a free
people. None were flain out of cruelty or refentment, tho’ our
forces found fuch treatment from the rebels, particularly at
Clifton j where many that fell wounded, craved quarter; but the
general cry of the rebels then was, Noquarter f Murder them ! Y et
thefe very men, by their agents, raife the cry o f cruelty
committed by the King’ s forces at Culloden. Fatal was that battle
to their caufe; as the blow was fo ftrong, that the monfter Re-
hellion is crufhed : and therefore our enemies call it cruelty, as
it was their darling child, as fuch beloved by its mother and
nurfes, who foftered it to torment us.
T h e arts of the enemies of our conftir tution, to propagate
lies, are numberlefs, and become numberlefs for want of true
1
caufe of com plaint; for one juft com*plaint, which they ufe all
means to obtain, would be a prop to all their lies; which now
vanifh when examined, and the government appears brighter; like a
diamond daubed with fucus, that may be rubbed off by the lighteft
touch.——-
Tour s% & c , A n d r e w H o r n e .(
E xtraQ o f a letter from Qlafgow, Sept, 3»figned C h r i s t i
a n u s B r i t a n n i c u s .
%
------ H o w repugnant is M r H o r n e ’s definition o f pity,
to the feelings of humanity, the dictates o f reafon, the precepts
of Chriftianity ! It would at once extinguiih one of the moft noble
fentiments in the human breaft, reprefs that gentle and forgiving
fpirit which every one (hould che- rifh toward another, difcommend
that in- ftinCtive tendernefs in parents even fortheir wicked and
unnatural children, dif-
co urago* ♦
-
I 061,1746. O f lenity and feverity to the rebels. 473Courage
that clemency in princes which i$ the brightell gem that can adorn
their Crowns, and impioufly condemn thofe
I bowels of the loving Father of the uni-verle, whofe pity
extending to mercy, in
i numberlefs glorious inftances, embraces in i its gentle arms
the f i t fu l and undeferving I race of men, and even this perfon
himfelf, i who would at one b’ow doom to univer . fal
deftru&ion his unhappy rebel-country- I men. Greater degrees of
pity are indeed
owing to thofe who fuffer wrongoufly, or in a good caufe: but
pain and mifery, from whatever caufe they proceed, naturally create
fome tender emotion in the generous heart. W e feel a fympathy to
every being in diftrefs, irrational creatures not excepted ; but
furely thofe of our own fpecies have much better pretenfions to our
compaffion. On fome occafions, the very confideration, that a
perfon’ s misfortunes are the natural effect and juft punifh- ment
of his crimes, or that he continues fettered in the chains o f deep
delufion, heightens our concern, and gives a keener edge to our
forrow. Here does the generous foul difplay itfelf moft
illuftrioufly, triumphing over every harfh and narrow principle
which would provoke to cruelty and revenge.
I tremble when I but image to myfelfthofe horrid fcenes of
brutal barbarity that would every where be feen, did men a d up to
the monftrous malice and intention of the pernicious maxim M r H o
r n e has efpoufed. By its baleful influence, menwould be
transformed into beafts of the molt favage k in d ; this earth, in
fome meafure the feat of juftice and mercy, would become the
habitation o f cruelty ; and were the wife governor of the world to
be determined by the fame rule, the whole human fpecies would at
once be in* volved in all the gloom and horrors o f defpair.
For my own part, I am firmly prefua- ded, that had the late
rebellion proved fuccefsful, Popery in the church and tyranny in
the ftate would have been the con- fequence. But I cannot believe,
that allmy deluded countrymen who were drawn into it, forefaw, much
lefs intended this. But, from whatever motives they afled,whether
from principle or prejudice, from
example or inconfideration, or from felf-ifh and revengeful v ie
w s ; yet, now that we have got our enemies into our power, and
that by prudent regulations future rebellions may happily be
prevented, Jet us manfully treat them with as much lenity, ar\d
fhed as little Chriftian blood a« can be confiftent with the
publick fafety. I fhall never be convinced, that the befl fe-
curity of any ftate is to be derived from inexorable feverities.
This is much akin to the maxims o f defpotick princes, who place
their greateft fafety in the dread and terror their fubjetts have
of them. Leaft o f all can this be fuppofed neceflary with regard
to the Britifb eitablifhment, fenced round with fuch excellent laws
and in- ftitutions, and that can boaft o f fo many brave and
faithful fubjeCts.— No. Let Great Britain fcorn fuch bafe and
difho- nourable fupports; let her glory and ftrength confilt in a
wife, uncorrupt and difinterefted adminiftration, always animated,
always directed by truly honeft: and patriot principles: let the
throne o f G e o r g e be eftablifhed in mercy, as well as in
juftice; to the latter of which he is obliged by the laws of the
land, while, in contempt of the narrow views and vindictive
paflions o f weak or cruel men, he exercifes the other divine and
fuperior v irtue from his own innate magnanimity, in imitation o f
that blefTed being, whofe goodnefs extends to all his works, whofe
fun fhines and whofe rain defcends on the juft and on the unjuft.
Then fhall B ritain fit peaceful and fecure, and triumphant over
all her foreign and domeftick: enemies; then fhall fhe rule fupreme
fove- reign of the feas, and uncontrouled arbiter o f Europe, and
to the latelt ages reign illuftrious and independent, the queen o f
ijles.
W e s t m i n s t e r J o u r n a l , July 26.
‘Ihe tranfporting the inveterate rebels, and breeding up their
children in loyal principles, recommended; «zvith an account of the
manner in w hich the Irifh natives- w en dealt w ith.
Mr T o u c i i i t ,
A S to the befl method o f ufing the highlanders for the future,
my opinion is, that care fhculd be taken of the
-
4.74 0/ lenity and feverity to the rebels. 06h 1746.1
tifir^ generation in that country, to breed tnem up loyal
fubjeèts and indultrious ci- t i z e . s : but as to the inveterate
rebels, that they fhould be fo difpofed of as not to be in the way
of debauching the principles of their own cfEpring. W hile this
potion of patriarchal government, which fuited only thofe early
ages before mankind had began to form themfelves into large
focieties or now fuits only thofe countries in which large
communities have not yet been formed, fubfifts among this part o f
the Britijb fubjtdis, they will always, by virtue p f the divine
right ilill in the next male of blood, find themfelves a chief to
each clan, let what will become of their prefent iaird, his
progeny, and his eftate. And we have lately feen what thofe people
will do for a beggar, without the leaft poffeflion, in oppo- iition
to a legal pofTefTor, upon the abfurd notion of hereditary
indefeasible right.
In the memoirs before the Letters and memorials o f the Sidney
fam ily , p. 167. I find a letter o f Sir Richard Cox, afterwards
Lord H igh Chancellor o f Ireland, that (hews the manner in which
the b ijb natives were dealt with in the reign of K.. W illiam ,
which is the laft time they gave the crown of England any
confidera-ble trouble.
Sir Richard lays down a maxim concerning the Irijh, which might
certainly be as juftly applied to the highland Scots. “ I am fure,
fays he, that nothing is more true, than that the rebels generally
hate our King above all mankind, as one that hath disappointed them
o f the fairefl hopes that ever they had : and therefore they will
be always hankering after their Prince of Walesy in whom all their
hopes are fixed, and whofe intereft centers with their own in the
fubverfion o f the prefent government. Nor is their hatred lefs im
placable to the EngHJby as appears by the barbarous murders they
daily commit; and is yet more manifefl by fome inftan- ces, which I
fend you on a feparate paper, rather than interrupt the feries of
this. And therefore I conclude, that the K in g and kingdom of
England can have no fecurity, but in the itnpotence o f this
rebellious generation ; and that therefore(hey will weaken them all
they can by
methods honejt and di/creett without making it a war of
religion, or giving any ] juft ditlafte to the confederates.” *
W ith refped to the hone/i and difcreet means which Sir Richard
mentions, he gives us his interpretation of thofe words i by his
own example ; which I muft con- 1 fefs I would not wifh to fee
imitated to- ' wards the Scots, when there is the more eafy and
gentle way of tranfporting the obdurate. j
“ As for the enemy, I ufed them likenettle.', and fqueezed them
(I mean their ! vagabond parties) fo hard, that they could feldom
lling ; having, as I believe, kil- • led and hanged not lefs than
3000 of them whilft I ftaid in the county of Cork, [where he was at
that time gcvernor, as well as one of the judges of affize], and
taken from them, in cattle and plunder,at leaft to the value o f
12,0001. Which you will eafily believe, when you know that I
divided 3 8 01. between one troop (Col. Townfend'*) in the
beginning of Au- gufi. After which Col. Beecher and the Weftern
Gentlemen got a prey of 30001. beiides feveral other leffer preys,
taken by fmall parties, that are not taken notice of.’ *
And to evidence that all this was done for his country’s
benefit, from a conviction of judgment that noother means would
fettle the repofe of that kingdom, he adds,“ I ihould not be juft
to myfelf, if I d
