138 CHAPTER 5 FROM EMPIRE TO INDEPENDENCE

colony, and deposited at Concord—that some in-habitants of the colony, on the night aforesaid,whilst travelling peaceably on the road, betweenBoston and Concord, were seized and greatlyabused by armed men, who appeared to be officersof general Gage's army; that the town of Lexington,by these means, was alarmed, and a company ofthe inhabitants mustered on the occasion—thatthe regular troops on their way to Concord,marched into the said town of Lexington, and thesaid company, on their approach, began to dis-perse—that, not-withstanding this, the regularsrushed on with great violence and first began hos-tilities, by firing on said Lexington company,whereby they killed eight, and wounded severalothers—that the regulars continued their fire, un-til those of said company, who were neither killednor wounded, had made their escape—that colonelSmith, with the detachment then marched to Con-cord, where a number of provincials were againfired on by the troops, two of them killed and sev-eral wounded, before the provincials fired on themand provincials were again fired on by the troops,produced an engagement that lasted through theday, in which many of the provincials and more ofthe regular troops were killed and wounded.

To give a particular account of the ravages ofthe troops, as they retreated from Concord toCharlestown, would be very difficult if not im-practicable; let it suffice to say, that a great number

of the houses on the road were plundered and re ^dered unfit for use, several were burnt, women ichild-bed were driven by the soldiery naked intothe streets, old men peaceably in their houses wereshot dead, and such scenes exhibited as would dis-grace the annals of the most uncivilized nation.

These, brethren, are marks of ministerialvengeance against this colony, for refusing, withher sister colonies, a submission to slavery; butthey have not yet detached us from our royal sov-ereign. We profess to be his loyal and dutiful sub-jects, and so hardly dealt with as we have been, arestill ready, with our lives and fortunes, to defendhis person, family, crown and dignity. Nevertheless,to the persecution and tyranny of his cruel min-istry we will not tamely submit—appealing toHeaven for the justice of our cause, we determineto die or be free....

By order,Joseph Warren, President.

REVIEW QUESTIONS1. What was the theme of the American account?2. Compare this account to Smith's report. Were

there any similarities or points upon which bothsides agreed? What were the differences?

3. Which account do you believe to be the mostaccurate? Why?

THOMAS PAINE

FROM Common Sense (1776)

Once the first shots had been exchanged, the American reformers and radicals had todecide if they were indeed rebels (as King George had declared them) and, even moreimportantly, revolutionaries. Thomas Paine (1737-1809) played a major role in ef-fecting their transformation. Paine arrived in Philadelphia in November 1774 with ahistory of misfortune both in work and marriage. The New World, however, offeredhim a fresh start, and he soon established himself as a political revolutionary. In Jan-

red and ren-t, women innaked into

houses weres would dis-:d nation.

ministerialfusing, withslavery; butir royal sov-dutiful sub-tve been, ares, to defendNevertheless,; cruel min-ppealing to•e determine

n, President.

JS

an account?report. Werei which bothnces?be the most

THOMAS PAINE: FROM Common Sense (1776) 139

uary 1776, he published Common Sense, which immediately became, using today'sterm, a best-seller. Hundreds of thousands of copies were sold. Americans read anddebated the pamphlet: some denounced the sentiments it expressed while others em-braced and acted upon them. In Gommon Sense, Paine not only provided clear, ma-terial arguments for separation, he articulated the revolutionaries' sense of mission: tobe free at home and to serve as an example to the world.

From Merrill Jensen, ed., Tracts of the American Revolution, 1763-1776 (New York: TheBobbs-Merrill Co., Inc., 1967), pp. 418-27, 431-38, 441-46.

Thoughts, on the present Stateof American Affairs

Volumes have been written on the subject of thestruggle between England and America. Men of allranks have embarked in the controversy, from dif-ferent motives, and with various designs; but allhave been ineffectual, and the period of debate isclosed. Arms as the last resource decide the contest;the appeal was the choice of the King, and theContinent has accepted the challenge.

The Sun never shined on a cause of greater worth."Tis not the affair of a City, a County, a Provinceor a Kingdom; but of a Continent—of at least oneeighth part of the habitable Globe. 'Tis not theconcern of a day, a year, or an age; posterity are vir-tually involved in the contest, and will be more orless affected even to the end of time by the pro-ceedings now. Now is the seed time of Continentalunion, faith, and honour. The least fracture now,will be like a name engraved with the point of a pinon the tender rind of a young oak; the wound willenlarge with the tree, and posterity read it in fullgrown characters.

By referring the matter from argument to arms,a new era for politics is struck—a new method ofthinking hath arisen. All plans, proposals, &c. priorto the 19th of April, i.e. to the commencement ofhostilities, are like the almanacks of the last year;which tho' proper then, are superceded and uselessnow. Whatever was advanced by the advocates on

either side of the question then, terminated in oneand the same point, viz. a union with Great-Britain; the only difference between the parties,was the method of effecting it; the one proposingforce, the other friendship; but it hath so far hap-pened that the first hath failed, and the secondhath withdrawn her influence.

As much hath been said of the advantages ofreconciliation, which like an agreeable dream, hathpassed away and left us as we were, it is but right,that we should examine the contrary side of the ar-gument, and enquire into some of the many mate-rial injuries which these Colonies sustain, andalways will sustain, by being connected with anddependant on Great-Britain. To examine that con-nection and dependance on the principles of na-ture and common sense, to see what we have totrust to if separated, and what we are to expect ifdependant.

I have heard it asserted by some, that as Amer-ica hath flourished under her former connectionwith Great-Britain, that the same connection isnecessary towards her future happiness and will al-ways have the same effect—Nothing can be morefallacious than this kind of argument:... Americawould have flourished as much, and probablymuch more had no European power taken any no-tice of her. The commerce by which she hath en-riched herself are the necessaries of life, and willalways have a market while eating is the custom ofEurope.

But she has protected us say some. Thatshe hath engrossed us is true, and defended theContinent at our expence as well, as her own isadmitted; and she would have defended Turkey

140 CHAPTER 5 FROM EMPIRE TO INDEPENDENCE

from the same motive viz. the sake of trade and do-minion.

Alas! we have been long led away by ancientprejudices and made large sacrifices to supersti-tion. We have boasted the protection of GreatBritain, without considering, that her motive wasinterest not attachment; that she did not protect usfrom our enemies on our account, but from herenemies on her own account, from those who hadno quarrel with us on any other account, and whowill always be our enemies on the same account.Let Britain wave her pretensions to the Continent,or the Continent throw off the dependance, andwe should be at peace with France and Spainwere they at war with Britain. The miseries ofHanover last war ought to warn us against con-nections.

It hath lately been asserted hi parliament, thatthe Colonies have no relation to each other butthrough the Parent Country, i.e. that Pennsylvaniaand the Jerseys and so on for the rest, are sisterColonies by the way of England; this is certainly avery roundabout way of proving relationship, butit is the nearest and only true way of proving en-mity (or enemyship, if I may so call it.) France andSpain never were, nor perhaps ever will be our en-emies as Americans but as our being the subjects ofGreat Britain.

But Britain is the parent country say some.Then the more shame upon her conduct. Evenbrutes do not devour their young, nor savagesmake war upon their families; wherefore the asser-tion if true, turns to her reproach; but it happensnot to be true, or only partly so, and the phrase,parent or mother country, hath been jesuiticallyadopted by the King and his parasites, with a lowpapistical design of gaining an unfair bias on thecredulous weakness of our minds. Europe and notEngland is the parent country of America. Thisnew World hath been the asylum for the perse-cuted lovers of civil and religious liberty from everypart of Europe. Hither have they fled, not from thetender embraces of the mother, but from the cru-elty of the monster; and it is so far true of England,that the same tyranny which drove the first emi-grants from home, pursues their descendants still.

Much hath been said of the united strength ofBritain and the Colonies, that in conjunction theymight bid defiance to the world: But this is merepresumption, the fate of war is uncertain, neitherdo the expressions mean any thing, for this Conti-nent would never suffer itself to be drained of in-habitants, to support the British Arms hi eitherAsia, Africa, or Europe.

Besides, what have we to do with setting theworld at defiance? Our plan is commerce, and thatwell attended to, will secure us the peace andfriendship of all Europe, because it is the interestof all Europe to have America a free port. Her tradewill always be a protection, and her barrenness ofgold and silver will secure her from invaders.

I challenge the warmest advocate for reconcili-ation, to shew, a single advantage that this Con-tinent can reap, by being connected with GreatBritain. I repeat the challenge, not a single advan-tage is derived. Our corn will fetch its price in anymarket in Europe and our imported goods must bepaid for buy them where we will.

But the injuries and disadvantages we sustain bythat connection, are without number, and our dutyto mankind at large, as well as to ourselves, instructus to renounce the alliance: because any submissionto, or dependance on Great Britain, tends directlyto involve this Continent in European wars andquarrels. As Europe is our market for trade, weought to form no political connection with any partof it. 'Tis the true interest of America, to steer clearof European contentions, which she never can do,while by her dependance on Britain, she is made themake-weight in the scale of British politics.

Europe is too thickly planted with Kingdoms,to be long at peace, and whenever a war breaks outbetween England and any foreign power, the tradeof America goes to ruin, because of her connectionwith Britain. The next war may not turn out likethe last, and should it not, the advocates for recon-ciliation now, will be wishing for separation then,because neutrality in that case, would be a saferconvoy than a man of war. Every thing that is rightor reasonable pleads for separation. The blood of

.:»*

I strength ofunction theythis is mere

rtain, neitherir this Conti-rained of in-.ms in either

i setting therce, and that; peace andi the interest>rt. Her tradearrenness ofvaders.or reconcili-it *•' :- Con-v Great

ingle advan-price in anyods must be

re sustain bynd our dutyves, instruct• submissionnds directlyn wars andr trade, weith any parto steer clear:ver can do,is made thetics.Kingdoms,

• breaks out:r, the trade• connectionirn out like> for recon-ation then,be a safer

•h- ightte biood of

the slain, the weeping voice of nature cries. 'TisTIME TO PART. Even the distance at which theAlmighty hath placed England and America, is astrong and natural proof, that the authority of theone over the other, was never the design of Heaven.The time likewise at which the Continent was dis-covered, adds weight to the argument, and themanner in which it was peopled encreases the forceof it. The Reformation was preceded by the dis-covery of America as if the Almighty graciouslymeant to open a sanctuary to the persecuted infuture years, when home should afford neitherfriendship nor safety.

The authority of Great Britain over this Conti-nent is a form of Government which sooner orlater must have an end:...

Though I would carefully avoid giving unnec-essary offence, yet I am inclined to believe, that allthose who espouse the doctrine of reconciliation,may be included within the following descriptions.Interested men who are not to be trusted, weakmen who cannot see, prejudiced men who will notsee, and a certain set of moderate men who thinkbetter of the European world than it deserves; andthis last class, by an ill-judged deliberation, will bethe cause of more calamities to this Continent,than all the other three.

It is the good fortune of many to live distantfrom the scene of present sorrow; the evil is not suf-ficiently brought to their doors to make them feel theprecariousness with which all American property ispossessed. But let our imaginations transport us fora few moments to Boston; that seat of wretchednesswill teach us wisdom, and instruct us for ever to re-nounce a power in whom we can have no trust. Theinhabitants of that unfortunate city who but a fewmonths ago were in ease and affluence, have now noother alternative than to stay and starve, or turn outto beg. Endangered by the fire of their friends if theycontinue within the city, and plundered by govern-ment if they leave it. In their present condition theyare prisoners without the hope of redemption, andin a general attack for their relief, they would be ex-posed to the fury of both armies.

Men of passive tempers look somewhat lightlyover the offences of Britain, and still hoping for the

THOMAS PAINE: FROM Common Sense (1776) 141

best, are apt to call out: Come, come, we shall befriends again for all this. But examine the passionsand feelings of mankind: bring the doctrine of rec-onciliation to the touchstone of nature, and thentell me, whether you can hereafter love, honour,and faithfully serve the power that hath carried fireand sword into your land? . . .

. . . ' Tis not in the power of England or of Eu-rope to conquer America, if she doth not conquerherself by delay and timidity. The present winter isworth an age if rightly employed, but if lost or ne-glected, the whole Continent will partake of themisfortune; and there is no punishment which thatman doth not deserve, be he who, or what, orwhere he will, that may be the means of sacrificinga season so precious and useful.

Every quiet method for peace hath been ineffec-tual. Our prayers have been rejected with disdain;and hath tended to convince us that nothing flat-ters vanity or confirms obstinacy in Kings morethan repeated petitioning—and nothing hath con-tributed more, than that very measure, to make theKings of Europe absolute. Witness Denmark andSweden. Wherfore, since nothing but blows will do,for God's sake let us come to a final separation, andnot leave the next generation to be cutting throatsunder the violated unmeaning names of parentand child.

To say they will never attempt it again is idleand visionary, we thought so at the repeal of thestamp-act, yet a year or two undeceived us; as wellmay we suppose that nations which have been oncedefeated will never renew the quarrel.

As to government matters 'tis not in the powerof Britain to do this Continent justice: the businessof it will soon be too weighty and intricate to bemanaged with any tolerable degree of convenience,by a power so distant from us, and so very igno-rant of us; for if they cannot conquer us, they can-not govern us. To be always running three or fourthousand miles with a tale or a petition, waitingfour or five months for an answer, which when ob-tained requires five or six more to explain it in, willin a few years be looked upon as folly and child-

142 CHAPTER 5 FROM EMPIRE TO INDEPENDENCE

ishness—There was a time when it was proper, andthere is a proper time for it to cease.

Small islands not capable of protecting them-selves are the proper objects for government totake under their care: but there is something veryabsurd, in suppossing a Continent to be perpetu-ally governed by an island. In no instance hathnature made the satellite larger than its primaryplanet, and as England and America with respect toeach other reverse the common order of nature, itis evident they belong to different systems. Englandto Europe: America to itself.

If there is any true cause of fear respecting indepen-dance, it is because no plan is yet laid down....

. . . Let a Continental Conference be held inthe following manner, and for the following pur-pose.

A Committee of twenty six members of Con-gress, viz.. Two for each Colony. Two Membersfrom each House of Assembly, or Provincial Con-vention; and five Representatives of the people atlarge, to be chosen in the capital city or town ofeach Province, for, and in behalf of the wholeProvince, by as many qualified voters as shall thinkproper to attend from all parts of the Province forthat purpose: or if more convenient, the Represen-tatives may be chosen in two or three of the mostpopulous parts thereof. In this conference thus as-sembled, will be united the two grand principles ofbusiness, knowledge and power. The Members ofCongress, Assemblies, or Conventions, by havinghad experience in national concerns, will be ableand useful counsellors, and the whole, by being im-powered by the people, will have a truly legal au-thority.

The conferring members being met, let theirbusiness be to frame a Continental Charter, orCharter of the United Colonies; (answering, towhat is called the Magna Charta of England) fixingthe number and manner of choosing Members ofCongress, Members of Assembly, with their date ofsitting, and drawing the line of business and juris-diction between them: Always remembering, thatour strength is Continental not Provincial. Secur-

ing freedom and property to all men, and above allthings, the free exercise of religion, according to thedictates of conscience; with such other matters asis necessary for a charter to contain. Immediatelyafter which, the said conference to dissolve, and thebodies which shall be chosen conformable to thesaid charter, to be the Legislators and Governors ofthis Continent, for the time being: Whose peaceand happiness, may GOD preserve. AMEN.

But where say some is the King of America? I'll tellyou friend, he reigns above; and doth not makehavoc of mankind like the Royal Brute of GreatBritain. Yet that we may not appear to be defectiveeven in earthly honours, let a day be solemnly seta part for proclaiming the Charter; let it bebrought forth placed on the Divine Law, the Wordof God; let a crown be placed thereon, by which theworld may know, that so far as we approve ofmonarchy, that in America THE LAW is KING. For asin absolute governments the King is law, so in freecountries the law ought to be king; and there oughtto be no other. But lest any ill use should after-wards arise, let the Crown at the conclusion of theceremony be demolished, and scattered among thepeople whose right it is.

A government of our own is our natural right:and when a man seriously reflects on the pre-cariousness of human affairs, he will becomeconvinced, that it is infinitely wiser and safer, toform a constitution of our own, in a cool delib-erate manner, while we have it in our power, thanto trust such an interesting event to time andchance....

O ye that love mankind! Ye that dare oppose notonly the tyranny but the tyrant, stand forth! Everyspot of the old world is over-run with oppression.Freedom hath been hunted round the Globe. Asiaand Africa have long expelled her. Europe regardsher like a stranger, and England hath given herwarning to depart. O! receive the fugitive, and pre-pare in time an asylum for mankind.

Of the Present Ability of America,With Some Miscellaneous Reflections.

'Tis not in numbers but in unity that our greatstrength lies: yet our present numbers are sufficientto repel the force of all the world. The Continenthath at this time the largest disciplined army of anypower under Heaven: and is just arrived at thatpitch of strength, in which no single Colony is ableto support itself, and the whole, when united, isable to do any thing....

The debt we may contract doth not deserve our re-gard if the work be but accomplished. No nationought to be without a debt. A national debt is a na-tional bond: and when it bears no interest is in nocase a grievance. Britain is oppressed with a debt ofupwards of one hundred and forty millions ster-ling, for which she pays upwards of four millionsinterest. And as a compensation for her debt, shehas a large navy; America is without debt, andwithout a navy; but for the twentieth part of theEnglish national debt, could have a navy as largeagain.. ..

No country on the globe is so happily situated,or so internally capable of raising a fleet as Amer-ica. Tar, timber, iron, and cordage are her naturalproduce. We need go abroad for nothing. Whereasthe Dutch, who make large profits by hiring outtheir ships of war to the Spaniards and Portuguese,are obliged to import most of the materials they use.We ought to view the building a fleet as an articleof commerce, it being the natural manufactory ofthis country. 'Tis the best money we can lay out. Anavy when finished is worth more than it cost: Andis that nice point in national policy, in which com-merce and protection are united. Let us build; if wewant them not, we can sell; and by that means re-place our paper currency with ready gold and silver.

In point of safety, ought we to be without a fleet?We are not the little people now, which we were

THOMAS PAINE: PROM Common Sense (1776) 143

sixty years ago, at that time we might have trustedour property in the streets, or fields rather, andslept securely without locks or bolts to our doorsand windows. The case now is altered, and ourmethods of defence, ought to improve with ourencrease of property....

Another reason why the present time is prefer-able to all others is, that the fewer our numbers are,the more land there is yet unoccupied, which in-stead of being lavished by the king on his worth-less dependants, may be hereafter applied, not onlyto the discharge of the present debt, but to the con-stant support of government. No nation underHeaven hath such an advantage as this.

The infant state of the Colonies, as it is called,so far from being against, is an argument in favourof independance. We are sufficiently numerous,and were we more so, we might be less united. 'Tisa matter worthy of observation, that the more acountry is peopled, the smaller their armies are. Inmilitary numbers the ancients far exceeded themoderns: and the reason is evident, for trade beingthe consequence of population, men become toomuch absorbed thereby to attend to any thing else.Commerce diminishes the spirit both of Patriotismand military defence. And history sufficiently in-forms us that the bravest achievements were al-ways accomplished in the non-age of a nation.With the encrease in commerce, England hath lostits spirit. . ..

Youth is the seed time of good habits as well innations as in Individuals. It might be difficult, ifnot impossible to form the Continent into oneGovernment half a century hence. The vast varietyof interests occasioned by an increase of trade andpopulation would create confusion. Colony wouldbd against Colony. Each being able would scorneach others assistance: and while the proud andfoolish gloried in their little distinctions, the wisewould lament that the union had not been formedbefore. Wherefore, the present time is the true timefor establishing it. The intimacy which 'is con-tracted in infancy, and the friendship which isformed in misfortune, are of all others, the mostlasting and unalterable. Our present union ismarked with both these characters: we are young

144 CHAPTER 5 FROM EMPIRE TO INDEPENDENCE

if

It

and we have been distressed; but our concord hathwithstood our troubles, and fixes a memorable Mia.for posterity to glory in.

The present time likewise, is that peculiar time,which never happens to a nation but once, viz. thetime of forming itself into a government. Most na-tions have let slip the opportunity, and by thatmeans have been compelled to receive laws fromtheir conquerors, instead of making laws for them-selves. . . .

To CONCLUDE, however strange it may appear tosome, or however unwilling they may be to thinkso, matters not, but many strong and striking rea-sons may be given to shew, that nothing can settleour affairs so expeditiously as an open and deter-mined declaration for independance. Some ofwhich are,

First—It is the custom of Nations when anytwo are at war, for some other powers not engagedin the quarrel, to step in as mediators and bringabout the preliminaries of a peace: But whileAmerica calls herself the subject of Great Britain,no power however well disposed she may be, canoffer her mediation. Wherefore in our present statewe may quarrel on for ever.

Secondly-—It is unreasonable to suppose, thatFrance or Spain will give us any kind of assistance,if we mean only to make use of that assistance, forthe purpose of repairing the breach, and strength-ening the connection between Britain and Amer-ica; because, those powers would be sufferers bythe consequences.

Thirdly—While we profess ourselves the sub-jects of Britain, we must in the eye of foreign na-tions be considered as Rebels. The precedent issome-what dangerous to their peace, for men to bein arms under the name of subjects: we on the spotcan solve the paradox; but to unite resistance andsubjection, requires an idea much too refined forcommon understanding.

Fourthly—Were a manifesto to be publishedand dispatched to foreign Courts, setting forth themiseries we have endured, and the peaceable meth-

ods we have ineffectually used for redress, declar-ing at the same time, that not being able any longerto live happily or safely, under the cruel dispositionof the British Court, we had been driven to the ne-cessity of breaking off all connections with her; atthe same time, assuring all such Courts, of ourpeaceable disposition towards them, and of our de-sire of entering into trade with them: such a me-morial would produce more good effects to thisContinent, than if a ship were freighted with peti-tions to Britain.

Under our present denomination of BritishSubjects, we can neither be received nor heardabroad: the custom of all Courts is against us, andwill be so, until by an independance we take rankwith other nations.

These proceedings may at first appear strangeand difficult, but like all other steps which we havealready passed over, will in a little time become fa-miliar and agreeable: and until an independance isdeclared, the Continent will feel itself like a manwho continues putting off some unpleasant busi-ness from day to day, yet knows it must be done,hates to set about it, wishes it over, and is contin-ually haunted with the thoughts of its necessity.

FINIS

REVIEW QUESTIONS1. What did Paine say were some of the "material

injuries" the colonies had sustained due to theirdependence on Great Britain? What are thestrengths and weaknesses in his argument?

2. Was Paine right to say that "Europe and notEngland is the parent country of America"?Why should that concept be considered a factorfor separation?

3. What interests could America better pursue ifindependent?

4. What did Paine say would guarantee Americansuccess? Why?

5. Why did he argue for a declaration of inde-pendence and for immediate action?