COMMON SENSE - | Stockton Wordpress · COMMON SENSE by Thomas Paine . Image from the exhibition Thomas Paine: Radical Founding Father held at the Smithsonian, the National Portrait

COMMON SENSE

by Thomas Paine

TK

Credits

Image from the exhibition Thomas Paine: Radical Founding Father held at the Smithsonian, the National Portrait Gallery. http://www.npg.si.edu/exhibit/paine/pop-ups/02-01.html

TK

About this Site

This is an edition of Tom Paine's Common Sense with annotation and contextual essays researched and written by members of the Introduction to Literary Research class at Stockton College during the Fall of 2009. For more additional projects, look here: http://titania.stockton.edu/literature/student-work/Comments are welcome. Email them to [email protected]

An Annotated Edition CONTENTS Introduction Of the Origin and Design of Government in General, with Concise Remarks on the English Constitution Of Monarchy and Hereditary Succession Thoughts on the Present State of American Affairs Of the Present Ability of America, with Some Miscellaneous Reflections Appendix ADDITIONAL MATERIALS Thomas Paine Before the U.S. Paine’s Profitability: The Printing and Publication of Common Sense Tom Paine – Life After the Revolution Paine’s Fall From Grace: Deism, Enlightenment, and Backlash

Bibliography

PAINE’S COMMON SENSE

3

INTRODUCTION Perhaps the sentiments contained in the following pages, are not YET sufficiently fashionable to procure them general favour; a long habit of not thinking a thing WRONG, gives it a superficial appearance of being RIGHT, and raises at first a formidable outcry in defense of custom. But the tumult soon subsides. Time makes more converts than reason. As a long and violent abuse of power, is generally the Means of calling the right of it in question (and in Matters too which might never have been thought of, had not the Sufferers been aggravated into the inquiry) and as the King of England hath undertaken in his OWN RIGHT, to support the Parliament in what he calls THEIRS, and as the good people of this country are grievously oppressed by the combination, they have an undoubted privilege to inquire into the pretensions of both, and equally to reject the usurpation of either. In the following sheets, the author hath studiously avoided every thing which is personal among ourselves. Compliments as well as censure to individuals make no part thereof. The wise, and the worthy, need not the triumph of a pamphlet; and those whose sentiments are injudicious, or unfriendly, will cease of themselves unless too much pains are bestowed upon their conversion. The cause of America is in a great measure the cause of all mankind. Many circumstances hath, and will arise, which are not local, but universal, and through which the principles of all Lovers of Mankind are affected, and in the Event of which, their Affections are interested. The laying a Country desolate with Fire and Sword, declaring War against the natural rights of all Mankind, and extirpating the Defenders thereof from the Face of the Earth, is the Concern of every Man to whom Nature hath given the Power of feeling; of which Class, regardless of Party Censure, is the AUTHOR. P.S. The Publication of this new Edition hath been delayed, with a View of taking notice (had it been necessary) of any Attempt to refute the Doctrine of Independance: As no Answer hath yet appeared, it is now

tk

Eighteenth-century English

Note Paine's British spelling. Born and raised in England, Paine would naturally have followed British norms. In fact, most educated colonists spelled according to British custom throughout the eighteenth century. Noah Webster's Dissertations on the English Language (1789) was the first influential attempt at spelling reform in America (Oxford Companion to American Literature).

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Tumult of the Multitude

The OED defines "tumult" as follows: "Commotion of a multitude, usually with confused speech or uproar; public disturbance; disorderly or riotous proceeding." Paine would have enjoyed applying all of these denotations to those who opposed his views. Phrasing such as "not yet sufficiently fashionable," "a superficial appearance," and "tumult" immediately reveal the slant of his argument.

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King George

George William Frederick, King George III of Britain from 1760-1820. To the left, see a mezzotint of George III in 1771, after a painting by Johann Zoffany (Wikimedia Commons).

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Placed Image

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Sheets

Common Sense was first published on January 10, 1776 as a pamphlet of 77 pages. "Sheets" refers to the printed and folded gatherings of the pamphlet.

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Ignore the injudicious and they will retire

The sense of the phrasing is that sentiments of the injudicious or unfriendly will die away unless too much attention is paid to them ("unless too much pains are bestowed upon their conversation"). Paine suggests we ignore such comments.

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Clearing the stumps

Extirpate: "To do away with, render extinct as such (a specified class of persons); to root out utterly, break up (a gang of thieves). Formerly also, to drive out, clear away (persons) from a locality, etc." (OED). In its earliest sense this verb pertained to clearing a field of tree stumps.

tk

This text, based upon the Project Gutenberg text, was reprinted from the The Writings of Thomas Paine, ed. Moncure D. Conway (1894 - 1896). Moncure's text appears to be based upon the third edition printed in Philadelphia.


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presumed that none will, the Time needful for getting such a Performance ready for the Public being considerably past. Who the Author of this Production is, is wholly unnecessary to the Public, as the Object for Attention is the DOCTRINE ITSELF, not the MAN. Yet it may not be unnecessary to say, That he is unconnected with any Party, and under no sort of Influence public or private, but the influence of reason and principle. Philadelphia, February 14, 1776


5

OF THE ORIGIN AND DESIGN OF GOVERNMENT IN GENERAL, WITH CONCISE REMARKS ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION Some writers have so confounded society with government, as to leave little or no distinction between them; whereas they are not only different, but have different origins. Society is produced by our wants, and government by our wickedness; the former promotes our POSITIVELY by uniting our affections, the latter NEGATIVELY by restraining our vices. The one encourages intercourse, the other creates distinctions. The first a patron, the last a punisher. Society in every state is a blessing, but government even in its best state is but a necessary evil; in its worst state an intolerable one; for when we suffer, or are exposed to the same miseries BY A GOVERNMENT, which we might expect in a country WITHOUT GOVERNMENT, our calamity is heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means by which we suffer. Government, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence; the palaces of kings are built on the ruins of the bowers of paradise. For were the impulses of conscience clear, uniform, and irresistibly obeyed, man would need no other lawgiver; but that not being the case, he finds it necessary to surrender up a part of his property to furnish means for the protection of the rest; and this he is induced to do by the same prudence which in every other case advises him out of two evils to choose the least. WHEREFORE, security being the true design and end of government, it unanswerably follows, that whatever FORM thereof appears most likely to ensure it to us, with the least expense and greatest benefit, is preferable to all others. In order to gain a clear and just idea of the design and end of government, let us suppose a small number of persons settled in some sequestered part of the earth, unconnected with the rest, they will then represent the first peopling of any country, or of the world. In this state of natural liberty, society will be their first thought. A thousand motives will excite them thereto, the strength of one man is so unequal to his wants, and his mind so unfitted for perpetual solitude, that he is soon obliged to seek assistance and relief of another, who in his turn requires he same. Four or five united would be able to raise a tolerable dwelling in the midst of a wilderness, but one man might labour out of the common period of life without accomplishing any thing; when he

kylecarrythings

Sticky Note

Accepted set by kylecarrythings

kylecarrythings

Sticky Note

None set by kylecarrythings

Kyle Carrier

CAPITALIZE

The word "happiness" is missing from our copy text. The text should read, "promotes our happiness positively." Take note of Paine's frequent use of capitalization in further reading. Is this distracting, or is it employed to his advantage in evoking emotion upon the reader?

Kyle Carrier

government

Tom Paine lays the foundation of Common Sense with a thick line drawn distinguishing between what he considers to be good and evil. He boldly associates all government with an inevitable "wickedness" from its conception.

Kyle Carrier

more CAPITALS

Paine continues his unrelenting capitalization. Is it still engrossing the reader, or is it beginning to rip the reader out of focus?

Kyle Carrier

example

Paine provides a simple, relatable, and understandable example of government at its most basic form for the reader. He starts from the ground up in order to establish a vantage point for the rest of the ideas in the pamphlet.

Kyle Carrier

small example

Common Sense is littered with examples, big and small. Paine does whatever he can to relate readers to what they are reading and paint for them a picture of something that would otherwise be confusing.


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had felled his timber he could not remove it, nor erect it after it was emoved; hunger in the mean time would urge him from his work, and every different want call him a different way. Disease, nay even misfortune would be death, for though neither might be mortal, yet either would disable him from living, and reduce him to a state in which he might rather be said to perish than to die. Thus necessity, like a gravitating power, would soon form our newly arrived emigrants into society, the reciprocal blessings of which, would supersede, and render the obligations of law and government unnecessary while they remained perfectly just to each other; but as nothing but heaven is impregnable to vice, it will unavoidably happen, that in proportion as they surmount the first difficulties of emigration, which bound them together in a common cause, they will begin to relax in their duty and attachment to each other; and this remissness will point out the necessity of establishing some form of government to supply the defect of moral virtue. Some convenient tree will afford them a State-House, under the branches of which, the whole colony may assemble to deliberate on public matters. It is more than probable that their first laws will have the title only of REGULATIONS, and be enforced by no other penalty than public disesteem. In this first parliament every man, by natural right, will have a seat. But as the colony increases, the public concerns will increase likewise, and the distance at which the members may be separated, will render it too inconvenient for all of them to meet on every occasion as at first, when their number was small, their habitations near, and the public concerns few and trifling. This will point out the convenience of their consenting to leave the legislative part to be managed by a select number chosen from the whole body, who are supposed to have the same concerns at stake which those who appointed them, and who will act in the same manner as the whole body would act, were they present. If the colony continues increasing, it will become necessary to augment the number of the representatives, and that the interest of every part of the colony may be attended to, it will be found best to divide the whole into convenient parts, each part sending its proper number; and that the ELECTED might never form to themselves an interest

Kyle Carrier

perfectly just

Paine claims that if persons in a society were able to remain "perfectly just" to one another, government would not be a necessity. Contrary to this sudden optimism, he goes on to imply that being "perfectly just" is an altogether unattainable.

Kyle Carrier

sarcasm

Sarcasm is utilized to its fullest extent in Common Sense. Tom Paine only touches upon it here. He implies that while these members are "supposed" to be concerned with the interests of the entire body, in actuality, they are not.

Kyle Carrier

more sarcasm

Paine continues with his sarcasm. He implies that government is based on the idea that elected officials never prioritize their own interests before that of whom they are representing. Paine dances around his assertion that these officials inevitably put themselves before others.

Kyle Carrier

simplify

Paine breaks down the process of disengagement within the government. He explains that when the number of members in a particular body grow, divisions will arise as well. With these divisions, members of the government become further disengaged from the interests of the people.

Kyle Carrier

natural right

Paine captures what he thinks to be the only instance in which, so far, "every man" in a body of people has their natural right to representation in government. He goes on to explain how this right is eventually lost.


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separate from the ELECTORS, prudence will point out the propriety of having elections often; because as the ELECTED might by that means return and mix again with the general body of the ELECTORS in a few months, their fidelity to the public will be secured by the prudent reflection of not making a rod for themselves. And as this frequent interchange will establish a common interest with every part of the community, they will mutually and naturally support each other, and on this (not on the unmeaning name of king) depends the STRENGTH OF GOVERNMENT, AND THE HAPPINESS OF THE GOVERNED. Here then is the origin and rise of government; namely, a mode rendered necessary by the inability of moral virtue to govern the world; here too is the design and end of government, viz. freedom and security. And however our eyes may be dazzled with show, or our ears deceived by sound; however prejudice may warp our wills, or interest darken our understanding, the simple voice of nature and of reason will say, it is right. I draw my idea of the form of government from a principle in nature, which no art can overturn, viz. that the more simple any thing is, the less liable it is to be disordered; and the easier repaired when disordered; and with this maxim in view, I offer a few remarks on the so much boasted constitution of England. That it was noble for the dark and slavish times in which it was erected, is granted. When the world was overrun with tyranny the least remove therefrom was a glorious rescue. But that it is imperfect, subject to convulsions, and incapable of producing what it seems to promise, is easily demonstrated. Absolute governments (tho’ the disgrace of human nature) have this advantage with them, that they are simple; if the people suffer, they know the head from which their suffering springs, know likewise the remedy, and are not bewildered by a variety of causes and cures. But the constitution of England is so exceedingly complex, that the nation may suffer for years together without being able to discover in which part the fault lies; some will say in one and some in another, and every political physician will advise a different medicine.

Abi

Annotation.

Paine is making the point that the strength of the ELECTED comes from their loyalty to the people; also, the happiness of the people, the electors, is brought about by their elected officials because the elected officials truly remain a part of the people and therefore know what the people want.

Abi

Annotation.

"Making a rod for your own back" is a British saying meaning one is doing something that will likely cause them problems. Paine implies here that the elected will remain faithful to their electors' wishes in order to not cause trouble for themselves.

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Annotation.

"Viz." is a shortened form of "videlicet" which is synonymous with "that is to say; namely; to wit." Videlicet can be given before a detailed explanation of a prior statement (OED).

Abi

Annotation.

This is a sneaky little insult on Paine's part. He's saying that the constitution of England was, at the time it was instated, the lesser of two great evils (which is to say it's still rather evil) though it was received like a rescue.

Abi

Annotation.

As defined by the OED, convulsions can mean "violent social or political agitation."

Abi

Annotation.

Paine demonstrates his extreme distaste for the constitution of England in this paragraph. He's spent much of Common Sense up to this point decrying the nature of monarchies, yet here states that even a monarchy is preferable (in one way, at least) to the constitution of England because a monarchy is easily remedied if something is wrong.


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I know it is difficult to get over local or long standing prejudices, yet if we will suffer ourselves to examine the component parts of the English constitution, we shall find them to be the base remains of two ancient tyrannies, compounded with some new republican materials. FIRST - The remains of monarchial tyranny in the person of the king. SECONDLY - The remains of aristocratical tyranny in the persons of the peers. THIRDLY - The new republican materials in the persons of the commons, on whose virtue depends the freedom of England. The two first, by being hereditary, are independent of the people; wherefore in a CONSTITUTIONAL SENSE they contribute nothing towards the freedom of the state. To say that the constitution of England is a UNION of three powers reciprocally CHECKING each other, is farcical, either the words have no meaning, or they are flat contradictions. To say that the commons is a check upon the king, presupposes two things: FIRST - That the king is not to be trusted without being looked after, or in other words, that a thirst for absolute power is the natural disease of monarchy. SECONDLY - That the commons, by being appointed for that purpose, are either wiser or more worthy of confidence than the crown. But as the same constitution which gives the commons a power to check the king by withholding the supplies, gives afterwards the king a power to check the commons, by empowering him to reject their other bills; it again supposes that the king is wiser than those whom it has already supposed to be wiser than him. A mere absurdity! There is something exceedingly ridiculous in the composition of monarchy; it first excludes a man from the means of information, yet empowers him to act in cases where the highest judgment is required. The state of a king shuts

Abi

Annotation.

Paine says "farcical" because by their very nature the three branches constantly argue and oppose one another, and therefore it is ridiculous to call them a union.

Abi

Annotation.

Although one could simply assume this to mean "assume," "presuppose" has an obsolete and more precise definition: "to suppose or assume the existence of a thing as prior to something else" (OED). Paine is stating that the commons was intended as a check upon the king because the two following conditions existed previously.

Abi

Annotation.

Paine uses "tyrannies" here because he sees monarchy and aristocracy both as varieties of government which gain and execute power with no real right to it. Both go against his idea of natural rights (Merriam 393).

Abi

Annotation.

It is interesting to note here, as well as throughout Common Sense, that Paine leaves little to no room for gray areas. Most of his comparisons or juxtapositions are black and white. In this case, he leaves out the possibility that the men of the commons are equally as wise as the king and are meant simply to reaffirm the business or beliefs of the other and vice versa.


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him from the world, yet the business of a king requires him to know it thoroughly; wherefore the different parts, by unnaturally opposing and destroying each other, prove the whole character to be absurd and useless. Some writers have explained the English constitution thus: The king, say they, is one, the people another; the peers are a house in behalf of the king, the commons in behalf of the people; but this hath all the distinctions of a house divided against itself; and though the expressions be pleasantly arranged, yet when examined, they appear idle and ambiguous; and it will always happen, that the nicest construction that words are capable of, when applied to the description of some thing which either cannot exist, or is too incomprehensible to be within the compass of description, will be words of sound only, and though they may amuse the ear, they cannot inform the mind, for this explanation includes a previous question, viz. HOW CAME THE KING BY A POWER WHICH THE PEOPLE ARE AFRAID TO TRUST, AND ALWAYS OBLIGED TO CHECK? Such a power could not be the gift of a wise people, neither can any power, WHICH NEEDS CHECKING, be from God; yet the provision, which the constitution makes, supposes such a power to exist. But the provision is unequal to the task; the means either cannot or will not accomplish the end, and the whole affair is a felo de se; for as the greater weight will always carry up the less, and as all the wheels of a machine are put in motion by one, it only remains to know which power in the constitution has the most weight, for that will govern; and though the others, or a part of them, may clog, or, as the phrase is, check the rapidity of its motion, yet so long as they cannot stop it, their endeavours will be ineffectual; the first moving power will at last have its way, and what it wants in speed, is supplied by time. That the crown is this overbearing part in the English constitution, needs not be mentioned, and that it derives its whole consequence merely from being the giver of places and pensions, is self-evident, wherefore, though we have been wise enough to shut and lock a door against absolute monarchy, we at the same time have been foolish enough to put the crown in possession of the key.

Rachel

Underline

George III was the grandson of George II, who inherited the throne at the age of twelve, when his father died. This was true for many kings of the time period (Encyclopaedia Britannica).

Rachel

Underline

This is a Latin term for someone who "puts an end to his own existence," also known as suicide (OED).

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Underline

Not only does this state the obvious, he states this numerous times. It is one of Paine's main focal points, and one which many countries would debate for decades and never reach a conclusion.

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Underline

Charles I ruled without Parliament for eleven years. Would this not count as monarchy? If so, then they have not been so "wise enough to shut and lock a door" against this type of reign (Encyclopaedia Britannica).


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The prejudice of Englishmen in favour of their own government by king, lords, and commons, arises as much or more from national pride than reason. Individuals are undoubtedly safer in England than in some other countries, but the WILL of the king is as much the LAW of the land in Britain as in France, with this difference, that instead of proceeding directly from his mouth, it is handed to the people under the more formidable shape of an act of parliament. For the fate of Charles the First hath only made kings more subtle – not more just. Wherefore, laying aside all national pride and prejudice in favour of modes and forms, the plain truth is, that IT IS WHOLLY OWING TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE PEOPLE, AND NOT TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE GOVERNMENT, that the crown is not as oppressive in England as in Turkey. An inquiry into the CONSTITUTIONAL ERRORS in the English form of government is at this time highly necessary; for as we are never in a proper condition of doing justice to others, while we continue under the influence of some leading partiality, so neither are we capable of doing it to ourselves while we remain fettered by any obstinate prejudice. And as a man, who is attached to a prostitute, is unfitted to choose or judge a wife, so any prepossession in favour of a rotten constitution of government will disable us from discerning a good one.

Rachel

Underline

This is the case with most countries. Nationalism is defined as "Advocacy of or support for the interests of one's own nation, to the exclusion or detriment of the interests of other nations" (OED).

Rachel

Underline

Charles the First was King of England from 1625-48. His ongoing disputes with Parliament eventually developed into the English Civil war and led to his execution (Encyclopaedia Britannica).

Rachel

Underline

The Ottoman Empire, which encompassed Turkey, was present from the Sixteenth Century until after World War I.

Rachel

Underline

The capitalization of selective words has become prominent in the text; most of the paragraph above is capitalized. He undoubtedly did this for effect; occasionally he puts emphasis on the wrong phrases.


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OF MONARCHY AND HEREDITARY SUCCESSION Mankind being originally equals in the order of creation, the equality could only be destroyed by some subsequent circumstance; the distinctions of rich, and poor, may in a great measure be accounted for, and that without having recourse to the harsh, ill-sounding names of oppression and avarice. Oppression is often the CONSEQUENCE, but seldom or never the MEANS of riches; and though avarice will preserve man from being necessitously poor, it generally makes him too timorous to be wealthy. But there is another and greater distinction, for which no truly natural or religious reason can be assigned, and that is, the distinction of men into KINGS and SUBJECTS. Male and female are the distinctions of nature, good and bad the distinctions of heaven; but how a race of men came into the world so exalted above the rest, and distinguished like some new species, is worth inquiring into, and whether they are the means of happiness or of misery to mankind. In the early ages of the world, according to the scripture chronology, there were no kings; the consequence of which was, there were no wars; it is the pride of kings which throw mankind into confusion. Holland without a king hath enjoyed more peace for this last century than any of the monarchial governments in Europe. Antiquity favours the same remark; for the quiet and rural lives of the first patriarchs hath a happy something in them, which vanishes away when we come to the history of Jewish royalty. Government by kings was first introduced into the world by the Heathens, from whom the children of Israel copied the custom. It was the most prosperous invention the Devil ever set on foot for the promotion of idolatry. The Heathens paid divine honours to their deceased kings, and the Christian world hath improved on the plan, by doing the same to their living ones. How impious is the title of sacred majesty applied to a worm, who in the midst of his splendor is crumbling into dust! As the exalting one man so greatly above the rest cannot be justified on the equal rights of nature, so neither can it be defended on the authority of scripture; for the will of the Almighty, as declared by Gideon and the

Bridget Egatz

Definitions

Oppression: "An abuse of office committed by a public official, especially the unlawful or improper imprisonment or injury of another person" (OED).

Bridget Egatz

Factual statement

Wealth and race are the main factors in inequality especially in Paine's era and it still exists greatly today.

Bridget Egatz

Personal note

Consequences varied, based on the crime, but according to Paine, oppression was the easiest and seemingly the harshest form of consequence. Paine is thinking especially of oppression by the English King.

Bridget Egatz

Definitions

Cancelled set by Bridget Egatz

Bridget Egatz

Definitions

Avarice: to have an overwhelming need to hoard or collect money even at the point when the person has so much they need so much more (dictionary.com).

Bridget Egatz

statement

Man is content with being greedy and that is what will keep us from being poor. Even the poor have a greedy bone and it will keep people from being destitute. Paine suggests that the rich will get richer by the sheer greed of it; however, man will act poorer than they are so they can keep their riches because they fear poverty.

Bridget Egatz

statement

This is Paine's way of segregating the average man from the rich men who make the rules because they did so before him.

Bridget Egatz

statement

It is true, these wealthy and power hungry men truly believe they are above the rest solely based on wealth.

Bridget Egatz

Personal note

The "new species" is that of a superior one. The people Paine speak of are the oppressors.

Bridget Egatz

Question

Is it worth inquiring as to why these people behave the way that they do, and possess the feeling of entitlement or separate themselves from everyone else?

Bridget Egatz

Personal Note

This paragraph is pretty self explanatory. Countries with kings or rulers have made war. Countries and the world before kings were peaceful because there was no fight for power or to be all powerful.

Bridget Egatz

statement

It would be easier to say "the king"; however, the way Paine states it is almost poking fun at the king. Paine is making the reader aware of the intention of the king and the way that king feels about himself.

Bridget Egatz

Personal note

Man of faith, a judge in faith.

Bridget Egatz

statement

Government by kings was the most prosperous invention the Devil ever set on foot. This could have been a sentence all its own. Paine needed to make a forceful point of who brought this ideology to light and who was responsible for the idea that ensued this pamphlet.

Bridget Egatz

statement

This sentence can be interchanged with the beginning of the first sentence because it explains the point quicker. Government by kings was the most prosperous invention the devil ever set on foot.

Bridget Egatz

definition

Idolatry: an overwhelmingly obsessive way of worshiping Gods or figure-heads.


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prophet Samuel, expressly disapproves of government by kings. All anti-monarchical parts of scripture have been very smoothly glossed over in monarchical governments, but they undoubtedly merit the attention of countries which have their governments yet to form. RENDER UNTO CAESAR THE THINGS WHICH ARE CAESAR’S is the scripture doctrine of courts, yet it is no support of monarchical government, for the Jews at that time were without a king, and in a state of vassalage to the Romans. Now three thousand years passed away from the Mosaic account of the creation, till the Jews under a national delusion requested a king. Till then their form of government (except in extraordinary cases, where the Almighty interposed) was a kind of republic administered by a judge and the elders of the tribes. Kings they had none, and it was held sinful to acknowledge any being under that title but the Lord of Hosts. And when a man seriously reflects on the idolatrous homage which is paid to the persons of kings, he need not wonder that the Almighty, ever jealous of his honour, should disapprove of a form of government which so impiously invades the prerogative of heaven. Monarchy is ranked in scripture as one of the sins of the Jews, for which a curse in reserve is denounced against them. The history of that transaction is worth attending to. The children of Israel being oppressed by the Midianites, Gideon marched against them with a small army, and victory, through the divine interposition, decided in his favour. The Jews, elate with success, and attributing it to the generalship of Gideon, proposed making him a king, saying, RULE THOU OVER US, THOU AND THY SON AND THY SON’S SON. Here was temptation in its fullest extent; not a kingdom only, but an hereditary one, but Gideon in the piety of his soul replied, I WILL NOT RULE OVER YOU, NEITHER SHALL MY SON RULE OVER YOU THE LORD SHALL RULE OVER YOU. Words need not be more explicit; Gideon doth not decline the honour, but denieth their right to give it; neither doth he compliment them with invented declarations of his thanks, but in the positive style of a prophet charges them with disaffection to their proper Sovereign, the King of heaven.

Bridget Egatz

Personal note

Portions that are seemingly against the idea of Kingship.

Bridget Egatz

statement

Paine is quoting the New Testament (Matthew 22:20-22): "And he saith unto them, Whose is this image and superscription? They say unto him, Caesar's. Then saith he unto them, Render therefore unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's; and unto God the things that are God's. When they had heard these words, they marvelled, and left him, and went their way."

Bridget Egatz

Statement

Here Paine basically asserts that the Jews' need for a King led to the current predicament of Americans who are suffering under the rule of the British King.

Bridget Egatz

statements

According to Paine's readings of the Bible or "ancient scripture" the Jews were persecuted in writing for their need for a leader.

Bridget Egatz

Statement

Gideon declines the offer to be a "king" because he feels that the only true ruler is God. "I will not rule over you, neither shall my son ruler over you, the Lord shall rule over you." This is a basic statement that Paine wants to convey to the British King.


13

About one hundred and thirty years after this, they fell again into the same error. The hankering which the Jews had for the idolatrous customs of the Heathens, is something exceedingly unaccountable; but so it was, that laying hold of the misconduct of Samuel’s two sons, who were entrusted with some secular concerns, they came in an abrupt and clamorous manner to Samuel, saying, BEHOLD THOU ART OLD, AND THY SONS WALK NOT IN THY WAYS, NOW MAKE US A KING TO JUDGE US, LIKE ALL OTHER NATIONS. And here we cannot but observe that their motives were bad, viz. that they might be LIKE unto other nations, i.e. the Heathens, whereas their true glory laid in being as much UNLIKE them as possible. BUT THE THING DISPLEASED SAMUEL WHEN THEY SAID, GIVE US A KING TO JUDGE US; AND SAMUEL PRAYED UNTO THE LORD, AND THE LORD SAID UNTO SAMUEL, HEARKEN UNTO THE VOICE OF THE PEOPLE IN ALL THAT THEY SAY UNTO THEE, FOR THEY HAVE NOT REJECTED THEE, BUT THEY HAVE REJECTED ME, THAT I SHOULD NOT REIGN OVER THEM. ACCORDING TO ALL THE WORKS WHICH THEY HAVE SINCE THE DAY THAT I BROUGHT THEM UP OUT OF EGYPT, EVEN UNTO THIS DAY; WHEREWITH THEY HAVE FORSAKEN ME AND SERVED OTHER GODS; SO DO THEY ALSO UNTO THEE. NOW THEREFORE HEARKEN UNTO THEIR VOICE, HOWBEIT, PROTEST SOLEMNLY UNTO THEM AND SHEW THEM THE MANNER OF THE KING THAT SHALL REIGN OVER THEM, I.E. not of any particular king, but the general manner of the kings of the earth, whom Israel was so eagerly copying after. And notwithstanding the great distance of time and difference of manners, the character is still in fashion. AND SAMUEL TOLD ALL THE WORDS OF THE LORD UNTO THE PEOPLE, THAT ASKED OF HIM A KING. AND HE SAID, THIS SHALL BE THE MANNER OF THE KING THAT SHALL REIGN OVER YOU; HE WILL TAKE YOUR SONS AND APPOINT THEM FOR HIMSELF, FOR HIS CHARIOTS, AND TO BE HIS HORSEMAN, AND SOME SHALL RUN BEFORE HIS CHARIOTS (this description agrees with the present mode of impressing men) AND HE WILL APPOINT HIM CAPTAINS OVER THOUSANDS AND CAPTAINS OVER FIFTIES, AND WILL SET THEM TO EAR HIS GROUND AND REAP HIS HARVEST, AND TO MAKE HIS INSTRUMENTS OF WAR, AND INSTRUMENTS OF HIS CHARIOTS; AND HE WILL TAKE YOUR DAUGHTERS TO BE CONFECTIONARIES, AND TO BE COOKS AND

Morgan

Bible

First book of Samuel The Israelites demand that Samuel appoint them a king so that Israel can be like other nations. Samuel refuses but God tells him that by asking for a king the Israelites are not rejecting Samuel but are rejecting God. Samuel warns the people that with a king comes drawbacks such as taxes and the possibility of tyranny but the people refuse to back down (Sparknotes).

Morgan

OED

The OED defines heathens as "applied to persons or races whose religion is neither Christian, Jewish, nor Muslim; pagan. Paine is suggesting that a monarchy is not a Christian idea but instead it belongs to the Godless pagans.

Morgan

Sticky Note

Paine thinks that the Heathens were incorrect in their want for a king and is plainly saying that the Israelites should want to be unlike the Heathens instead of like them.

Morgan

Sticky Note

Impressing men. Paine is thinking about the British practice of snatching men from the streets of London (and later American trading vessels) -- impressing them -- in order to serve as sailors in the British navy. Impressment is akin to slavery.


14

TO BE BAKERS (this describes the expense and luxury as well as the oppression of kings) AND HE WILL TAKE YOUR FIELDS AND YOUR OLIVE YARDS, EVEN THE BEST OF THEM, AND GIVE THEM TO HIS SERVANTS; AND HE WILL TAKE THE TENTH OF YOUR SEED, AND OF YOUR VINEYARDS, AND GIVE THEM TO HIS OFFICERS AND TO HIS SERVANTS (by which we see that bribery, corruption, and favouritism are the standing vices of kings) AND HE WILL TAKE THE TENTH OF YOUR MEN SERVANTS, AND YOUR MAID SERVANTS, AND YOUR GOODLIEST YOUNG MEN AND YOUR ASSES, AND PUT THEM TO HIS WORK; AND HE WILL TAKE THE TENTH OF YOUR SHEEP, AND YE SHALL BE HIS SERVANTS, AND YE SHALL CRY OUT IN THAT DAY BECAUSE OF YOUR KING WHICH YE SHALL HAVE CHOSEN, AND THE LORD WILL NOT HEAR YOU IN THAT DAY. This accounts for the continuation of monarchy; neither do the characters of the few good kings which have lived since, either sanctify the title, or blot out the sinfulness of the origin; the high encomium given of David takes no notice of him OFFICIALLY AS A KING, but only as a MAN after God’s own heart. NEVERTHELESS THE PEOPLE REFUSED TO OBEY THE VOICE OF SAMUEL, AND THEY SAID, NAY, BUT WE WILL HAVE A KING OVER US, THAT WE MAY BE LIKE ALL THE NATIONS, AND THAT OUR KING MAY JUDGE US, AND GO OUT BEFORE US, AND FIGHT OUR BATTLES. Samuel continued to reason with them, but to no purpose; he set before them their ingratitude, but all would not avail; and seeing them fully bent on their folly, he cried out, I WILL CALL UNTO THE LORD, AND HE SHALL SEND THUNDER AND RAIN (which then was a punishment, being in the time of wheat harvest) THAT YE MAY PERCEIVE AND SEE THAT YOUR WICKEDNESS IS GREAT WHICH YE HAVE DONE IN THE SIGHT OF THE LORD, AND THE LORD SENT THUNDER AND RAIN THAT DAY, AND ALL THE PEOPLE GREATLY FEARED THE LORD AND SAMUEL. AND ALL THE PEOPLE SAID UNTO SAMUEL, PRAY FOR THY SERVANTS UNTO THE LORD THY GOD THAT WE DIE NOT, FOR WE HAVE ADDED UNTO OUR SINS THIS EVIL, TO ASK A KING. These portions of scripture are direct and positive. They admit of no equivocal construction. That the Almighty hath here entered his protest against monarchical government, is true, or the scripture is false. And a man hath good reason to believe that there is as much of kingcraft, as priestcraft,

Morgan

Sticky Note

Paine gives many different reasons as to why a monarchy is not a favorable ruling system including taxation, being under the king's power, having the king take your crops, and the corruption of the entire system.

Morgan

Sticky Note

Paine uses scripture to bluntly say that God is against the idea of a monarchy. He sends thunder and lightning down to smite those who ask for one and they repent for their sin.

Morgan

Highlight

Paine is saying that those who are against his argument that the monarchy is wrong are people who also go against the word of God.

Morgan

OED

The OED defines "priestcraft" as "the maintenance or extension of priestly power and influence; the practices and policy supporting this; priestly scheming, guile, or deceit. Paine goes on to compare the monarchy to the Papacy." Raymond Tumbleson, in his article "Catholicism in the Protestant Imagination: Nationalism, Religion, and Literature in Seventeeth-and Eighteenth-Century England," mentions the disdain that many people had towards the Papacy and Paine makes this clear by comparing Catholics to the Monarchy.


15

in withholding the scripture from the public in Popish countries. For monarchy in every instance is the Popery of government. To the evil of monarchy we have added that of hereditary succession; and as the first is a degradation and lessening of ourselves, so the second, claimed as a matter of right, is an insult and an imposition on posterity. For all men being originally equals, no ONE by BIRTH could have a right to set up his own family in perpetual preference to all others for ever, and though himself might deserve SOME decent degree of honours of his contemporaries, yet his descendants might be far too unworthy to inherit them. One of the strongest NATURAL proofs of the folly of hereditary right in kings, is, that nature disapproves it, otherwise she would not so frequently turn it into ridicule by giving mankind an ASS FOR A LION. Secondly, as no man at first could possess any other public honours than were bestowed upon him, so the givers of those honours could have no power to give away the right of posterity. And though they might say, “We choose you for OUR head,” they could not, without manifest injustice to their children, say, “that your children and your children’s children shall reign over OURS for ever.” Because such an unwise, unjust, unnatural compact might (perhaps) in the next succession put them under the government of a rogue or a fool. Most wise men, in their private sentiments, have ever treated hereditary right with contempt; yet it is one of those evils, which when once established is not easily emoved; many submit from fear, others from superstition, and the more powerful part shares with the king the plunder of the rest. This is supposing the present race of kings in the world to have had an honourable origin; whereas it is more than probable, that could we take off the dark covering of antiquities, and trace them to their first rise, that we should find the first of them nothing better than the principal ruffian of some restless gang, whose savage manners or preeminence in subtlety obtained the title of chief among plunderers; and who by increasing in power, and extending his depredations, overawed the quiet and defenseless to purchase their safety by frequent contributions. Yet his electors could have no idea of giving hereditary right to his descendants, because such a perpetual exclusion of themselves was incompatible with the free and

KG

"To plunder or lay waste; prey upon; pillage; ravage" (Webster's).

KG

Preeminence is when one is above the other. Having the power and being superior to others (dictionary.reference.com).

KG

Probable is the likeliness that something is going to happen. It is more likely going to happen then it not happening(Webster's).

HP_Administrator

Underline

KG

"A tough, lawless person; brutal bully" (Webster's).

KG

Rogue is "a dishonest person; scoundrel." Paine uses rogue here to describe what kind of government their children could be faced with one day: a government who is dishonest and untrustworthy (Webster's).

KG

Posterity is a term used to describe one's descendants in the future collectively(Webster's).

KG

Throughout history the word Lion is used in describing someone strong and powerful. Paine's phrase "ASS FOR A LION" is used for comparing one king to another. An "ASS" would be considered an unworthy king who was not as strong and brave as others. Giving mankind an "ASS FOR A LION" would be giving someone a weaker, lesser king and taking the "LION," a strong and powerful king(www.librarything.com/work/17411/reviews/).

KG

Contemporaries are people existing at the same time as the other. It is the living or occurring of something or someone in the present time(dictionary.reference.com).

KG

Popish is a term used when speaking about a Roman Catholic Church. In Popish countries the people belonged to Catholicism(Webster's).

HP_Administrator

Underline

KG

"A government or state in which the supreme power is actually or nominally lodged in a monarch. Supreme power or sovereignty held by a single person" (Webster's).

HP_Administrator

Sticky Note

Cancelled set by HP_Administrator

HP_Administrator

Sticky Note

None set by HP_Administrator


16

unrestrained principles they professed to live by. Wherefore, hereditary succession in the early ages of monarchy could not take place as a matter of claim, but as something casual or complemental; but as few or no records were extant in those days, and traditional history stuffed with fables, it was very easy, after the lapse of a few generations, to trump up some superstitious tale, conveniently timed, Mahomet like, to cram hereditary right down the throats of the vulgar. Perhaps the disorders which threatened, or seemed to threaten, on the decease of a leader and the choice of a new one (for elections among ruffians could not be very orderly) induced many at first to favour hereditary pretensions; by which means it happened, as it hath happened since, that what at first was submitted to as a convenience, was afterwards claimed as a right. England, since the conquest, hath known some few good monarchs, but groaned beneath a much larger number of bad ones; yet no man in his senses can say that their claim under William the Conqueror is a very honourable one. A French bastard landing with an armed banditti, and establishing himself king of England against the consent of the natives, is in plain terms a very paltry rascally original. It certainly hath no divinity in it. However, it is needless to spend much time in exposing the folly of hereditary right; if there are any so weak as to believe it, let them promiscuously worship the ass and lion, and welcome. I shall either copy their humility, nor disturb their devotion. Yet I should be glad to ask how they suppose kings came at first? The question admits but of three answers, viz. either by lot, by election, or by usurpation. If the first king was taken by lot, it establishes a precedent for the next, which excludes hereditary succession. Saul was by lot, yet the succession was not hereditary, neither does it appear from that transaction there was any intention it ever should be. If the first king of any country was by election, that likewise establishes a precedent for the next; for to say, that the RIGHT of all future generations is taken away, by the act of the first electors, in their choice not only of a king, but of a family of kings for ever, hath no parallel in or out of scripture but the doctrine of original sin, which supposes the free will of all men lost in Adam; and from such comparison, and it will admit of no other, hereditary succession can derive no glory. For as in Adam all sinned, and as in the first electors all men obeyed; as in the

KG

Mahomet

Paine may be making a contemporary reference to Mahomet, a play written in 1736 by the well known philosopher Francois-Marie Arouet, also known as Voltaire. The play focuses on the character Muhammed, the prophet of Islam (en.wikipedia.org). It is more likely that this is a direct, and quite negative, representation of Paine's view on the prophet Mahomet (Mohammed).

KG

William the Conqueror, victor of the Battle of Hastings, was born in 1028 in Normandy and grew up in a royal home. He was the Duke of Normandy in the years 1035-87. After Hastings he was crowned King of England in 1067. William reconfigured England, creating a new monarchy. His most revolutionary actions were the creation of a new constitutional church and his "concentration on a new set of political and intellectual ideas." According to standard histories, King William was a great man, building among other castles the Tower of London. He ruled England until his death in 1087 (Douglas 1964; www.sacklunch.net)

KG

Banditti is when one takes advantage in an unfair manner of others. They can be considered sneaky and a cheat (Webster's).

KG

A lot is a method people use for choosing or deciding something. "One of a set of objects, as straws or pebbles, drawn or thrown from a container to decide a question or choice by chance, the casting or drawing of such objects" (Webster's).

KG

"Illegal seizure or occupation of a throne."Usurpation is when one takes over something illegally or uses their authority in a wrongful manner (Webster's).

KG

Saul was the first king of Israel (Webster's).

KG

Adam was "the first man: husband of eve and progenitor of the human race" (Webster's).

KG

Folly is an act of being foolish. Being unwise or not having an understanding of something (Webster's).

KG

"The Norman Conquest of England began in 1066 with the invasion of the Kingdom of England by the troops of William, Duke of Normandy, and his victory at the battle of Hastings. This resulted in Norman control of England" (www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Norman_conquest_of_England).

KG

"Passing, or capable of passing, naturally from parent to offspring through the genes" (Webster's).


17

one all mankind were subjected to Satan, and in the other to Sovereignty; as our innocence was lost in the first, and our authority in the last; and as both disable us from reassuming some former state and privilege, it unanswerably follows that original sin and hereditary succession are parallels. Dishonourable rank! Inglorious connection! Yet the most subtle sophist cannot produce a juster simile. As to usurpation, no man will be so hardy as to defend it; and that William the Conqueror was an usurper is a fact not to be contradicted. The plain truth is, that the antiquity of English monarchy will not bear looking into. But it is not so much the absurdity as the evil of hereditary succession which concerns mankind. Did it ensure a race of good and wise men it would have the seal of divine authority, but as it opens a door to the FOOLISH, the WICKED, and the IMPROPER, it hath in it the nature of oppression. Men who look upon themselves born to reign, and others to obey, soon grow insolent; selected from the rest of mankind their minds are early poisoned by importance; and the world they act in differs so materially from the world at large, that they have but little opportunity of knowing its true interests, and when they succeed to the government are frequently the most ignorant and unfit of any throughout the dominions. Another evil which attends hereditary succession is, that the throne is subject to be possessed by a minor at any age; all which time the regency, acting under the cover of a king, have every opportunity and inducement to betray their trust. The same national misfortune happens, when a king, worn out with age and infirmity, enters the last stage of human weakness. In both these cases the public becomes a prey to every miscreant, who can tamper successfully with the follies either of age or infancy. The most plausible plea, which hath ever been offered in favour of hereditary succession, is, that it preserves a nation from civil wars; and were this true, it would be weighty; whereas, it is the most barefaced falsity ever imposed upon mankind. The whole history of England disowns the fact. Thirty kings and two minors have reigned in that distracted kingdom since the conquest, in which time there have been (including the Revolution) no less than eight

Robbie

Biblical Imagery

Paine once again evokes biblical imagery in order to establish a connection with his readers. In this case, he likens hereditary succession to original sin because Paine believes both of these concepts forsake human beings.

Robbie

Philosopher

A sophist is another word for a philosopher. Also, according to the Oxford English Dictionary it was also a term used to describe a person who provided instruction in ethical and intellectual matters in return for payment in Ancient Greece.

Robbie

The Conqueror

William the Conqueror (1066-1087 AD) was a prominent monarch in British history with whom Paine frequently references and draws comparisons. William, a Norman, usurped the British crown and seized control of the empire. Paine uses William as an example of the brutish conduct that occurred amongst English kings, further marring the image of British rule. Moreover, because William was one of the earliest English rulers, Paine believes that William's barbaric actions set a precedent for England's subsequent rulers (Britannia).

Robbie

Emphasis

Paine effectively uses capitalization and italicization to emphasize important words. In this line, Paine claims that hereditary succession "opens the door" to the "foolish," "wicked," and "improper."

Robbie

Hereditary Succession

Since succession in British rule was based on family line, a king could have been crowned at a very young age. Since these immature rulers lacked the experience of older people, these young kings were usually inept.

Robbie

Glorious Revolution

Though Paine is being vague, he is most likely referring to the "Glorious Revolution" from 1688-1689. During this time, James II was usurped by his son-in-law, William of Orange, because protestant supporters feared the establishment of a Catholic line of rule (Victorian Web).

Robbie

Hereditary Succession

Because succession of rule was based on family line, kings could be crowned at a very young age. Since these young monarchs lacked the experience of an adult ruler, they were frequently inept.


18

civil wars and nineteen rebellions. Wherefore instead of making for peace, it makes against it, and destroys the very foundation it seems to stand on. The contest for monarchy and succession, between the houses of York and Lancaster, laid England in a scene of blood for many years. Twelve pitched battles, besides skirmishes and sieges, were fought between Henry and Edward. Twice was Henry prisoner to Edward, who in his turn was prisoner to Henry. And so uncertain is the fate of war and the temper of a nation, when nothing but personal matters are the ground of a quarrel, that Henry was taken in triumph from a prison to a palace, and Edward obliged to fly from a palace to a foreign land; yet, as sudden transitions of temper are seldom lasting, Henry in his turn was driven from the throne, and Edward recalled to succeed him. The parliament always following the strongest side. This contest began in the reign of Henry the Sixth, and was not entirely extinguished till Henry the Seventh, in whom the families were united. Including a period of 67 years, viz. from 1422 to 1489. In short, monarchy and succession have laid (not this or that kingdom only) but the world in blood and ashes. ‘Tis a form of government which the word of God bears testimony against, and blood will attend it. If we inquire into the business of a king, we shall find that in some countries they have none; and after sauntering away their lives without pleasure to themselves or advantage to the nation, withdraw from the scene, and leave their successors to tread the same idle ground. In absolute monarchies the whole weight of business, civil and military, lies on the king; the children of Israel in their request for a king, urged this plea “that he may judge us, and go out before us and fight our battles.” But in countries where he is neither a judge nor a general, as in England, a man would be puzzled to know what IS his business. The nearer any government approaches to a republic the less business there is for a king. It is somewhat difficult to find a proper name for the government of England. Sir William Meredith calls it a republic; but in its present state it is unworthy of the name, because the corrupt influence of the crown, by having all the places in its disposal, hath so effectually swallowed

Robbie

War of the Roses

This conflict was known as the War of the Roses (1453-1487). In which the houses of York and Lancaster engaged in civil war. Eventually, the House of Lancaster won the war and the Tudor name preceded to rule England for the next 116 years (Wikipedia).

Robbie

Bias

Further emphasizing the corrupt British government, Paine states that the parliament always followed the stronger side and not necessarily the just side.

Robbie

Videlicet

Short for videlicet and frequently used by Paine, the OED defines this term as a word used to amplify or specify an explanation. The word is equivalent to "namely" and "that is to say."

Robbie

Useless

In other words, Paine is calling the King of England useless. Paine states that the monarch is in charge of business, civil, and military duties. If the king does not take up these tasks, Paine asks: Then what is he good for?

Robbie

Who is this guy?

Sir William Meredith (1724-1790) was an English politician and the third Baronet of Henbury, Chesire. According to the OED, a baronet is the lowest titled hereditary rank (History Home).

Robbie

Nice one, Paine.

Here, Paine takes a bold step by saying that not only has hereditary rule plagued Britain and the colonies, but the entire world as well. This amplification turns monarchies into a continental threat, thus expanding Paine's scope. Also notice Paine's diction: "blood" and "ashes" evoke vivid images.


19

up the power, and eaten out the virtue of the house of commons (the republican part in the constitution) that the government of England is nearly as monarchical as that of France or Spain. Men fall out with names without understanding them. For it is the republican and not the monarchical part of the constitution of England which Englishmen glory in, viz. the liberty of choosing an house of commons from out of their own body—and it is easy to see that when republican virtue fails, slavery ensues. Why is the constitution of England sickly, but because monarchy hath poisoned the republic, the crown hath engrossed the commons? In England a king hath little more to do than to make war and give away places; which in plain terms, is to impoverish the nation and set it together by the ears. A pretty business indeed for a man to be allowed eight hundred thousand sterling a year for, and worshipped into the bargain! Of more worth is one honest man to society and in the sight of God, than all the crowned ruffians that ever lived.


20

THOUGHTS ON THE PRESENT STATE OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS In the following pages I offer nothing more than simple facts, plain arguments, and common sense; and have no other Preliminaries to settle with the reader, than that he will divest himself of prejudice and prepossession, and suffer his reason and his feelings to determine for themselves; that he will put ON, or rather that he will not put OFF the true character of a man, and generously enlarge his views beyond the present day. Volumes have been written on the subject of the struggle between England and America. Men of all ranks have embarked in the controversy, from different motives, and with various designs; but all have been ineffectual, and the period of debate is closed. Arms, as the last resource, decide this contest; the appeal was the choice of the king, and the continent hath accepted the challenge. It hath been reported of the late Mr. Pelham (who tho’ an able minister was not without his faults) that on his being attacked in the house of commons, on the score, that his measures were only of a temporary kind, replied “THEY WILL LAST MY TIME.” Should a thought so fatal and unmanly possess the colonies in the present contest, the name of ancestors will be remembered by future generations with detestation. The sun never shined on a cause of greater worth. ‘Tis not the affair of a city, a county, a province, or a kingdom, but of a continent – of at least one eighth part of the habitable globe. ‘Tis not the concern of a day, a year, or an age; posterity are virtually involved in the contest, and will be more or less affected, even to the end of time, by the proceedings now. Now is the seed-time of continental union, faith and honour. The least fracture now will be like a name engraved with the point of a pin on the tender rind of a young oak; the wound will enlarge with the tree, and posterity read it in full grown characters. By referring the matter from argument to arms, a new aera for politics is struck; a new method of thinking hath arisen. All plans, proposals, &c. prior to the nineteenth of April, i. e. to the commencement of hostilities, are like the almanacs of the last year; which, though proper then are superseded and

Melissa Ihle

Henry Pelham

Lived from 1695 to 1754, Henry Pelham was an English statesman and Prime Minister in 1743 (Chambers).

Melissa Ihle

Nature and Hyperbole

The class discussed this line and deemed this a hyperbole Paine creates to emphasise the importance of what he discusses. He is also appealing to a general audience who would understand such a line, a comparison continued throughout this paragraph; "the wounds will enlarge with the tree." Paine is highlighting the seriousness of the situation in a way that laymen would have understood.

Melissa Ihle

king

Note the lack of capitalization; Paine is emphasizing a lack of power of the British rule in America by leaving the word, "king" common and not-capitalized.

Melissa Ihle

19th of April

The date of the Battles of Lexington and Concord. The "shot heard around the world," these battles began the American Revolution, thus, the point from "argument to arms" and a proverbial point of no return. Here, Paine is stating that all recent attempts at compromise and tolerance are obsolete.

Melissa Ihle

Posterity

Posterity here means involving all descendants of a common ancestor; Paine is giving a sense of timelessness to the issues and effects of these arguments and proceedings (OED).


21

useless now. Whatever was advanced by the advocates on either side of the question then, terminated in one and the same point. viz. a union with Great-Britain: the only difference between the parties was the method of effecting it; the one proposing force, the other friendship; but it hath so far happened that the first hath failed, and the second hath withdrawn her influence. As much hath been said of the advantages of reconciliation which, like an agreeable dream, hath passed away and left us as we were, it is but right, that we should examine the contrary side of the argument, and inquire into some of the many material injuries which these colonies sustain, and always will sustain, by being connected with, and dependent on Great Britain: To examine that connection and dependence, on the principles of nature and common sense, to see what we have to trust to, if separated, and what we are to expect, if dependant. I have heard it asserted by some, that as America hath flourished under her former connection with Great Britain that the same connection is necessary towards her future happiness, and will always have the same effect. Nothing can be more fallacious than this kind of argument. We may as well assert that because a child has thrived upon milk that it is never to have meat, or that the first twenty years of our lives is to become a precedent for the next twenty. But even this is admitting more than is true, for I answer roundly, that America would have flourished as much, and probably much more, had no European power had any thing to do with her. The commerce, by which she hath enriched herself, are the necessaries of life, and will always have a market while eating is the custom of Europe. But she has protected us, say some. That she has engrossed us is true, and defended the continent at our expense as well as her own is admitted, and she would have defended Turkey from the same motive, viz. the sake of trade and dominion. Alas, we have been long led away by ancient prejudices, and made large sacrifices to superstition. We have boasted the protection of Great Britain, without considering, that her motive was INTEREST not ATTACHMENT; that she did not protect us from OUR ENEMIES on OUR

Melissa Ihle

fallacious

Fallacious in this context is a syllogism or mocking expectation. This introduces a hyperbolic example of raising a child solely on milk to elaborate on the colonies not reaching their full potential because of Great Britain's limits (OED).

Melissa Ihle

she (Great Britain)

She is referring to Great Britain. The reference seemingly personifies the nation as a source of nurture and protection, but Paine continues to show the limitations of the benefits of European involvement.

Melissa Ihle

Viz.

Viz. is an abbreviation for videlicet an adverb meaning to say; "used to introduce an amplification, or more precise or explicit explanation, of a previous statement or word" (OED).

Melissa Ihle

Viz.

See previous definition.


22

ACCOUNT, but from HER ENEMIES on HER OWN ACCOUNT, from those who had no quarrel with us on any OTHER ACCOUNT, and who will always be our enemies on the SAME ACCOUNT. Let Britain wave her pretensions to the continent, or the continent throw off the dependence, and we should be at peace with France and Spain were they at war with Britain. The miseries of Hanover last war ought to warn us against connections. It has lately been asserted in parliament, that the colonies have no relation to each other but through the parent country, i. e. that Pennsylvania and the Jerseys, and so on for the rest, are sister colonies by the way of England; this is certainly a very round-about way of proving relationship, but it is the nearest and only true way of proving enemyship, if I may so call it. France and Spain never were, nor perhaps ever will be our enemies as AMERICANS, but as our being the subjects of GREAT BRITAIN. But Britain is the parent country, say some. Then the more shame upon her conduct. Even brutes do not devour their young, nor savages make war upon their families; wherefore the assertion, if true, turns to her reproach; but it happens not to be true, or only partly so and the phrase PARENT or MOTHER COUNTRY hath been jesuitically adopted by the king and his parasites, with a low papistical design of gaining an unfair bias on the credulous weakness of our minds. Europe, and not England, is the parent country of America. This new world hath been the asylum for the persecuted lovers of civil and religious liberty from EVERY PART of Europe. Hither have they fled, not from the tender embraces of the mother, but from the cruelty of the monster; and it is so far true of England, that the same tyranny which drove the first emigrants from home, pursues their descendants still. In this extensive quarter of the globe, we forget the narrow limits of three hundred and sixty miles (the extent of England) and carry our friendship on a larger scale; we claim brotherhood with every European Christian, and triumph in the generosity of the sentiment. It is pleasant to observe by what regular gradations we surmount the force of local prejudice, as we enlarge our acquaintance with the world. A man born

Enemyship

Chris Laferty

Being a sister colony of Britain does not prove to be a good relationship, but rather a state of being enemies.

Outside Britain

Chris Laferty

While France and Spain might not see an independent American nation as any sort of threat, they will treat American colonies of Britain as equally responsible with Britain for the mother country's actions.

Loyalists

Chris Laferty

The "some" Paine is referring to are the loyalists who sided with England before and during the Revolutionary War.

Jesuitically

Chris Laferty

Webster Dictionary: Jesuitically- and adverb for the word jesuitic, meaning a cunning schemer or a cunning dissembler.

Britains View

Chris Laferty

Before and during the war, some Colonists were constantly weighing the pros and cons of rebelling against Great Britain. In the English's eyes, the Colonists were weak and unable to defend themselves against invasion by other countries and therefore needed England to protect them. Such a thought process gave the British the notion that the bulk of Colonists would follow them blindly and never ask any questions.

The Puritans

Chris Laferty

Referring the the Puritans who traveled over from England in the 1620's and settled in various places along the Northern Atlantic Seaboard; most notably in Salem where the famous witch trials were held.


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in any town in England divided into parishes, will naturally associate most with his fellow-parishioners (because their interests in many cases will be common) and distinguish him by the name of NEIGHBOUR; if he meet him but a few miles from home, he drops the narrow idea of a street, and salutes him by the name of TOWNSMAN; if he travel out of the county, and meet him in any other, he forgets the minor divisions of street and town, and calls him COUNTRYMAN, i. e. COUNTRYMAN; but if in their foreign excursions they should associate in France or any other part of EUROPE, their local remembrance would be enlarged into that of ENGLISHMEN. And by a just parity of reasoning, all Europeans meeting in America, or any other quarter of the globe, are COUNTRYMEN; for England, Holland, Germany, or Sweden, when compared with the whole, stand in the same places on the larger scale, which the divisions of street, town, and county do on the smaller ones; distinctions too limited for continental minds. Not one third of the inhabitants, even of this province, are of English descent. Wherefore I reprobate the phrase of parent or mother country applied to England only, as being false, selfish, narrow and ungenerous. But admitting, that we were all of English descent, what does it amount to? Nothing. Britain, being now an open enemy, extinguishes every other name and title: And to say that reconciliation is our duty, is truly farcical. The first king of England, of the present line (William the Conqueror) was a Frenchman, and half the Peers of England are descendants from the same country; therefore, by the same method of reasoning, England ought to be governed by France. Much hath been said of the united strength of Britain and the colonies, that in conjunction they might bid defiance to the world. But this is mere presumption; the fate of war is uncertain, neither do the expressions mean any thing; for this continent would never suffer itself to be drained of inhabitants, to support the British arms in either Asia, Africa, or Europe. Besides what have we to do with setting the world at defiance? Our plan is commerce, and that, well attended to, will secure us the peace and friendship of all Europe; because, it is the interest of all Europe to have America a FREE PORT. Her trade will always be a protection, and her barrenness of gold and silver secure her from invaders.

A Change Through Time

Chris Laferty

There has been so much time that has past since the first settlers that came to the Colonies, that there are hardly any actual Englishmen left. Most of the population are Colonists, not British.

Identity

Chris Laferty

England has its national identity in the world, whereas the Colonies do not.

William the Conqueror

Chris Laferty

Duke William II of Normandy and King William I of England. Born in Falaise in 1027. Battled with Henry I and drove him from Normandy in 1060. Became King of England in 1066.

You Are Who You Come From

Chris Laferty

If whom you are a descendent of determines who ultimately rules you, then England should be ruled by France, since William the Conqueror was of French descent. In other words, the English are being hypocritical.

The Fench and Indian War

Chris Laferty

From 1758 to 1763, the Colonists aided Britain in what was known as the seven year war, or as it is more commonly known in North America, "The French and Indian War." This war, won by Britain, gave them control of most of the land east of the Mississippi. Britain and France signed the Treaty of Paris in 1763 and Britain went on to tax the Colonies heavily in order to pay for the war. It could easily be seen as a prologue to the Revolutionary War.


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I challenge the warmest advocate for reconciliation, to shew, a single advantage that this continent can reap, by being connected with Great Britain. I repeat the challenge, not a single advantage is derived. Our corn will fetch its price in any market in Europe, and our imported goods must be paid for, buy them where we will. But the injuries and disadvantages we sustain by that connection, are without number; and our duty to mankind at large, as well as to ourselves, instruct us to renounce the alliance: Because, any submission to, or dependence on Great Britain, tends directly to involve this continent in European wars and quarrels; and sets us at variance with nations, who would otherwise seek our friendship, and against whom, we have neither anger nor complaint. As Europe is our market for trade, we ought to form no partial connection with any part of it. It is the true interest of America to steer clear of European contentions, which she never can do, while by her dependence on Britain, she is made the make-weight in the scale of British politics. Europe is too thickly planted with kingdoms to be long at peace, and whenever a war breaks out between England and any foreign power, the trade of America goes to ruin, BECAUSE OF HER CONNECTION WITH ENGLAND. The next war may not turn out like the last, and should it not, the advocates for reconciliation now, will be wishing for separation then, because, neutrality in that case, would be a safer convoy than a man of war. Every thing that is right or natural pleads for separation. The blood of the slain, the weeping voice of nature cries, ‘TIS TIME TO PART. Even the distance at which the Almighty hath placed England and America, is a strong and natural proof, that the authority of the one, over the other, was never the design of Heaven. The time likewise at which the continent was discovered, adds weight to the argument, and the manner in which it was peopled increases the force of it. The reformation was preceded by the discovery of America, as if the Almighty graciously meant to open a sanctuary to the Persecuted in future years, when home should afford neither friendship nor safety. The authority of Great Britain over this continent, is a form of government, which sooner or later must have an end: And a serious mind can draw no true pleasure by looking forward under the painful and positive conviction,

Paula Levick

Highlight

"Make-weight" is being used in this instance to mean, "a person or thing of insignificant value introduced to make up a deficiency or fill a gap" (OED).

Paula Levick

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Paula Levick

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The American Revolution started with the battle of Lexington and Concord in Massachusetts, on April 19, 1775. The war did not end until the Treaty of Paris was signed on September 3, 1783. The treaty was then ratified by the Continental Congress on January 4, 1784. America was now recognized as its own nation, separate from Britain (Dates of the American Revolution).

Paula Levick

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Corn laws were in effect in Britain from 1661-1861. These laws were originally called Acts for the Encouragement of Tillage. These laws, "embodied efforts to keep a balance between an economic agriculture and a well fed population when local, national and world crop prices fluctuated uncontrollably and only long distance transport was by water" (Companion to British History).

Paula Levick

Common Sense

Marked set by Paula Levick

Paula Levick

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There were 5 active European "kingdoms" who were seeking to build their empires in the eighteenth century. They were Britain, France, Russia, Prussia, and Austria. Britain and France wanted to expand Europe beyond her boundaries, and Prussia and Austria wanted an internal extension of boundaries (Europe: Privelege and Protest).

Paula Levick

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Christoper Columbus first discovered America in 1492, when he was on a voyage to find Asia. He discovered parts of the Americas which became known as the New World. The Papal Line of Demarcation of 1493 gave Spain control over all "heathen lands" lying west of a line drawn from North to South Pole, 370 leagues to the west of the Cape Verde Islands (United States to 1877).

Paula Levick

Highlight

As seen in previous pages of Common Sense, Paine infuses his pages with Biblical lingo. Here he is using "Almighty" an another name for God (PL).

Paula Levick

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Here convoy means the protection of an escorting force (OED). I think that Paine is telling readers that now is the time to act! In the future, the people who want reconciliation may have no other choice but to remain neutral (PL).

Paula Levick

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Here Paine is trying to convince readers that staying connected to Great Britain will bring all of Europe's problems onto America. There are countries that America had as allies, but because she was linked with Great Britain, these countries would then become America's enemies (PL).


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that what he calls “the present constitution” is merely temporary. As parents, we can have no joy, knowing that THIS GOVERNMENT is not sufficiently lasting to ensure any thing which we may bequeath to posterity: And by a plain method of argument, as we are running the next generation into debt, we ought to do the work of it, otherwise we use them meanly and pitifully. In order to discover the line of our duty rightly, we should take our children in our hand, and fix our station a few years farther into life; that eminence will present a prospect, which a few present fears and prejudices conceal from our sight. Though I would carefully avoid giving unnecessary offense, yet I am inclined to believe, that all those who espouse the doctrine of reconciliation, may be included within the following descriptions. Interested men, who are not to be trusted; weak men, who CANNOT see; prejudiced men, who WILL NOT see; and a certain set of moderate men, who think better of the European world than it deserves; and this last class, by an ill-judged deliberation, will be the cause of more calamities to this continent, than all the other three. It is the good fortune of many to live distant from the scene of sorrow; the evil is not sufficient brought to their doors to make THEM feel the precariousness with which all American property is possessed. But let our imaginations transport us for a few moments to Boston, that seat of wretchedness will teach us wisdom, and instruct us for ever to renounce a power in whom we can have no trust. The inhabitants of that unfortunate city, who but a few months ago were in ease and affluence, have now, no other alternative than to stay and starve, or turn and beg. Endangered by the fire of their friends if they continue within the city, and plundered by the soldiery if they leave it. In their present condition they are prisoners without the hope of redemption, and in a general attack for their relief, they would be exposed to the fury of both armies. Men of passive tempers look somewhat lightly over the offenses of Britain, and, still hoping for the best, are apt to call out, “COME, COME, WE SHALL BE FRIENDS AGAIN, FOR ALL THIS.” But examine the passions and feelings of mankind, Bring the doctrine of reconciliation to the touchstone of nature, and then tell me, whether you can hereafter love, honor, and faithfully serve the power that hath carried fire and sword into

Paula Levick

Highlight

Paine means "meanly" in the sense of indifferently, ill, poorly, bad (OED).

Paula Levick

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Paine is using pitifully here to mean meagerly, feebly, inadequately, insignificantly, despicably or contemptibly (OED).

Paula Levick

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Here Paine is referring to Boston. The British sieged the city on April 19, 1775. The British did not evacuate the city until March 17, 1776 (Dates of the American Revolution).

Paula Levick

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I think that Paine is using "interested men" to refer to people who want to be joined with England solely out of selfish reasons. These people are only looking out for their own interests and not for those of the country as a whole. They do not want to risk a revolution because they are afraid of losing things such as property, social status, or wealth (PL).

Paula Levick

Highlight

I think that Paine is talking about how parents should consider what the future will be like for their children. He is asking for them to not be selfish and only consider what their life would be like but rather to consider their children's future as well (PL).

Paula Levick

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The Oxford English Dictionary describes touchstone as, "that which serves to test or try the genuineness or value of anything; a test, criterion" (OED). Here Paine is asking readers to bring the "doctrine of reconciliation to a test. After it is tested, he is asking them if they are still able to be linked to England in a peaceful way. He is posing the readers with the thought that there is no way for reconciliation with England to occur because of how England has treated America (PL).

Paula Levick

Highlight

The Oxford English Dictionary defines bequeath as something to deliver, bestow, give, yield, or furnish. Paine is telling the readers that the current government has nothing to offer America to ensure her a prosperous future (OED).


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your land? If you cannot do all these, then are you only deceiving yourselves, and by your delay bringing ruin upon posterity. Your future connection with Britain, whom you can neither love nor honor will be forced and unnatural, and being formed only on the plan of present convenience, will in a little time fall into a relapse more wretched than the first. But if you say, you can still pass the violations over, then I ask, Hath your house been burnt? Hath your property been destroyed before your face! Are your wife and children destitute of a bed to lie on, or bread to live on? Have you lost a parent or a child by their hands, and yourself the ruined and wretched survivor! If you have not, then are you not a judge of those who have. But if you have, and still can shake hands with the murderers, then are you unworthy of the name of husband, father, friend, or lover, and whatever may be your rank or title in life, you have the heart of a coward, and the spirit of a sycophant. This is not inflaming or exaggerating matters, but trying them by those feelings and affections which nature justifies, and without which, we should be incapable of discharging the social duties of life, or enjoying the felicities of it. I mean not to exhibit horror for the purpose of provoking revenge, but to awaken us from fatal and unmanly slumbers, that we may pursue determinately some fixed object. It is not in the power of Britain or of Europe to conquer America, if she do not conquer herself by DELAY and TIMIDITY. The present winter is worth an age if rightly employed, but if lost or neglected, the whole continent will partake of the misfortune; and there is no punishment which that man will not deserve, be he who, or what, or where he will, that may be the means of sacrificing a season so precious and useful. It is repugnant to reason, to the universal order of things, to all examples from former ages, to suppose, that this continent can longer remain subject to any external power. The most sanguine in Britain does not think so. The utmost stretch of human wisdom cannot, at this time, compass a plan short of separation, which can promise the continent even a year’s security. Reconciliation is NOW a fallacious dream. Nature hath deserted the connection, and Art cannot supply her place. For, as Milton wisely expresses, “never can true reconcilement grow, where wounds of deadly hate have pierced so deep.”


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Every quiet method for peace hath been ineffectual. Our prayers have been rejected with disdain; and only tended to convince us, that nothing flatters vanity, or confirms obstinacy in Kings more than repeated petitioning – and nothing hath contributed more than that very measure to make the Kings of Europe absolute: Witness Denmark and Sweden. Wherefore, since nothing but blows will do, for God’s sake, let us come to a final separation, and not leave the next generation to be cutting throats, under the violated unmeaning names of parent and child. To say, they will never attempt it again is idle and visionary, we thought so at the repeal of the stamp-act, yet a year or two undeceived us; as well may we suppose that nations, which have been once defeated, will never renew the quarrel. As to government matters, it is not in the power of Britain to do this continent justice: The business of it will soon be too weighty, and intricate, to be managed with any tolerable degree of convenience, by a power so distant from us, and so very ignorant of us; for if they cannot conquer us, they cannot govern us. To be always running three or four thousand miles with a tale or a petition, waiting four or five months for an answer, which when obtained requires five or six more to explain it in, will in a few years be looked upon as folly and childishness – There was a time when it was proper, and there is a proper time for it to cease. Small islands not capable of protecting themselves, are the proper objects for kingdoms to take under their care; but there is something very absurd, in supposing a continent to be perpetually governed by an island. In no instance hath nature made the satellite larger than its primary planet, and as England and America, with respect to each other, reverses the common order of nature, it is evident they belong to different systems; England to Europe, America to itself. I am not induced by motives of pride, party, or resentment to espouse the doctrine of separation and independance; I am clearly, positively, and conscientiously persuaded that it is the true interest of this continent to be so; that every thing short of THAT is mere patchwork, that it can afford no lasting felicity, – that it is leaving the sword to our children, and shrinking


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back at a time, when, a little more, a little farther, would have rendered this continent the glory of the earth. As Britain hath not manifested the least inclination towards a compromise, we may be assured that no terms can be obtained worthy the acceptance of the continent, or any ways equal to the expense of blood and treasure we have been already put to. The object, contended for, ought always to bear some just proportion to the expense. The removal of North, or the whole detestable junto, is a matter unworthy the millions we have expended. A temporary stoppage of trade, was an inconvenience, which would have sufficiently balanced the repeal of all the acts complained of, had such repeals been obtained; but if the whole continent must take up arms, if every man must be a soldier, it is scarcely worth our while to fight against a contemptible ministry only. Dearly, dearly, do we pay for the repeal of the acts, if that is all we fight for; for in a just estimation, it is as great a folly to pay a Bunker-hill price for law, as for land. As I have always considered the independancy of this continent, as an event, which sooner or later must arrive, so from the late rapid progress of the continent to maturity, the event could not be far off. Wherefore, on the breaking out of hostilities, it was not worth while to have disputed a matter, which time would have finally redressed, unless we meant to be in earnest; otherwise, it is like wasting an estate on a suit at law, to regulate the trespasses of a tenant, whose lease is just expiring. No man was a warmer wisher for reconciliation than myself, before the fatal nineteenth of April 1775, but the moment the event of that day was made known, I rejected the hardened, sullen tempered Pharaoh of England for ever; and disdain the wretch, that with the pretended title of FATHER OF HIS PEOPLE can unfeelingly hear of their slaughter, and composedly sleep with their blood upon his soul. But admitting that matters were now made up, what would be the event? I answer, the ruin of the continent. And that for several reasons. FIRST. The powers of governing still remaining in the hands of the king, he will have a negative over the whole legislation of this continent. And as he hath shewn himself such an inveterate enemy to liberty, and discovered such


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a thirst for arbitrary power; is he, or is he not, a proper man to say to these colonies, “YOU SHALL MAKE NO LAWS BUT WHAT I PLEASE.” And is there any inhabitant in America so ignorant as not to know, that according to what is called the PRESENT CONSTITUTION, that this continent can make no laws but what the king gives leave to; and is there any man so unwise, as not to see, that (considering what has happened) he will suffer no law to be made here, but such as suit HIS purpose. We may be as effectually enslaved by the want of laws in America, as by submitting to laws made for us in England. After matters are made up (as it is called) can there be any doubt, but the whole power of the crown will be exerted, to keep this continent as low and humble as possible? Instead of going forward we shall go backward, or be perpetually quarrelling or ridiculously petitioning. – WE are already greater than the king wishes us to be, and will he not hereafter endeavour to make us less? To bring the matter to one point. Is the power who is jealous of our prosperity, a proper power to govern us? Whoever says No to this question, is an INDEPENDANT, for independancy means no more, than, whether we shall make our own laws, or whether the king, the greatest enemy this continent hath, or can have, shall tell us “THERE SHALL BE NO LAWS BUT SUCH AS I LIKE.” But the king you will say has a negative in England; the people there can make no laws without his consent. In point of right and good order, there is something very ridiculous, that a youth of twenty-one (which hath often happened) shall say to several millions of people, older and wiser than himself, I forbid this or that act of yours to be law. But in this place I decline this sort of reply, though I will never cease to expose the absurdity of it, and only answer, that England being the King’s residence, and America not so, makes quite another case. The king’s negative HERE is ten times more dangerous and fatal than it can be in England, for THERE he will scarcely refuse his consent to a bill for putting England into as strong a state of defense as possible, and in America he would never suffer such a bill to be passed. America is only a secondary object in the system of British politics, England consults the good of THIS country, no farther than it answers her OWN purpose. Wherefore, her own interest leads her to suppress the growth of OURS in every case which doth not promote her advantage, or in


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the least interferes with it. A pretty state we should soon be in under such a secondhand government, considering what has happened! Men do not change from enemies to friends by the alteration of a name: And in order to shew that reconciliation now is a dangerous doctrine, I affirm, THAT IT WOULD BE POLICY IN THE KING AT THIS TIME, TO REPEAL THE ACTS FOR THE SAKE OF REINSTATING HIMSELF IN THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PROVINCES; in order, that HE MAY ACCOMPLISH BY CRAFT AND SUBTLETY, IN THE LONG RUN, WHAT HE CANNOT DO BY FORCE AND VIOLENCE IN THE SHORT ONE. Reconciliation and ruin are nearly related. SECONDLY. That as even the best terms, which we can expect to obtain, can amount to no more than a temporary expedient, or a kind of government by guardianship, which can last no longer than till the colonies come of age, so the general face and state of things, in the interim, will be unsettled and unpromising. Emigrants of property will not choose to come to a country whose form of government hangs but by a thread, and who is every day tottering on the brink of commotion and disturbance; and numbers of the present inhabitants would lay hold of the interval, to dispense of their effects, and quit the continent. But the most powerful of all arguments, is, that nothing but independence, i.e. a continental form of government, can keep the peace of the continent and preserve it inviolate from civil wars. I dread the event of a reconciliation with Britain now, as it is more than probable, that it will be followed by a revolt somewhere or other, the consequences of which may be far more fatal than all the malice of Britain. Thousands are already ruined by British barbarity; (thousands more will probably suffer the same fate.) Those men have other feelings than us who have nothing suffered. All they NOW possess is liberty, what they before enjoyed is sacrificed to its service, and having nothing more to lose, they disdain submission. Besides, the general temper of the colonies, towards a British government, will be like that of a youth, who is nearly out of his time; they will care very little about her. And a government which cannot preserve the peace, is no government at all, and in that case we pay our money for


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nothing; and pray what is it that Britain can do, whose power will be wholly on paper, should a civil tumult break out the very day after reconciliation! I have heard some men say, many of whom I believe spoke without thinking, that they dreaded an independence, fearing that it would produce civil wars. It is but seldom that our first thoughts are truly correct, and that is the case here; for there are ten times more to dread from a patched up connection than from independence. I make the sufferers case my own, and I protest, that were I driven from house and home, my property destroyed, and my circumstances ruined, that as man, sensible of injuries, I could never relish the doctrine of reconciliation, or consider myself bound thereby. The colonies have manifested such a spirit of good order and obedience to continental government, as is sufficient to make every reasonable person easy and happy on that head. No man can assign the least pretence for his fears, on any other grounds, than such as are truly childish and ridiculous, viz. that one colony will be striving for superiority over another. Where there are no distinctions there can be no superiority, perfect equality affords no temptation. The republics of Europe are all (and we may say always) in peace. Holland and Switzerland are without wars, foreign or domestic: Monarchical governments, it is true, are never long at rest; the crown itself is a temptation to enterprising ruffians at HOME; and that degree of pride and insolence ever attendant on regal authority, swells into a rupture with foreign powers, in instances, where a republican government, by being formed on more natural principles, would negotiate the mistake. If there is any true cause of fear respecting independence, it is because no plan is yet laid down. Men do not see their way out – Wherefore, as an opening into that business, I offer the following hints; at the same time modestly affirming, that I have no other opinion of them myself, than that they may be the means of giving rise to something better. Could the straggling thoughts of individuals be collected, they would frequently form materials for wise and able men to improve into useful matter. LET the assemblies be annual, with a President only. The representation more equal. Their business wholly domestic, and subject to the authority of a Continental Congress.


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Let each colony be divided into six, eight, or ten, convenient districts, each district to send a proper number of delegates to Congress, so that each colony send at least thirty. The whole number in Congress will be at least 390. Each Congress to sit and to choose a president by the following method. When the delegates are met, let a colony be taken from the whole thirteen colonies by lot, after which, let the whole Congress choose (by ballot) a president from out of the delegates of that province. In the next Congress, let a colony be taken by lot from twelve only, omitting that colony from which the president was taken in the former Congress, and so proceeding on till the whole thirteen shall have had their proper rotation. And in order that nothing may pass into a law but what is satisfactorily just not less than three fifths of the Congress to be called a majority – He that will promote discord, under a government so equally formed as this, would have joined Lucifer in his revolt. But as there is a peculiar delicacy, from whom, or in what manner, this business must first arise, and as it seems most agreeable and consistent, that it should come from some intermediate body between the governed and the governors, that is, between the Congress and the people. Let a CONTINENTAL CONFERENCE be held, in the following manner, and for the following purpose. A committee of twenty-six members of Congress, viz. two for each colony. Two Members from each House of Assembly, or Provincial Convention; and five representatives of the people at large, to be chosen in the capital city or town of each province, for and in behalf of the whole province, by as many qualified voters as shall think proper to attend from all parts of the province for that purpose; or, if more convenient, the representatives may be chosen in two or three of the most populous parts thereof. In this conference, thus assembled, will be united, the two grand principles of business KNOWLEDGE and POWER. The members of Congress, Assemblies, or Conventions, by having had experience in national concerns, will be able and useful counsellors, and the whole, being empowered by the people, will have a truly legal authority. The conferring members being met, let their business be to frame a

Jessi

Forming a government

In this section the prose of Paine seems to diminish slightly. He suddenly becomes very lawyerly and proper, talking about how the government should be formed amongst the thirteen colonies.

Jessi

Churchly

For someone promoting the break from England, he talks as if a member of the church. Could this be used against him and his reasons for the break to begin with?

Jessi

viz.

According to the OED, viz. is an abbreviation of the word videlicet. Videlicet means "to wit: used to introduce an amplification, or more precise or explicit explanation, of a previous statement or word."

Jessi

Continetal Conference

Did this happen? Did Paine help form the government we know today by stating how we should go about forming such a government? Later on in Common Sense, Paine says, "The present time, likewise, is that peculiar time which never happens to a nation but once, viz., the time of forming itself into a government. Most nations have let slip the opportunity, and by that means have been compelled to receive laws from their conquerors, instead of making laws for themselves. First, they had a king, and then a form of government; whereas the articles or charter of government should be formed first, and men delegated to execute them afterwards; but from the errors of other nations let us learn wisdom, and lay hold of the present opportunity-- TO BEGIN GOVERNMENT AT THE RIGHT END" (Common Sense 42). Not only do I believe he was talking about his "present time," but I believe he's predicting about ours.


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CONTINENTAL CHARTER, or Charter of the United Colonies; (answering to what is called the Magna Carta of England) fixing the number and manner of choosing members of Congress, members of Assembly, with their date of sitting, and drawing the line of business and jurisdiction between them: (Always remembering, that our strength is continental, not provincial:) Securing freedom and property to all men, and above all things, the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience; with such other matter as is necessary for a charter to contain. Immediately after which, the said Conference to dissolve, and the bodies which shall be chosen comformable to the said charter, to be the legislators and governors of this continent for the time being: Whose peace and happiness may God preserve, Amen. Should any body of men be hereafter delegated for this or some similar purpose, I offer them the following extracts from that wise observer on governments DRAGONETTI. “The science” says he “of the politician consists in fixing the true point of happiness and freedom. Those men would deserve the gratitude of ages, who should discover a mode of government that contained the greatest sum of individual happiness, with the least national expense.”[1] But where, says some, is the King of America? I’ll tell you. Friend, he reigns above, and doth not make havoc of mankind like the Royal Brute of Britain. Yet that we may not appear to be defective even in earthly honors, let a day be solemnly set apart for proclaiming the charter; let it be brought forth placed on the divine law, the word of God; let a crown be placed thereon, by which the world may know, that so far as we approve of monarchy, that in America THE LAW IS KING. For as in absolute governments the King is law, so in free countries the law OUGHT to be King; and there ought to be no other. But lest any ill use should afterwards arise, let the crown at the conclusion of the ceremony, be demolished, and scattered among the people whose right it is. A government of our own is our natural right: And when a man seriously reflects on the precariousness of human affairs, he will become convinced, that it is infinitely wiser and safer, to form a constitution of our own in a cool deliberate manner, while we have it in our power, than to trust such an

Jessi

Magna Carta

According to The Lacock Abbey Manga Carta, "The initial Magna Carta, the instrument which received King John's assent at Runnymede in June 1215 and which is inseparably linked with his name, retained its legal validity for little more than nine weeks, being annulled on 24 August by Pope Innocent III. in virtue of his apostolic authority rather then of his feudal rights as overlord of England."

Jessi

Definition

The word should be conformable, not comformable. According to the OED, conformable means "according in form or character to (a standard or pattern); similar, resembling, like."

Jessi

Churchly 2

Paine seems to get preachy and churchly again. Is he talking about God as "the King of America"?


34

interesting event to time and chance. If we omit it now, some[2] Massanello may hereafter arise, who laying hold of popular disquietudes, may collect together the desperate and the discontented, and by assuming to themselves the powers of government, may sweep away the liberties of the continent like a deluge. Should the government of America return again into the hands of Britain, the tottering situation of things will be a temptation for some desperate adventurer to try his fortune; and in such a case, that relief can Britain give? Ere she could hear the news, the fatal business might be done; and ourselves suffering like the wretched Britons under the oppression of the Conqueror. Ye that oppose independence now, ye know not what ye do; ye are opening a door to eternal tyranny, by keeping vacant the seat of government. There are thousands, and tens of thousands, who would think it glorious to expel from the continent that barbarous and hellish power, which hath stirred up the Indians and Negroes to destroy us; the cruelty hath a double guilt, it is dealing brutally by us, and treacherously by them. To talk of friendship with those in whom our reason forbids us to have faith, and our affections wounded through a thousand pores instruct us to detest, is madness and folly. Every day wears out the little remains of kindred between us and them, and can there be any reason to hope, that as the relationship expires, the affection will increase, or that we shall agree better, when we have ten times more and greater concerns to quarrel over than ever? Ye that tell us of harmony and reconciliation, can ye restore to us the time that is past? Can ye give to prostitution its former innocence? Neither can ye reconcile Britain and America. The last cord now is broken, the people of England are presenting addresses against us. There are injuries which nature cannot forgive; she would cease to be nature if she did. As well can the lover forgive the ravisher of his mistress, as the continent forgive the murders of Britain. The Almighty hath implanted in us these unextinguishable feelings for good and wise purposes. They are the guardians of his image in our hearts. They distinguish us from the herd of common animals. The social compact would dissolve, and justice be extirpated the earth, or have only a casual existence were we callous to the touches of affection. The robber, and the murderer, would often escape unpunished, did not the injuries which our tempers sustain, provoke us into justice.

Theresa A Miro

William the Conqueror

Paine is referring to William the Conqueror who was known as "The Conqueror" or "The Bastard" (in French "Guillaume le Bâtard") and his Normans who seized England at the Battle of Hastings. He merged his customs with those of the natives and instituted a sort of feudalism which made the monarchy stronger; he punished any rebels by confiscating their lands and established the creation of the Doomsday Book to keep tabs on land and its owners in order to establish a tax base (www.britannia.com/history/monarchs/mon22.html).

Theresa A Miro

uneasiness

According to the OED, disquietudes are feelings, occasions, or causes of disquiet or uneasiness; a disquieting circumstance.

Theresa A Miro

robber & murderer

Here Paine is saying that if someone were to steal from them or cause any injustices, the perpetrator would be brought to justice and punished for his crimes. He is pointing out that England is no different; she is the robber and the murderer that has injured them so and it is now time to bring upon her their justice and serve her her rightful punishment: revolution.

Theresa A Miro

addresses

The OED states that an address is the action of making ready, the state of being ready, preparation. Paine wants America to go to battle against Britain and tries to encourage it by stating that England is already making preparations against them while they are still sitting there debating on whether or not to rebel.


35

O ye that love mankind! Ye that dare oppose, not only the tyranny, but the tyrant, stand forth! Every spot of the old world is overrun with oppression. Freedom hath been hunted round the globe. Asia, and Africa, have long expelled her – Europe regards her like a stranger, and England hath given her warning to depart. O! receive the fugitive, and prepare in time an asylum for mankind.

Theresa A Miro

asylum

Harvey J. Kaye states that "Paine envisioned the United States serving not only as a refuge, but also as a model, and in time a champion, of freedom and republican democracy" (www.tompaine.com/articles/2006/01/10/regaining_our_common_sense.php).

Theresa A Miro

stranger

Paine is saying that no one paid much attention to America; England sent them there to colonize the land and left them to do what they wish, so why should she start enforcing her rule on them now? It is too late for England to take back the freedoms America now possesses and it is mankind's duty to stand up and fight for that freedom.


36

OF THE PRESENT ABILITY OF AMERICA, WITH SOME MISCELLANEOUS REFLECTIONS I have never met with a man, either in England or America, who hath not confessed his opinion that a separation between the countries, would take place one time or other: And there is no instance, in which we have shewn less judgement, than in endeavouring to describe, what we call the ripeness or fitness of the Continent for independence. As all men allow the measure, and vary only in their opinion of the time, let us, in order to remove mistakes, take a general survey of things, and endeavour, if possible, to find out the VERY time. But we need not go far, the inquiry ceases at once, for, the TIME HATH FOUND US. The general concurrence, the glorious union of all things prove the fact. It is not in numbers, but in unity, that our great strength lies; yet our present numbers are sufficient to repel the force of all the world. The Continent hath, at this time, the largest body of armed and disciplined men of any power under Heaven; and is just arrived at that pitch of strength, in which no single colony is able to support itself, and the whole, when united, can accomplish the matter, and either more, or, less than this, might be fatal in its effects. Our land force is already sufficient, and as to naval affairs, we cannot be insensible, that Britain would never suffer an American man of war to be built, while the continent remained in her hands. Wherefore, we should be no forwarder an hundred years hence in that branch, than we are now; but the truth is, we should be less so, because the timber of the country is every day diminishing, and that, which will remain at last, will be far off and difficult to procure. Were the continent crowded with inhabitants, her sufferings under the present circumstances would be intolerable. The more seaport towns we had, the more should we have both to defend and to lose. Our present numbers are so happily proportioned to our wants, that no man need be idle. The diminution of trade affords an army, and the necessities of an army create a new trade.

Theresa A Miro

unity

A battle is not won with just numbers. Paine, referring to America as "The Continent," is stating that their army is fairly decent and could defend itself from any intruders not because of their numbers but because of their discipline and unity.

Theresa A Miro

O'er land & sea

Here, Pain is stating that they couldn't fight a battle over the seas because they would surely lose; Britain had the most powerful navy in the world at the time. But you can't crush a revolution across the ocean if you don't conquer the land, which is where the Americans have the advantage. Paine argues that they have the advantage in battle because they have the advantage of knowing the land.


37

Debts we have none; and whatever we may contract on this account will serve as a glorious memento of our virtue. Can we but leave posterity with a settled form of government, an independent constitution of its own, the purchase at any price will be cheap. But to expend millions for the sake of getting a few vile acts repealed, and routing the present ministry only, is unworthy the charge, and is using posterity with the utmost cruelty; because it is leaving them the great work to do, and a debt upon their backs, from which they derive no advantage. Such a thought is unworthy of a man of honor, and is the true characteristic of a narrow heart and a peddling politician. The debt we may contract doth not deserve our regard, if the work be but accomplished. No nation ought to be without a debt. A national debt is a national bond; and when it bears no interest, is in no case a grievance. Britain is oppressed with a debt of upwards of one hundred and forty millions sterling, for which she pays upwards of four millions interest. And as a compensation for her debt, she has a large navy; America is without a debt, and without a navy; yet for the twentieth part of the English national debt, could have a navy as large again. The navy of England is not worth, at this time, more than three millions and an half sterling. The first and second editions of this pamphlet were published without the following calculations, which are now given as a proof that the above estimation of the navy is just.[3] The charge of building a ship of each rate, and furnishing her with masts, yards, sails and rigging, together with a proportion of eight months boatswain’s and carpenter’s seastores, as calculated by Mr. Burchett, Secretary to the navy. pounds Sterling For a ship of a 100 guns - 35,553 90 - - 29,886 80 - - 23,638 70 - - 17,795 60 - - 14,197 50 - - 10,606

Brittney

national debt

National debt is the "total amount of money which a country's government owes to domestic and foreign lenders." The government makes these payments by using treasury bills, bonds, or other securities (OED).

Brittney

sterling

According to the OED, sterling is the standard silver penny of England.

Brittney

Mr. Burchett

Josiah Burchett (1666-1746) was taken by Samuel Pepys at age fourteen to be Pepys' body servant and clerk. After a few years, he was dismissed because of Pepys' disapproval. He then became Russell's secretary, which gave him experience. Through the entire French war, Burchett was in charge of every document of importance, which made his knowledge of naval events thorough and precise. Following this, be became the secretary to the navy (Dictionary of National Biography).

Brittney

vile acts

Accoring to Boatner, author of The Encyclopedia of the American Revolution, the "Acts of Trade and Navigation" were passed by Parliament between 1645 and 1767. These Acts included: Navigation Acts of 1600-1696, Wool Act of 1699, Naval Stores Act 1709-1774, Hat Act of 1732, Molasses Act of 1733, Iron Acts of 1750 and 1757, Sugar Act of 1764.

Brittney

boatswain

Boatswain: an officer whose duty is to call the men to their duties with a whistle. They are in charge of the sails, rigging, etc. (OED).


38

40 - - 7,558 30 - - 5,846 20 - - 3,710 And from hence it is easy to sum up the value, or cost rather, of the whole British navy, which in the year 1757, when it was at its greatest glory consisted of the following ships and guns: Ships. Guns. Cost of one. Cost of all 6 - 100 - 35,553 - 213,318 12 - 90 - 29,886 - 358,632 12 - 80 - 23,638 - 283,656 43 - 70 - 17,785 - 764,755 35 - 60 - 14,197 - 496,895 40 - 50 - 10,606 - 424,240 45 - 40 - 7,558 - 340,110 58 - 20 - 3,710 - 215,180 85 Sloops, bombs, and fireships, one 2,000 170,000 with another, _________ Cost 3,266,786 Remains for guns, _________ 233,214 _________ 3,500,000 No country on the globe is so happily situated, or so internally capable of raising a fleet as America. Tar, timber, iron, and cordage are her natural produce. We need go abroad for nothing. Whereas the Dutch, who make large profits by hiring out their ships of war to the Spaniards and Portuguese, are obliged to import most of their materials they use. We ought to view the building a fleet as an article of commerce, it being the natural manufactory of this country. It is the best money we can lay out. A navy when finished is worth more than it cost. And is that nice point in national policy, in which commerce and protection are united. Let us build; if we want them not, we

Brittney

national debt

Brittney

national debt

Brittney

national debt

Brittney

cordage

Cordage: a cord or rope. The meaning in this text may mean ropes that are used in the rigging of a ship (OED).

Brittney

national debt

Brittney

cordage

Cordage: a rope or cord. The meaning of cordage in this text may mean the ropes in the rigging of a ship (OED).

Brittney

British navy

With 131 ships of the line and 139 craft of other classes, the British navy, which was the most powerful navy in the world, would have "been able to crush the American Revolution with the Royal Navy and a few marines" (Boatner).

Brittney

national debt

The OED defines "national policy" as: the policies of a national government.

Brittney

commerce

Commerce, defined by the OED, is "buying and selling together; trading; exchange of merchandise, as conducted on a large scale between different countries or districts."


39

can sell; and by that means replace our paper currency with ready gold and silver. In point of manning a fleet, people in general run into great errors; it is not necessary that one fourth part should he sailors. The Terrible privateer, Captain Death, stood the hottest engagement of any ship last war, yet had not twenty sailors on board, though her complement of men was upwards of two hundred. A few able and social sailors will soon instruct a sufficient number of active landmen in the common work of a ship. Wherefore, we never can be more capable to begin on maritime matters than now, while our timber is standing, our fisheries blocked up, and our sailors and shipwrights out of employ. Men of war of seventy and eighty guns were built forty years ago in New-England, and why not the same now? Ship-building is America’s greatest pride, and in which she will in time excel the whole world. The great empires of the east are mostly inland, and consequently excluded from the possibility of rivalling her. Africa is in a state of barbarism; and no power in Europe hath either such an extent of coast, or such an internal supply of materials. Where nature hath given the one, she has withheld the other; to America only hath she been liberal of both. The vast empire of Russia is almost shut out from the sea: wherefore, her boundless forests, her tar, iron, and cordage are only articles of commerce. In point of safety, ought we to be without a fleet? We are not the little people now, which we were sixty years ago; at that time we might have trusted our property in the streets, or fields rather; and slept securely without locks or bolts to our doors or windows. The case now is altered, and our methods of defense ought to improve with our increase of property. A common pirate, twelve months ago, might have come up the Delaware, and laid the city of Philadelphia under instant contribution, for what sum he pleased; and the same might have happened to other places. Nay, any daring fellow, in a brig of fourteen or sixteen guns might have robbed the whole continent, and carried off half a million of money. These are circumstances which demand our attention, and point out the necessity of naval protection. Some, perhaps, will say, that after we have made it up with Britain, she will protect us. Can we be so unwise as to mean, that she shall keep a navy in our harbours for that purpose? Common sense will tell us, that the power which

Christina Racanelli

Sticky Note

Manning a fleet means to take charge of the men on your ship and to take charge of what the ship's purpose is.

Christina Racanelli

Sticky Note

The Terrible Privateer is the name of a ship from 1777. It is also the name of a book published in London in 1790 (www.Google.com)

Christina Racanelli

Sticky Note

Captain Death was the captain of the privateer Terrible. He was killed in an engagement with the Vengeance of St. Malo (Maclay 13).

Christina Racanelli

Sticky Note

Landmen: A person who bargains with landowners for the mineral rights of their land, as on behalf of an oil company (Dictionary.com).

Christina Racanelli

Sticky Note

The first ship to be built in America was not for fishing or for making money with trading. It was built by colonists for people to flee or get away. The date was 1607 when the first ship was built (www.ancestry.com/learn/library/article.aspx?article=11097).

Christina Racanelli

Sticky Note

Cordage: fiber and wire ropes with reference to the rigging and other equipment of a vessel (Dictionary.com).


40

hath endeavoured to subdue us, is of all others the most improper to defend us. Conquest may be effected under the pretence of friendship; and ourselves after a long and brave resistance, be at last cheated into slavery. And if her ships are not to be admitted into our harbours, I would ask, how is she to protect us? A navy three or four thousand miles off can be of little use, and on sudden emergencies, none at all. Wherefore, if we must hereafter protect ourselves, why not do it for ourselves? The English list of ships of war, is long and formidable, but not a tenth part of them are at any one time fit for service, numbers of them not in being; yet their names are pompously continued in the list, if only a plank be left of the ship: and not a fifth part of such as are fit for service, can be spared on any one station at one time. The East and West Indies, Mediterranean, Africa, and other parts over which Britain extends her claim, make large demands upon her navy. From a mixture of prejudice and inattention, we have contracted a false notion respecting the navy of England, and have talked as if we should have the whole of it to encounter at once, and for that reason, supposed, that we must have one as large; which not being instantly practicable, have been made use of by a set of disguised Tories to discourage our beginning thereon. Nothing can be farther from truth than this; for if America had only a twentieth part of the naval force of Britain, she would be by far an overmatch for her; because, as we neither have, nor claim any foreign dominion, our whole force would be employed on our own coast, where we should, in the long run, have two to one the advantage of those who had three or four thousand miles to sail over, before they could attack us, and the same distance to return in order to refit and recruit. And although Britain, by her fleet, hath a check over our trade to Europe, we have as large a one over her trade to the West Indies, which, by laying in the neighbourhood of the continent, is entirely at its mercy. Some method might be fallen on to keep up a naval force in time of peace, if we should not judge it necessary to support a constant navy. If premiums were to be given to merchants, to build and employ in their service ships mounted with twenty, thirty, forty or fifty guns, (the premiums to be in proportion to the loss of bulk to the merchants) fifty or sixty of those ships, with a few guardships on constant duty, would keep up a sufficient navy, and that without burdening ourselves with the evil so loudly complained of in

Christina Racanelli

Sticky Note

Paine is saying that America needs to learn to defend herself and we need to begin to have the means to do so, one need would be to have ships and a navy of our own to protect us.

Christina Racanelli

Sticky Note

Tories: a member of political party in Great Britain from the late 17-century until about 1832 that favored royal authority over Parliament and the preservation of the existing social and political order. Succeeded for the Conservative Party (Dictionary.com).


41

England, of suffering their fleet, in time of peace to lie rotting in the docks. To unite the sinews of commerce and defense is sound policy; for when our strength and our riches play into each other’s hand, we need fear no external enemy. In almost every article of defense we abound. Hemp flourishes even to rankness, so that we need not want cordage. Our iron is superior to that of other countries. Our small arms equal to any in the world. Cannon we can cast at pleasure. Saltpetre and gunpowder we are every day producing. Our knowledge is hourly improving. Resolution is our inherent character, and courage hath never yet forsaken us. Wherefore, what is it that we want? Why is it that we hesitate? From Britain we can expect nothing but ruin. If she is once admitted to the government of America again, this Continent will not be worth living in. Jealousies will be always arising; insurrections will be constantly happening; and who will go forth to quell them? Who will venture his life to reduce his own countrymen to a foreign obedience? The difference between Pennsylvania and Connecticut, respecting some unlocated lands, shews the insignificance of a British government, and fully proves, that nothing but Continental authority can regulate Continental matters. Another reason why the present time is preferable to all others, is, that the fewer our numbers are, the more land there is yet unoccupied, which instead of being lavished by the king on his worthless dependants, may be hereafter applied, not only to the discharge of the present debt, but to the constant support of government. No nation under heaven hath such an advantage at this. The infant state of the Colonies, as it is called, so far from being against, is an argument in favour of independance. We are sufficiently numerous, and were we more so, we might be less united. It is a matter worthy of observation, that the more a country is peopled, the smaller their armies are. In military numbers, the ancients far exceeded the modems: and the reason is evident. For trade being the consequence of population, men become too much absorbed thereby to attend to anything else. Commerce diminishes the spirit, both of patriotism and military defence. And history sufficiently informs us, that the bravest achievements were always accomplished in the

Gabe Raffele

What He Means

Paine is saying that America's resources are greater than the people think. He is trying to say that America has become a country worthy enough to stand on its own. Paine wants his readers to understand that since America does have the resources to stand strong against the tyranny of King George III, they should not let fear or anything else stand in their way. As he does multiple times throughout Common Sense, he is urging America to fight back against Britain.

Gabe Raffele

Definitions

hemp: "The cortical fibre of this plant, used for making cordage, and woven into stout fabrics" (OED). rankness: "Extremely or excessively great or large" (OED). cordage: "Cords or ropes collectively or in the mass, esp. the ropes in the rigging of a ship" (OED). These words are difficult to comprehend in this context. I believe Tom Paine is using hemp as a metaphor for Britain. He is saying that Britain has become too big and corrupt that America no longer needs the motherland to survive and flourish (hemp is used to make cordage = Britain eventually led to the birth of America).

Gabe Raffele

Definition

abound: "Overflowing; plentiful; abundant" (OED). In other words, America has plenty of ways to defend itself from Britain.

Gabe Raffele

Definition

insurrection: "The action of rising in arms or resistance against established authority or governmental restraint; with pl., an instance of this, an armed rising, a revolt; an incipient or limited rebellion" (OED).

Gabe Raffele

Definition

shew: "An older version of the word "show"" (OED).

Gabe Raffele

Defininition

Continental: "Belonging to, characteristic of, or of the nature of a continent or mainland" (OED).

Gabe Raffele

What He Means

Paine continues his explanation of why America should be free from Britain. He says if Britain is involved with America, then America would be in a state of chaos. He even goes so far as to ask his readers "Who will insult his fellow colonists by allowing Britain to control their lives again?" When he talks about "the difference between Pennsylvania and Connecticut," he is saying that the amount of land America currently consists of is too small for Britain to need to add to its controlled territory (Pennsylvania and Connecticut are very close to each other, almost touching on the map) (U.S. Territory Maps 1775). He concludes this paragraph by saying that only Americans should deal with American issues and only the English should deal with British affairs.

Gabe Raffele

What He Means

Paine gives another reason why America should stand up to Britain: occupancy of land. Britain owns a large amount of territory which eats up more of its funds, but America has less to control, which means it is cheaper to maintain and leaves more money to support its government and military.

Gabe Raffele

What He Means

A smaller group of people is easier to manage with a common goal than one with a larger population because the more people there are, the greater the chance a portion of them can unite to stray from said goal (for example, the Americans straying from Britain).

Gabe Raffele

Interesting

Interesting use of the colon right here. Mechanically speaking, a comma here and a colon after "evident" would seem more appropriate, would it not?

Gabe Raffele

Interesting

Somewhat contradictory, somewhat ironic, is it not? At other times in Common Sense, Paine supports the idea of trade. Either way, America today heavily relies on trade.


42

non-age of a nation. With the increase of commerce, England hath lost its spirit. The city of London, notwithstanding its numbers, submits to continued insults with the patience of a coward. The more men have to lose, the less willing are they to venture. The rich are in general slaves to fear, and submit to courtly power with the trembling duplicity of a Spaniel. Youth is the seed time of good habits, as well in nations as in individuals. It might be difficult, if not impossible, to form the Continent into one government half a century hence. The vast variety of interests, occasioned by an increase of trade and population, would create confusion. Colony would be against colony. Each being able might scorn each other’s assistance: and while the proud and foolish gloried in their little distinctions, the wise would lament, that the union had not been formed before. Wherefore, the PRESENT TIME is the TRUE TIME for establishing it. The intimacy which is contracted in infancy, and the friendship which is formed in misfortune, are, of all others, the most lasting and unalterable. Our present union is marked with both these characters: we are young and we have been distressed; but our concord hath withstood our troubles, and fixes a memorable area for posterity to glory in. The present time, likewise, is that peculiar time, which never happens to a nation but once, viz. the time of forming itself into a government. Most nations have let slip the opportunity, and by that means have been compelled to receive laws from their conquerors, instead of making laws for themselves. First, they had a king, and then a form of government; whereas, the articles or charter of government, should be formed first, and men delegated to execute them afterward but from the errors of other nations, let us learn wisdom, and lay hold of the present opportunity – TO BEGIN GOVERNMENT AT THE RIGHT END. When William the Conqueror subdued England, he gave them law at the point of the sword; and until we consent, that the seat of government, in America, be legally and authoritatively occupied, we shall be in danger of having it filled by some fortunate ruffian, who may treat us in the same manner, and then, where will be our freedom? where our property? As to religion, I hold it to be the indispensable duty of all government, to protect all conscientious professors thereof, and I know of no other business which

Gabe Raffele

Interesting

Somewhat contradictory, somewhat ironic, is it not? At other times in Common Sense, Paine supports the idea of trade. Either way, America today heavily relies on trade.

Gabe Raffele

What He Means

London is very quick to retaliate when provoked.

Gabe Raffele

Definition

Spaniel: "A variety of dog characterized by large drooping ears, long silky hair, keen scent, and affectionate nature, some breeds of which are used for sporting purposes, esp. for starting and retrieving game, while others are favourite pet- or toy-dogs." Also, "a submissive, cringing, or fawning person" (OED). There is a double insult here. Paine is comparing rich people to dogs (dogs are led by their masters and the rich are led by their fears) and stating that they are easily subdued by their fears.

Gabe Raffele

Definition

hence: "The future" (OED). Half a century later.

Gabe Raffele

What He Means

Paine is once again stressing that America should stand up to Britain now rather than later. He argues that taking action while America is young is the optimal time to do so because, like people, it has not yet been corrupted by other matters like trade and jealousy. Youth is the time when people, and in this case, nations, can form the friendships and alliances to take on a common struggle. The struggle in this situation is breaking free from British rule.

Gabe Raffele

Definition

viz.: "short for videlicet: That is to say; namely; to wit; used to introduce an amplification, or more precise or explicit explanation, of a previous statement or word" (OED). It is just leading into the rest of the sentence.

Gabe Raffele

What He Means

Paine is saying that now is also the only time America will have to form its own government. Paine argues that other nations waited too long after forming, thus they became trapped with the laws from their previous nations. Instead of forming a king and then a government, Paine urges America to form a government first and then choose people to execute it. This is somewhat contradictory to what Paine expressed in the previous paragraph: the formation of a government seems like it would be a huge part of "the vast variety of interests, occasioned by an increase of trade and population" that causes the confusion that he spoke of.

Gabe Raffele

What He Means

Paine is giving another reason why the present time is a good idea for America to form its government. He argues that America should form its laws now before someone comes along and does it for them, putting them right back to being ruled by someone else. Paine compares this possible scenario to William the Conqueror taking control of England in the past.


43

government hath to do therewith, Let a man throw aside that narrowness of soul, that selfishness of principle, which the niggards of all professions are so unwilling to part with, and he will be at delivered of his fears on that head. Suspicion is the companion of mean souls, and the bane of all good society. For myself, I fully and conscientiously believe, that it is the will of the Almighty, that there should be diversity of religious opinions among us: It affords a larger field for our Christian kindness. Were we all of one way of thinking, our religious dispositions would want matter for probation; and on this liberal principle, I look on the various denominations among us, to be like children of the same family, differing only, in what is called, their Christian names. In page forty, I threw out a few thoughts on the propriety of a Continental Charter, (for I only presume to offer hints, not plans) and in this place, I take the liberty of rementioning the subject, by observing, that a charter is to be understood as a bond of solemn obligation, which the whole enters into, to support the right of every separate part, whether of religion, personal freedom, or property. A firm bargain and a right reckoning make long friends. In a former page I likewise mentioned the necessity of a large and equal representation; and there is no political matter which more deserves our attention. A small number of electors, or a small number of representatives, are equally dangerous. But if the number of the representatives be not only small, but unequal, the danger is increased. As an instance of this, I mention the following; when the Associators petition was before the House of Assembly of Pennsylvania; twenty-eight members only were present, all the Bucks county members, being eight, voted against it, and had seven of the Chester members done the same, this whole province had been governed by two counties only, and this danger it is always exposed to. The unwarrantable stretch likewise, which that house made in their last sitting, to gain an undue authority over the delegates of that province, ought to warn the people at large, how they trust power out of their own hands. A set of instructions for the Delegates were put together, which in point of sense and business would have dishonoured a schoolboy, and after being approved by a FEW, a VERY FEW without doors, were carried into the House, and there passed IN BEHALF OF THE WHOLE COLONY; whereas, did the whole

Tania

bane

Defined by the OED as "that which causes ruin, or is pernicious to well-being, the agent or instrument of ruin or woe."

Tania

Associators petition

In Oct. 1775 two petitions were filed to the assembly by a committee of privates serving in the Military Association (The Pennsylvania militia). "The first called for the adoption of a law making militia service compulsory for all freemen; the second asserted that it would not violate liberty of conscience to levy fines on Quakers who refused to serve. On Nov. 15, 1775 the assembly divided 14-14 on the question of requiring 20 days of compulsory militia drill a year. The deciding vote was cast on the affirmitive by the speaker. The assembly passed a militia law that levied fines on "Non-Associators" (Collected Writings, 865).

Tania

Bucks county

Founded by William Penn in 1682. According to Purvis in Colonial America to 1763 there were 3,148 people subject to taxes in 1760. The county was named after the English county of Buckinghamshire. Its county seat is Doylestown which is 34 miles north of Philadelphia. The US Census Bureau population estimate of 2008 for Bucks County is 621,643.

Tania

Chester

Founded by William Penn in 1682. Named after the English city of Chester in the county of Cheshire. Its county seat is West Chester. Colonial America to 1763 lists that there were 4, 761 people subject to taxes. There are 491, 489 people living in Chester county according to the US Census Bureau population estimate of 2008.

Tania

page forty

In our version of Common Sense the ideas for a Continental Charter are seen in page 33.

Tania

mean

"Of persons, their characters and actions: Destitute of moral dignity or elevation; ignoble, small-minded" (OED).

Tania

Note

Marked set by Tania

Tania

niggards

The OED defines niggard as "a mean, stingy, or parsimonious person; a miser; one who grudgingly parts with or expends anything." The line "Let a man...unwilling to part with" of Thomas Paine's Common Sense is quoted in the OED.

Tania

Thomas Paine mentions the general guidelines for representation on pages 6 and 7. He also mentions representation, according to how it should work for Congress, on page 32.

Tania

The thirteen colonies were the first to develop religious diversity. Colonial America to 1763 gives a list of major churches in North America in 1750 and they are Congregational, Anglican, Presbyterian, Lutheran, Dutch Reformed, Baptist, Roman Catholic, and Jewish. The biggest denomination was Congregational with 465 churches in 7 colonies. The smallest denomination was Jewish with 5 churches in 5 colonies. There were Anglican churches in all 13 colonies. Maryland was settled in 1634 as a refuge for Catholics and it was the first colony to promise freedom of religion.


44

colony know, with what ill-will that House hath entered on some necessary public measures, they would not hesitate a moment to think them unworthy of such a trust. Immediate necessity makes many things convenient, which if continued would grow into oppressions. Expedience and right are different things. When the calamities of America required a consultation, there was no method so ready, or at that time so proper, as to appoint persons from the several Houses of Assembly for that purpose; and the wisdom with which they have proceeded hath preserved this continent from ruin. But as it is more than probable that we shall never be without a CONGRESS, every well wisher to good order, must own, that the mode for choosing members of that body, deserves consideration. And I put it as a question to those, who make a study of mankind, whether representation and election is not too great a power for one and the same body of men to possess? When we are planning for posterity, we ought to remember, that virtue is not hereditary. It is from our enemies that we often gain excellent maxims, and are frequently surprised into reason by their mistakes, Mr. Cornwall (one of the Lords of the Treasury) treated the petition of the New-York Assembly with contempt, because THAT House, he said, consisted but of twenty-six members, which trifling number, he argued, could not with decency be put for the whole. We thank him for his involuntary honesty.[4] TO CONCLUDE, however strange it may appear to some, or however unwilling they may be to think so, matters not, but many strong and striking reasons may be given, to shew, that nothing can settle our affairs so expeditiously as an open and determined declaration for independance. Some of which are, FIRST. - It is the custom of nations, when any two are at war, for some other powers, not engaged in the quarrel, to step in as mediators, and bring about the preliminaries of a peace: but while America calls herself the Subject of Great Britain, no power, however well disposed she may be, can offer her mediation. Wherefore, in our present state we may quarrel on for ever.

Tania

The OED definition for expedience is "haste, speed, dispatch." In this statement Thomas Paine is hinting to the public that the easy thing to do is not the right thing to do. It would be fast and easy for America to stay under British rule. However, the harder, longer, and right road is that of revolution.

Tania

The calamities that Thomas Paine is referring to are the French and Indian War, which doubled the national debt to England, the Trade Acts, the Currency Act of 1764, The Revenue Act of 1764, The Quartening Act of 1765, The Stamp Act of 1765, the Townshend Acts, Tea Act, the Battle of Lexington and Concord 1775, and the Battle of Bunker Hill 1775.

Tania

[4]

See page 59.

Tania

Charles Wolfran Cornwall

The DNB biography of Charles Wolfran Cornwall states that he received his education at Winchester and New College, Oxford. Cornwall married Elizabeth in 1764. She was the daughter of Colonel Charles Jenkinson and sister of Charles Jensking. Elizabeth's brother served as secretary-at-war. Later on he became Lord Hawkesbury and Earl of Liverpool. Many say that Cornwall's political career is due to his family connections and not his own merit. He held office as a lord of treasury in North's government from 1774 to 1780. In 1780 he was chosen as speaker of the House of Commons. He died on Jan. 2, 1789. Wraxall is quoted in the DNB as spitefully saying: "Never was any man in a public situation less regretted or sooner forgotten."

Tania

The English office of treasury is explained in The Encyclopaedia Britannica as having began in 1714 as the office of lord high treasurer. "This office was in commission, and his duties have been administered by a board, consisting of a first lord, a chancellor and four or more junior lords." The junior lords of the treasury are more of a political figure who act as assistants of the House of Commons. The treasury has two joint secretaries: one is the patronage secretary and the other is the financial secretary. "The salaries for the treasury officers are £5000 per annum for the first lord of the treasury and the chancellor of the exchequer; the joint secretaries salary is £ 2000 per annum each; and three of the junior lords salary is £ 1000 per annum each; the other junior lords do not get paid."

Tania

The Treaty of Paris marked the end of the Revolutionary War, but a preliminary treaty was signed pending an Anglo-French accord in 1782 according to Guide to Congress. This all came about after Congress sent representatives to different countries to talk for peace. The representatives were envoys to different countries and they included John Adams, the Netherlands; John Jay, Spain; Benjamin Franklin, Paris; and Henry Laurens, to negotiate jointly with the French. The Treaty of Paris was signed in 1783 and approved by Congress in 1784.

Tania

"In 1775 the New York general assembly adopted a remonstrance to the House of Commons that protested several parliamentary measures, including the Declaratory, Coercive, and Quebec Acts. The House of Commons debated the petition, and after voting 186-67 that it claimed rights inconsistent with the legislative authority of Parliament, refused it further consideration on May 15, 1775" (Collected Writings by Thomas Paine).


45

SECONDLY. - It is unreasonable to suppose, that France or Spain will give us any kind of assistance, if we mean only, to make use of that assistance for the purpose of repairing the breach, and strengthening the connection between Britain and America; because, those powers would be sufferers by the consequences. THIRDLY. - While we profess ourselves the subjects of Britain, we must, in the eye of foreign nations, be considered as rebels. The precedent is somewhat dangerous to THEIR PEACE, for men to be in arms under the name of subjects; we, on the spot, can solve the paradox: but to unite resistance and subjection, requires an idea much too refined for common understanding. FOURTHLY. - Were a manifesto to be published, and despatched to foreign courts, setting forth the miseries we have endured, and the peaceable methods we have ineffectually used for redress; declaring, at the same time, that not being able, any longer, to live happily or safely under the cruel disposition of the British court, we had been driven to the necessity of breaking off all connections with her; at the same time, assuring all such courts of our peaceable disposition towards them, and of our desire of entering into trade with them: Such a memorial would produce more good effects to this Continent, than if a ship were freighted with petitions to Britain. Under our present denomination of British subjects, we can neither be received nor heard abroad: The custom of all courts is against us, and will be so, until, by an independance, we take rank with other nations. These proceedings may at first appear strange and difficult; but, like all other steps which we have already passed over, will in a little time become familiar and agreeable; and, until an independance is declared, the Continent will feel itself like a man who continues putting off some unpleasant business from day to day, yet knows it must be done, hates to set about it, wishes it over, and is continually haunted with the thoughts of its necessity.

LiliyaSakhan

Underline

Manifesto is a public proclamation or declaration; an open statement related to law (OED).

LS

"Authorities in London tried to control the colonial economies for the benefit of British interests." Britain's main concern with the colonies was mainly a selfish goal of trade and monetary gains through taxation through the Sugar Act, Stamp Act, Declaratory Act and Townshend Act (American History).

LS

The colonies wish to declare independence from Britain in order to maintain their own governing system as well as trade functions (American History).

LS

At this point, America can no longer repair the damage between her and Britain because Britain now recognizes their protest as open public rebellion. If America were to ask foreign powers for help, they would have to gain complete independence from Britain without restoration of their trading relations for the time being (Encyclopedia of American Political History).

LS

These views and ideas were considered very liberal and outlandish, in this period of time because Britain was a major power and they were a weak nation without independence. Such radical views were quickly discarded because of the people's fear of the future and comfort in the present (Encyclopedia of American Political History).

LS

Because the United States is not an independent country yet, they are still under British rule therefore considered rebels against the British government in the eyes of foreign nations.

LS

America must declare themselves independent before they proceed to go to a war in which they will need the help of foreign powers or they will be considered subjects the crown from which they receive help.

LS

This page continues the demands that the American citizens have introduced in regards to their independence from Britain.

kinsellt

Sticky Note

Unmarked set by kinsellt

kinsellt

Sticky Note

Unmarked set by kinsellt


46

APPENDIX Since the publication of the first edition of this pamphlet, or rather, on the same day on which it came out, the King’s Speech made its appearance in this city. Had the spirit of prophecy directed the birth of this production, it could not have brought it forth, at a more seasonable juncture, or a more necessary time. The bloody mindedness of the one, shew the necessity of pursuing the doctrine of the other. Men read by way of revenge. And the Speech, instead of terrifying, prepared a way for the manly principles of Independance. Ceremony, and even, silence, from whatever motive they may arise, have a hurtful tendency, when they give the least degree of countenance to base and wicked performances; wherefore, if this maxim be admitted, it naturally follows, that the King’s Speech, as being a piece of finished villany, deserved, and still deserves, a general execration both by the Congress and the people. Yet, as the domestic tranquillity of a nation, depends greatly, on the CHASTITY of what may properly be called NATIONAL MANNERS, it is often better, to pass some things over in silent disdain, than to make use of such new methods of dislike, as might introduce the least innovation, on that guardian of our peace and safety. And, perhaps, it is chiefly owing to this prudent delicacy, that the King’s Speech, hath not, before now, suffered a public execution. The Speech if it may be called one, is nothing better than a wilful audacious libel against the truth, the common good, and the existence of mankind; and is a formal and pompous method of offering up human sacrifices to the pride of tyrants. But this general massacre of mankind is one of the privileges, and the certain consequence of Kings; for as nature knows them NOT, they know NOT HER, and although they are beings of our OWN creating, they know not US, and are become the gods of their creators. The Speech hath one good quality, which is, that it is not calculated to deceive, neither can we, even if we would, be deceived by it. Brutality and tyranny appear on the face of it. It leaves us at no loss: And every line convinces, even in the moment of reading, that He, who hunts the woods for prey, the naked and untutored Indian, is less a Savage than the King of Britain.

LS

The publication of the first edition of Common Sense was January 1776 (Common Sense).

LS

The King of England during the American Revolution was King George III (American History).

LS

When America was first discovered, it was thought to have been India instead of a completely new land. The inhabitants that dwelled there before the colonists were called Indians who are truly Native Americans. They were considered barbaric because they lived off of the land and worshipped spirits (American History).

LS

The king's speech was called The Proclamation of Rebellion and it was written in response to the growing hostility of the American colonies. One of the key points of the speech is that the colonies of subjects of the crown and owe their allegiance to the king (American History).

LS

This emphasis on the common good of mankind and the continuous mention of the truth and the natural rights of man are ideas originally from John Locke. Locke's opposition to authoritarianism and sense of one's good nature is one of the driving forces of the quest for independence. Locke wants every man to search for his own truth rather than accepting the demands of authority or superstition (John Locke).

LS

This emphasis on the common good of mankind and the continuous mention of the truth and the natural rights of man are ideas originally from John Locke. Locke's opposition to authoritarianism and sense of one's good nature is one of the driving forces of the quest for independence. Locke wants every man to search for his own truth rather than accepting the demands of authority or superstition (John Locke).


47

Sir John Dalrymple, the putative father of a whining jesuitical piece, fallaciously called, “THE ADDRESS OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND TO THE INHABITANTS OF AMERICA,” hath, perhaps, from a vain supposition, that the people here were to be frightened at the pomp and description of a king, given, (though very unwisely on his part) the real character of the present one: “But” says this writer, “if you are inclined to pay compliments to an administration, which we do not complain of,” (meaning the Marquis of Rockingham’s at the repeal of the Stamp Act) “it is very unfair in you to withhold them from that prince by WHOSE NOD ALONE THEY WERE PERMITTED TO DO ANY THING.” This is toryism with a witness! Here is idolatry even without a mask: And he who can calmly hear, and digest such doctrine, hath forfeited his claim to rationality an apostate from the order of manhood; and ought to be considered as one, who hath not only given up the proper dignity of man, but sunk himself beneath the rank of animals, and contemptibly crawl through the world like a worm. However, it matters very little now, what the king of England either says or does; he hath wickedly broken through every moral and human obligation, trampled nature and conscience beneath his feet; and by a steady and constitutional spirit of insolence and cruelty, procured for himself an universal hatred. It is NOW the interest of America to provide for herself. She hath already a large and young family, whom it is more her duty to take care of, than to be granting away her property, to support a power who is become a reproach to the names of men and christians – YE, whose office it is to watch over the morals of a nation, of whatsoever sect or denomination ye are of, as well as ye, who, are more immediately the guardians of the public liberty, if ye wish to preserve your native country uncontaminated by European corruption, ye must in secret wish a separation – But leaving the moral part to private reflection, I shall chiefly confine my farther remarks to the following heads. First. That it is the interest of America to be separated from Britain. Secondly. Which is the easiest and most practicable plan, RECONCILIATION OR INDEPENDANCE? With some occasional remarks.

Kathryn

A Little Extra

Putative: That is commonly believed to be such; reputed, supposed; imagined; postulated, hypothetical (OED). Thomas Paine refers to Sir John Dalrymple as being the "putative father" to the piece "THE ADDRESS OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND TO THE INHABITANTS OF AMERICA" as to remind the reader that this pamphlet was published with an anonymous author and is only believed to have been the work of Sir John Dalrymple.

Kathryn

A Little Extra

Jesuitical: Of or pertaining to the Jesuits; belonging to the Society of Jesus; Jesuit (OED).

Kathryn

A Little Extra

This pamphlet was written to discuss the reasons why America should not secede from Great Britain (it was covered in Great Britain and the United States of America between 1750-1800) ("Address of the People of Great Britain to the Inhabitants of America.").

Kathryn

A Little Extra

(1765) "British Parliament passes Stamp Act for taxing American colonies; Virginia Assembly challenges right of Great Britain to the tax; at the Stamp Act Congress in New York delegates from nine colonies draw up a declaration of rights and liberties." The Stamp Act was repealed in 1766. However it left Britain with the declaration of rights to tax the American colonies (Time Tables of History).

Kathryn

A Little Extra

Toryism: of the American Tories or Loyalists at the War of Independence (OED).

Kathryn

Who's Who?

King George III of England

Kathryn

Who's Who?

(1726-1810) Author/Pamphleteer (DNB).

Kathryn

Who's Who?

Here he is referring to colonists, as this pamphlet was addressed to the people of the upcoming America.

Kathryn

A Little Extra

Apostate: one who deserts his party, or forsakes his allegiance or troth; a turncoat, a renegade (OED).

Kathryn

Oh, I Get It Now

Thomas Paine is trying to convey his disappointment in those Americans that will not fight against the oppressions of Britain on the colonies of America. He says that those who will become Tories and shatter with fear are nothing but "worms."

Kathryn

Oh, I Get It Now

Paine says that regardless of what the king of England says in any attempt to amend relations with the colonists, it would not erase the memories of what he has already accomplished: this will rather be embedded within America's heart creating an immense hatred for all that of the English monarchy.

Kathryn

Oh, I Get It Now

Paine states here that although it is the colonists' moral obligation to fight for their country and their future children, that he does not wish to invoke a moral discussion of right from wrong; rather Paine lists his practical arguments for thought.

Kathryn

Point One

FIGHT!

Kathryn

Point Two

He asks the colonists to think about the plan of action after they have committed to the idea of his first point.


48

In support of the first, I could, if I judged it proper, produce the opinion of some of the ablest and most experienced men on this continent; and whose sentiments, on that head, are not yet publicly known. It is in reality a self-evident position: For no nation in a state of foreign dependance, limited in its commerce, and cramped and fettered in its legislative powers, can ever arrive at any material eminence. America doth not yet know what opulence is; and although the progress which she hath made stands unparalleled in the history of other nations, it is but childhood, compared with what she would be capable of arriving at, had she, as she ought to have, the legislative powers in her own hands. England is, at this time, proudly coveting what would do her no good, were she to accomplish it; and the Continent hesitating on a matter, which will be her final ruin if neglected. It is the commerce and not the conquest of America, by which England is to be benefited, and that would in a great measure continue, were the countries as independant of each other as France and Spain; because in many articles, neither can go to a better market. But it is the independance of this country of Britain or any other, which is now the main and only object worthy of contention, and which, like all other truths discovered by necessity, will appear clearer and stronger every day. First. Because it will come to that one time or other. Secondly. Because, the longer it is delayed the harder it will be to accomplish. I have frequently amused myself both in public and private companies, with silently remarking, the specious errors of those who speak without reflecting. And among the many which I have heard, the following seems the most general, viz. that had this rupture happened forty or fifty years hence, instead of NOW, the Continent would have been more able to have shaken off the dependance. To which I reply, that our military ability, AT THIS TIME, arises from the experience gained in the last war, and which in forty or fifty years time, would have been totally extinct. The Continent, would not, by that time, have had a General, or even a military officer left; and we, or those who may succeed us, would have been as ignorant of martial matters as the ancient Indians: And this single position, closely attended to,

Kathryn

Oh, I Get It Now

Being a bit over the top, Paine suggests that if he felt it necessary he would get his opinions of the fate of the nation backed up by some of the most praised men of the continent.

Kathryn

A Little Extra

Eminence: distinguished superiority, elevated rank as compared with others. (Sometimes with fig. notion of 1.) a. in social or official position, wealth, or power (OED).

Kathryn

A Little Extra

Opulence: wealth, riches, affluence (OED).

Kathryn

Oh, I Get It Now

Paine is saying here that if a state has their own legislative powers than that state may run their own commerce and therefore become a strong nation with great wealth and power; he feels that if America breaks from Britain than it will have these great opportunities.

Kathryn

Oh, I Get It Now

Paine states that Britain does not care for our land in an expansionist mentality, but rather looks at our colonies as a potential growth in commerce.

Kathryn

Point One

We will fight one day. Maybe this battle will take days, months, or even years but it is our countries fate.

Kathryn

Point Two

If we continue to put this off as a necessity we will have to work even harder to break away. And the generations to follow will suffer in return.

Kathryn

Oh, I Get It Now

An undoubtedly interesting point. He states that if we wait forty or fifty years from now we will only be closer and more connected with Britain. By that time we will not have any officials of our own and certainly not a military of our own. We will know nothing of fighting as we do now through our relations with the Indians, and we will inevitably lose. He believes this is the only logical time to fight.

Kathryn

A Little Extra

Hence means from this time. Therefore in this context, Paine is stating that people often wonder why we can not fight later rather than now.


49

will unanswerably prove, that the present time is preferable to all others. The argument turns thus – at the conclusion of the last war, we had experience, but wanted numbers; and forty or fifty years hence, we should have numbers, without experience; wherefore, the proper point of time, must be some particular point between the two extremes, in which a sufficiency of the former remains, and a proper increase of the latter is obtained: And that point of time is the present time. The reader will pardon this digression, as it does not properly come under the head I first set out with, and to which I again return by the following position, viz. Should affairs be patched up with Britain, and she to remain the governing and sovereign power of America, (which, as matters are now circumstanced, is giving up the point entirely) we shall deprive ourselves of the very means of sinking the debt we have, or may contract. The value of the back lands which some of the provinces are clandestinely deprived of, by the unjust extension of the limits of Canada, valued only at five pounds sterling per hundred acres, amount to upwards of twenty-five millions, Pennsylvania currency; and the quit-rents at one penny sterling per acre, to two millions yearly. It is by the sale of those lands that the debt may be sunk, without burthen to any, and the quit-rent reserved thereon, will always lessen, and in time, will wholly support the yearly expence of government. It matters not how long the debt is in paying, so that the lands when sold be applied to the discharge of it, and for the execution of which, the Congress for the time being, will be the continental trustees. I proceed now to the second head, viz. Which is the easiest and most practicable plan, RECONCILIATION or INDEPENDANCE; With some occasional remarks. He who takes nature for his guide is not easily beaten out of his argument, and on that ground, I answer GENERALLY – THAT INDEPENDENCE BEING A SINGLE SIMPLE LINE, CONTAINED WITHIN OURSELVES; AND RECONCILIATION, A MATTER EXCEEDINGLY PERPLEXED

Michelle

Reconciliation

Reconciliation: "the action of restoring humanity to God's favour, especially. as through the sacrifice of Christ; the fact or condition of a person's or humanity's being reconciled with God" (OED).

Michelle

Underline

The OED states that the word digression means: departure or deviation from the subject in discourse or writing.

Michelle

Digression

Digression: "departure or deviation from the subject in discourse or writing" (OED).

Michelle

Clandestinely

Michelle

Independance

Note Paine's spelling. Independence: "The condition or quality of being independent; the fact of not depending on another; exemption from external control or support; freedom from subjection, or from the influence of others; individual liberty of thought or action. Rarely in bad sense: Want of subjection to rightful authority, insubordination" (OED).

Michelle

Underline

Michelle

Clandestinely

Clandestinely: secretly, privately: usually in bad sense (OED).


50

AND COMPLICATED, AND IN WHICH, A TREACHEROUS CAPRICIOUS COURT IS TO INTERFERE, GIVES THE ANSWER WITHOUT A DOUBT. The present state of America is truly alarming to every man who is capable of reflexion. Without law, without government, without any other mode of power than what is founded on, and granted by courtesy. Held together by an unexampled concurrence of sentiment, which, is nevertheless subject to change, and which, every secret enemy is endeavouring to dissolve. Our present condition, is, Legislation without law; wisdom without a plan; a constitution without a name; and, what is strangely astonishing, perfect Independance contending for dependance. The instance is without a precedent; the case never existed before; and who can tell what may be the event? The property of no man is secure in the present unbraced system of things. The mind of the multitude is left at random, and seeing no fixed object before them, they pursue such as fancy or opinion starts. Nothing is criminal; there is no such thing as treason; wherefore, every one thinks himself at liberty to act as he pleases. The Tories dared not have assembled offensively, had they known that their lives, by that act, were forfeited to the laws of the state. A line of distinction should be drawn, between, English soldiers taken in battle, and inhabitants of America taken in arms. The first are prisoners, but the latter traitors. The one forfeits his liberty, the other his head. Notwithstanding our wisdom, there is a visible feebleness in some of our proceedings which gives encouragement to dissensions. The Continental Belt is too loosely buckled. And if something is not done in time, it will be too late to do any thing, and we shall fall into a state, in which, neither RECONCILIATION nor INDEPENDANCE will be practicable. The king and his worthless adherents are got at their old game of dividing the Continent, and there are not wanting among us, Printers, who will be busy in spreading specious falsehoods. The artful and hypocritical letter which appeared a few months ago in two of the New York papers, and likewise in two others, is an evidence that there are men who want either judgment or honesty.

Michelle

Tories

A Tory (pl. Tories) is: "a coward, for a servile, slavish, self-interested fear is the foundation of Toryism; and a man under such influence, though he may be cruel, never can be brave" (Common Sense 129).

Michelle

Reflexion

Note Paine's spelling of reflection.

Michelle

Reconciliation

(Also shown on previous page) Reconciliation: "the action of restoring humanity to God's favour, especially. as through the sacrifice of Christ; the fact or condition of a person's or humanity's being reconciled with God" (OED).

Michelle

Treacherous

Treacherous: of persons, their attributes or actions: Characterized by treachery; deceiving, perfidious, false; disloyal, traitorous (OED).


51

It is easy getting into holes and corners and talking of reconciliation: But do such men seriously consider, how difficult the task is, and how dangerous it may prove, should the Continent divide thereon. Do they take within their view, all the various orders of men whose situation and circumstances, as well as their own, are to be considered therein. Do they put themselves in the place of the sufferer whose ALL is ALREADY gone, and of the soldier, who hath quitted ALL for the defence of his country. If their ill judged moderation be suited to their own private situations only, regardless of others, the event will convince them, that “they are reckoning without their Host.” Put us, says some, on the footing we were on in sixty-three: To which I answer, the request is not now in the power of Britain to comply with, neither will she propose it; but if it were, and even should be granted, I ask, as a reasonable question, By what means is such a corrupt and faithless court to be kept to its engagements? Another parliament, nay, even the present, may hereafter repeal the obligation, on the pretense, of its being violently obtained, or unwisely granted; and in that case, Where is our redress? – No going to law with nations; cannon are the barristers of Crowns; and the sword, not of justice, but of war, decides the suit. To be on the footing of sixty-three, it is not sufficient, that the laws only be put on the same state, but, that our circumstances, likewise, be put on the same state; Our burnt and destroyed towns repaired or built up, our private losses made good, our public debts (contracted for defence) discharged; otherwise, we shall be millions worse than we were at that enviable period. Such a request, had it been complied with a year ago, would have won the heart and soul of the Continent – but now it is too late, “The Rubicon is passed.” Besides, the taking up arms, merely to enforce the repeal of a pecuniary law, seems as unwarrantable by the divine law, and as repugnant to human feelings, as the taking up arms to enforce obedience thereto. The object, on either side, doth not justify the means; for the lives of men are too valuable to be cast away on such trifles. It is the violence which is done and threatened to our persons; the destruction of our property by an armed force; the invasion of our country by fire and sword, which conscientiously qualifies the use of arms: And the instant, in which such a mode of defence became necessary, all subjection to Britain ought to have ceased; and the

BT

Rhetoric

Notice how Paine does not end this question nor the next question with question marks. He intends for these to be rhetorical questions, asking his readers to ponder on them more than create answers for them.

BT

Illustrating a point

It is unclear as to exactly where Paine borrowed this phrase from, though research concludes that it is a phrase used variously and frequently. Infoplease.com defines this phrase (from E. Cobham Brewer's Dictionary of Phrase and Fable [1894]): "to enter upon an enterprise without knowing the cost." In this context, however, it also clearly serves as a Biblical allusion (which Paine does throughout all of Common Sense).

BT

Tranquility

1763 is rich with significant events central to Britain. According to Wikipedia, these include: The French and Indian War, the Proclamation of 1763, and the Treaty of Paris. Moreso than these specific events, Paine is referring to a time before Britain's installation of various taxes to pay off the war including the Stamp Act of 1765. This was a time of peace and resolution between the war's end and gathering expenses to pay for that war.

BT

Loosely translated

This division Paine is referring to is the threat imposed on Britain to divide rather than unite through talk of reconciliation, and the consequence of negotiation. That is why it is "easy" to "[talk] of reconciliation," but when push comes to shove, Paine asks his readers to consider that if you're trying to please everyone, have you also considered the reality of this wish?

BT

Think about it.

Unlike before, Paine ends these questions with questions marks, though the nature of these questions still implies that they are merely rhetorical.

BT

OED

The OED defines "barrister" in two ways: "1. A student of the law, who, having been called to the bar, has the privilege of practising as advocate in the superior courts of law; and 2. One appointed to revise the lists of persons qualified to vote for Members of Parliament." Paine is simply trying to say that violence, bloodshed, and misguided revolution rules the land - not the law or the legal system.

BT

Fancy talk

One may call this an exaggeration, to an extent. But it is Paine's clever use of poetic language that instills a sense of drive and determination in his willing readers.

BT

Too late!

According to Infoplease.com: "To pass the Rubicon: To adopt some measure from which it is not possible to recede. Thus, when the Austrians, in 1859, passed the Ticino, the act was a declaration of war against Sardinia; and in 1866, when the Italians passed the Adige, it was a declaration of war against Austria. The Rubicon was a small river separating ancient Italy from Cisalpine Gaul (the province allotted to Julius Caesar). When Caesar crossed this stream he passed beyond the limits of his own province and became an invader of Italy." This point becomes manifest through significant events only recently passed from the time of this publication: the events at Lexington and Concord, and Bunker Hill.

BT

$$$$$

The best definition provided by the OED: "Of or relating to money; monetary; financial." Monetary issues within Britain's parliament is a point Paine continually comes back to.

BT

Period vocabulary

According to the OED, this is a word that has no contemporary use. Its last recorded appearance dates back to 1888.

BT

Punc. junkie

Noticeably, Paine is prone to using lots of punctuation. Quite often when he inserts a semicolon or colon in the middle of his sentence, it is used to call attention the next point or opinion being offered.


52

independancy of America, should have been considered, as dating its aera from, and published by, THE FIRST MUSKET THAT WAS FIRED AGAINST HER. This line is a line of consistency; neither drawn by caprice, nor extended by ambition; but produced by a chain of events, of which the colonies were not the authors. I shall conclude these remarks with the following timely and well intended hints. We ought to reflect, that there are three different ways by which an independancy may hereafter be effected; and that ONE of those THREE, will one day or other, be the fate of America, viz. By the legal voice of the people in Congress; by a military power; or by a mob – It may not always happen that OUR soldiers are citizens, and the multitude a body of reasonable men; virtue, as I have already remarked, is not hereditary, neither is it perpetual. Should an independancy be brought about by the first of those means, we have every opportunity and every encouragement before us, to form the noblest purest constitution on the face of the earth. We have it in our power to begin the world over again. A situation, similar to the present, hath not happened since the days of Noah until now. The birthday of a new world is at hand, and a race of men, perhaps as numerous as all Europe contains, are to receive their portion of freedom from the event of a few months. The Reflexion is awful – and in this point of view, How trifling, how ridiculous, do the little, paltry cavillings, of a few weak or interested men appear, when weighed against the business of a world. Should we neglect the present favourable and inviting period, and an Independance be hereafter effected by any other means, we must charge the consequence to ourselves, or to those rather, whose narrow and prejudiced souls, are habitually opposing the measure, without either inquiring or reflecting. There are reasons to be given in support of Independance, which men should rather privately think of, than be publicly told of. We ought not now to be debating whether we shall be independant or not, but, anxious to accomplish it on a firm, secure, and honorable basis, and uneasy rather that it is not yet began upon. Every day convinces us of its necessity. Even the Tories (if such beings yet remain among us) should, of all men, be the most solicitous to promote it; for, as the appointment of committees at first, protected them from popular rage, so, a wise and well established form of government, will be the only certain means of continuing it securely to them.

BT

Not a spelling error

The best definition offered by the OED: "A date, or an event, which forms the commencement of a new period in the history of a nation, an institution, individual, art or science, etc.; a memorable or important date."

BT

Gripping headlines!

Refers to the famous "shot heard round the world;" the first shot fired in a war that is still debatable to date. More commonly, according to Wikipedia, it is accepted as the first shot fired at Concord Hill.

BT

Thoughtful prose

Paine makes note of what he is about to do in an effort to extend a thoughtful clarity to his readers. Here is where we begin to see a shift in Paine's tone, as the strong emotion takes over in a shift from a structured, formal argument.

BT

All for one...

Immediately, Paine begins his frequent use of the word "we" (note from hereon the use of "our," also.) This deliberate choice strengthens the persuasive aspect of his argument, implying that it his duty just as much as it is the duty of his readers to open their eyes to the social and political circumstances surrounding this publication and therefore move themselves to action.

BT

You'll see this a lot.

According to Wikipedia: "used as [a synonym] for 'namely,' 'that is to say,' and 'as follows.'" It is no longer common vocabulary.

BT

Tool of persuasion

Notice how Paine lists all 3 simultaneously before explaining what all of them mean, or entail. By listing them first, and explaining them later, he urges readers to...well, read on.

BT

Significance

He feels so strongly about this point, and wants us to feel so strongly towards it, that he uses not one but two adjectives to describe his hypothetical constitution. That it will be the "noblest purest constitution on the face of the earth" also conveys how strongly he expects us to also feel about this.

BT

Shakespeare in the making

A clear indication of Paine's shift in tone beginning with this paragraph is the poetic language he uses in this sentence to illustrate his point here.

BT

Underline

If we read between the lines, Paine is saying "The time is now!" This few months' time is a time constraint he places on his readers, conveying that the clock is ticking when it comes to taking up arms and moving into action.

BT

In other words...

According to thefreedictionary.com: "a calm, lengthy, intent consideration."

BT

Huh?

According to the OED: "captious objection or frivolous fault-finding." This word is no longer commonplace within our vocabulary.

BT

Un-U-sual

Note the British spelling of favorable. This is only natural, considering Paine is originally from Britain.

BT

Not a mixed drink

According to the OED: "Toryism is a traditionalist political philosophy, which grew out of the Cavalier faction in the Wars of the Three Kingdoms. It is most prominent in Great Britain." Paine probably wonders if they are still among us due to the fact that their characteristics include monarchism.


53

WHEREFORE, if they have not virtue enough to be WHIGS, they ought to have prudence enough to wish for Independance. In short, Independance is the only BOND that can tye and keep us together. We shall then see our object, and our ears will be legally shut against the schemes of an intriguing, as well, as a cruel enemy. We shall then too, be on a proper footing, to treat with Britain; for there is reason to conclude, that the pride of that court, will be less hurt by treating with the American states for terms of peace, than with those, whom she denominates, “rebellious subjects,” for terms of accommodation. It is our delaying it that encourages her to hope for conquest, and our backwardness tends only to prolong the war. As we have, without any good effect therefrom, withheld our trade to obtain a redress of our grievances, let us now try the alternative, by independantly redressing them ourselves, and then offering to open the trade. The mercantile and reasonable part in England, will be still with us; because, peace with trade, is preferable to war without it. And if this offer be not accepted, other courts may be applied to. On these grounds I rest the matter. And as no offer hath yet been made to refute the doctrine contained in the former editions of this pamphlet, it is a negative proof, that either the doctrine cannot be refuted, or, that the party in favour of it are too numerous to be opposed. WHEREFORE, instead of gazing at each other with suspicious or doubtful curiosity; let each of us, hold out to his neighbour the hearty hand of friendship, and unite in drawing a line, which, like an act of oblivion shall bury in forgetfulness every former dissension. Let the names of Whig and Tory be extinct; and let none other be heard among us, than those of A GOOD CITIZEN, AN OPEN AND RESOLUTE FRIEND, AND A VIRTUOUS SUPPORTER OF THE RIGHTS OF MANKIND AND OF THE FREE AND INDEPENDANT STATES OF AMERICA. To the Representatives of the Religious Society of the People called Quakers, or to so many of them as were concerned in publishing the late piece, entitled “THE ANCIENT TESTIMONY and PRINCIPLES of the People called QUAKERS renewed, with Respect to the KING and GOVERNMENT, and touching the COMMOTIONS now prevailing in these and other parts of AMERICA addressed to the PEOPLE IN GENERAL.”

librem-19

Underline

Jake W

Some British words spelled with a "u" are not spelled the same in America.

Jake W

Approved

Jake W

According to the OED a Quaker is, "A member of the Religious Society of Friends, a religious movement founded by the Christian preacher George Fox in 1648-50, and distinguished by its emphasis on the direct relationship of the individual with the divine, and its rejection of sacraments, ordained ministry, and set forms of worship."

Jake W

The OED defines "Whigs" as: "An American colonist who supported the American Revolution." Colonists should not be fighting to defend themselves but to free themselves.

Jake W

Written with respect to the King and Government.

Jake W

According to the OED, the word "prudence" means: "Acting with or showing care and thought for the future." Paine believes Whigs should be fighting for the future of their country.

Jake W

A British political party.

Jake W

Stamp

George Fox founder of Quakerism. http://www.newgenevacenter.org/09_Biography/fox-george.jpg


54

The Writer of this, is one of those few, who never dishonours religion either by ridiculing, or cavilling at any denomination whatsoever. To God, and not to man, are all men accountable on the score of religion. Wherefore, this epistle is not so properly addressed to you as a religious, but as a political body, dabbling in matters, which the professed Quietude of your Principles instruct you not to meddle with. As you have, without a proper authority for so doing, put yourselves in the place of the whole body of the Quakers, so, the writer of this, in order to be on an equal rank with yourselves, is under the necessity, of putting himself in the place of all those, who, approve the very writings and principles, against which, your testimony is directed: And he hath chosen this singular situation, in order, that you might discover in him that presumption of character which you cannot see in yourselves. For neither he nor you can have any claim or title to POLITICAL REPRESENTATION. When men have departed from the right way, it is no wonder that they stumble and fall. And it is evident from the manner in which ye have managed your testimony, that politics, (as a religious body of men) is not your proper Walk; for however well adapted it might appear to you, it is, nevertheless, a jumble of good and bad put unwisely together, and the conclusion drawn therefrom, both unnatural and unjust. The two first pages, (and the whole doth not make four) we give you credit for, and expect the same civility from you, because the love and desire of peace is not confined to Quakerism, it is the natural, as well the religious wish of all denominations of men. And on this ground, as men labouring to establish an Independant Constitution of our own, do we exceed all others in our hope, end, and aim. OUR PLAN IS PEACE FOR EVER. We are tired of contention with Britain, and can see no real end to it but in a final separation. We act consistently, because for the sake of introducing an endless and uninterrupted peace, do we bear the evils and burthens of the present day. We are endeavoring, and will steadily continue to endeavour, to separate and dissolve a connexion which hath already filled our land with blood; and which, while the name of it remains, will be the fatal cause of future mischiefs to both countries.

Jake W

Underline

A Quaker.

Jake W

Underline

The OED defines "quietude" as: "The state or condition of being quiet."

Jake W

Underline

According to the OED "meddle" means :"To mix or mingle."

Jake W

Underline

According to the OED "Quakerism" is: The principles, beliefs, or practice of the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers).

Jake W

Underline

According to the OED "endeavour" means: "To try, make an effort for a specified object; to attempt strenuously."Paine believes Americans should push themselves to the limit in order to separate themselves from Britain.

Jake W

Underline

America and Great Britain.


55

We fight neither for revenge nor conquest; neither from pride nor passion; we are not insulting the world with our fleets and armies, nor ravaging the globe for plunder. Beneath the shade of our own vines are we attacked; in our own houses, and on our own lands, is the violence committed against us. We view our enemies in the character of Highwaymen and Housebreakers, and having no defence for ourselves in the civil law, are obliged to punish them by the military one, and apply the sword, in the very case, where you have before now, applied the halter – Perhaps we feel for the ruined and insulted sufferers in all and every part of the continent, with a degree of tenderness which hath not yet made its way into some of your bosoms. But be ye sure that ye mistake not the cause and ground of your Testimony. Call not coldness of soul, religion; nor put the BIGOT in the place of the CHRISTIAN. O ye partial ministers of your own acknowledged principles. If the bearing arms be sinful, the first going to war must be more so, by all the difference between wilful attack, and unavoidable defence. Wherefore, if ye really preach from conscience, and mean not to make a political hobbyhorse of your religion convince the world thereof, by proclaiming your doctrine to our enemies, FOR THEY LIKEWISE BEAR ARMS. Give us proof of your sincerity by publishing it at St. James’s, to the commanders in chief at Boston, to the Admirals and Captains who are piratically ravaging our coasts, and to all the murdering miscreants who are acting in authority under HIM whom ye profess to serve. Had ye the honest soul of BARCLAY ye would preach repentance to YOUR king; Ye would tell the Royal Wretch his sins, and warn him of eternal ruin.[5] Ye would not spend your partial invectives against the injured and the insulted only, but, like faithful ministers, would cry aloud and SPARE NONE. Say not that ye are persecuted, neither endeavour to make us the authors of that reproach, which, ye are bringing upon yourselves; for we testify unto all men, that we do not complain against you because ye are Quakers, but because ye pretend to be and are NOT Quakers. Alas! it seems by the particular tendency of some part of your testimony, and other parts of your conduct, as if, all sin was reduced to, and comprehended in, THE ACT OF BEARING ARMS, and that by the people only. Ye appear to us, to have mistaken party for conscience; because, the general tenor of

Amanda

Housebreakers

One who breaks open and enters a house with intent to commit robbery or other felony (OED).

Amanda

Bigot

A religious hypocrite; a superstitious adherent of religion (OED).

Amanda

Halter

A rope with a noose for hanging criminals (OED).

Amanda

Political Hobbyhorse

Ridiculous political antics; frivolous or foolish gestures, buffoonery.

Amanda

Invectives

A violent attack in words; a denunciatory or railing speech, writing, or expression (OED).

Amanda

Tenor

The action or fact of holding on or continuing; continuance, duration (OED).

Amanda

Highwaymen

One who frequents the highway for the purpose of robbing passengers; esp. one who does this on horseback, as distinguished from a foot-pad (OED).

Amanda

Barclay's Statement

Referring to Barclay's Address to Charles II. "Thou hast tasted of prosperity and adversity: thou knowest what it is to be banished thy native country, to be over-ruled as well as to rule, and set upon the throne; and being oppressed thou hast reason to know how hateful the oppressor is both to God and man: If after all these warnings and advertisements, thou dost not turn unto the Lord with all thy heart, but forget him who remembered thee in thy distress, and give up thyself to follow lust and vanity, surely great will be thy condemnation.—Against which snare, as well as the temptation of those who may or do feed thee, and prompt thee to evil, the most excellent and prevalent remedy will be, to apply thyself to that light of Christ which shineth in thy conscience, and which neither can, nor will flatter thee, nor suffer thee to be at ease in thy sins."

Amanda

Shade of Vines

"Beneath the shade of our own vines," is symbolic for a place a safety and relaxation.


56

your actions wants uniformity – And it is exceedingly difficult to us to give credit to many of your pretended scruples; because, we see them made by the same men, who, in the very instant that they are exclaiming against the mammon of this world, are nevertheless, hunting after it with a step as steady as Time, and an appetite as keen as Death. The quotation which ye have made from Proverbs, in the third page of your testimony, that, “when a man’s ways please the Lord, he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him”; is very unwisely chosen on your part; because, it amounts to a proof, that the king’s ways (whom ye are desirous of supporting) do NOT please the Lord, otherwise, his reign would be in peace. I now proceed to the latter part of your testimony, and that, for which all the foregoing seems only an introduction viz. “It hath ever been our judgment and principle, since we were called to profess the light of Christ Jesus, manifested in our consciences unto this day, that the setting up and putting down kings and governments, is God’s peculiar prerogative; for causes best known to himself: And that it is not our business to have any hand or contrivance therein; nor to be busy bodies above our station, much less to plot and contrive the ruin, or overturn of any of them, but to pray for the king, and safety of our nation, and good of all men – That we may live a peaceable and quiet life, in all godliness and honesty; UNDER THE GOVERNMENT WHICH GOD IS PLEASED TO SET OVER US” – If these are REALLY your principles why do ye not abide by them? Why do ye not leave that, which ye call God’s Work, to be managed by himself? These very principles instruct you to wait with patience and humility, for the event of all public measures, and to receive that event as the divine will towards you. Wherefore, what occasion is there for your POLITICAL TESTIMONY if you fully believe what it contains? And the very publishing it proves, that either, ye do not believe what ye profess, or have not virtue enough to practise what ye believe. The principles of Quakerism have a direct tendency to make a man the quiet and inoffensive subject of any, and every government WHICH IS SET OVER HIM. And if the setting up and putting down of kings and governments is God’s peculiar prerogative, he most certainly will not be

Amanda

Scruples

Alleged values of doubtful authority (OED).

Amanda

Mammon

Wealth, profit, possessions, etc., regarded as a false god or an evil influence (OED).

Amanda

Viz.

Videlicet - (The abbreviated forms vid., videl., vidz and viz.) That is to say; namely; to wit: used to introduce an amplification, or more precise or explicit explanation, of a previous statement or word (OED).

Amanda

"Our Station"

"Our station," was terminology used to express the position in life and society.

Amanda

Referring to Proverbs 16:7

Amanda

Prerogative

A distinctive attribute or ability which gives its possessor a superiority or advantage over others; an inherent advantage or privilege (OED).

Amanda

Quote

"The quote was adopted by the Friends of Pennsylvania from a declaration of the Friends in England, 1696" (Vol.2 Anti-Jacobin Review and Magazine 1799).

Thomas Paine Before the U.S. By Nathan Boyd

Thomas Paine, the famed pamphleteer, radical, writer, spent the better part of his life in

England. Both before his initial voyage to America, and in his short return before his exile to

France, Thomas Paine lived in Great Britain. What is most striking is that for the 37 years before

Paine was urged by the influential Pennsylvania printer Benjamin Franklin in 1774 to join him

in the American colonies, he lived in relative obscurity. Paine, the great founding father and

inciter of the revolution against mother England, barely lives up to his own reputation.

Thomas Paine was born on Jan. 29, 1737, to the couple of Joseph and Frances Cocke Pain

(Edwards 5). Joseph was first an unsuccessful farmer and later a corset maker, a profession which

he taught his son (5). Thomas’ mother was by most accounts a shrew, “avoided by all who knew

her well” (5). Not much is known about the pair besides the evidence that while Paine had a

pleasant relationship with his father, he disliked his mother very much, and that this nasty

relationship led to a poor and confused rapport with most of the female figures in his life (5).

Thomas was brought up in Thetford England, where he attended grammar school from the ages

of 7 to 13, when his parents could no longer support his education (6). After his schooling he

became an apprentice corset maker. His next venture was as a privateer on the ship called the

King of Prussia (9). Upon his return he fell back on his one and only marketable talent at this

point: corset making. This became a common theme for much of the rest of his early life. His

relationship with Mary Lambert was probably one of the more noteworthy events of his young

years. He married her on September 27, 1759, and together they moved to Margate (12). Mary

died tragically in late 1760, due to unknown reasons (12). His next venture after the tragic loss

was to return to Thetford as an excise officer (13). He found out quite quickly that excising was a

particularly unproductive task on the money making front, but nonetheless persisted on the line

of work for years to come. After a short stint teaching and preaching in London, Paine moved to

the town of Lewes to once again pursue excising (15). It was there that he married Elizabeth

Ollive, and attempted opening a tobacco shop with her brother (15). Both ventures proved

failures, and Paine eventually was forced to leave Lewes because of debts he owed members of the

community (17).

Paine hopped from job to job and town to town, almost a drifter of sorts; he spent the

majority of his life penniless and alone. Aside from the short, but in his words “perfect”

relationship with Mary Lambert, he must have been a particularly unhappy fellow. His attempts at

making money were largely unsuccessful. Corset maker, Privateer, Excise man, tobacconist,

preacher, and teacher all these professions were not only financial failures of Paine’s life, but very

unsatisfying for him personally. The man was only truly at home in his writing. He found his

voice and his proclivity for pamphlet writing when he was organizing fellow exciseman behind

him in an appeal to parliament for higher wages. During this campaign he wrote 3 pamphlets for

the cause (17). They caught the attention of Oliver Goldsmith, not for their message, but for their

skillful prose (17). Through Goldsmith Paine met Franklin which led to his eventual emigration

to America in 1774 (17). The only other writings that Paine published before his trip to America

were song lyrics for a “whig” party campaign song, and in commemoration of the tragic death of

Gen. James Wolfe (14).

His contributions to history are undoubtedly important; however, it seems that most of

the noteworthy events of Paine’s life took place after his emigration. Though, we should never

discount a man’s origins, and it is important to know where and from what he came from. Paine

is rarely remembered as the wanderer and vagrant he surely was both before Common Sense, and

after The Rights of Man.

Works Cited

Edwards, Samuel. Rebel!: A Biography of Thomas Paine. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1974.

Print.

Paine’s Profitability: The Printing and Publication of Common Sense

By Audrey Griess

In Common Sense, Paine’s rallying cry called colonists to arms and inspired them

to break from Britain’s monarchy to risk their lives to fight for their right to create a new

nation. His words and his message changed history; the pamphlet’s printing and

publication also seemed an exceptional part of history. From Paine’s chosen format, to

his accomplices in the publication, to the controversy surrounding the profitability of the

pamphlet, the tale of the printing and publication of Common Sense only matched the

power of this prose.

For Common Sense, Paine employed a natural format for his purpose in writing.

At first, Paine wrote Common Sense to appear as a series of letters in a newspaper, but

when he completed the manuscript, he realized that continuity was essential to the full

effect of his message (Gimbel 17). Therefore, Paine knew he would need a publication

that would allow his readers to take in his writing continuously, and the pamphlet proved

the ideal form of publication. At first, Paine wanted to call the pamphlet Plain Truth, but

his friend and advisor, Dr. Benjamin Rush, suggested it be called Common Sense. Upon

hearing this suggestion, Paine agreed to the title (Hawke 44).

With the manuscript and title completed, Paine knew he would need a publisher

for his work. As he recommended the title, Rush now recommended the publisher Robert

Bell. Bell was a Scotsman who was a printer, publisher, and book auctioneer. In order to

keep his anonymity, Paine used a “trusted go-between” to approach Bell and make

arrangements for the publication (Gimbel 17). Using the “go-between” to make their

arrangements, Paine and Bell decided to divide the profits equally between themselves

(Gimbel 17). In his book on Thomas Paine, David Freeman Hawke commented that

people knew Robert Bell for his comical nature, his doubtful belief in religion, and his

scandalous love life. According to Hawke, because of Bell’s distinctive reputation, Rush

felt Bell would be audacious enough for the controversial publication. Rush and Paine

knew that only Bell’s name would appear on the title page, and therefore, only Bell would

risk his reputation on this publication (44).

When it appeared on January 10, 1776, Common Sense was instantly sold out. By

the end of 1776, approximately 150,000 copies were sold (Ayers 35). Because the

pamphlet proved an “instantaneous success,” the demand for supplementary copies

increased quickly, and Paine created a new addition (Gimbel 21). While finishing the

new edition, Paine decided to give his share of the profits for the purchase of mittens for

the troops going to war. He named two men, Colonel Joseph Dean and Captain Thomas

Pryor, to audit Bell’s accounts, collect the money, and purchase the mittens (Gimbel 22).

When Dean and Pryor went to audit Bell’s accounts, they found no profits to

split. Although they anticipated Paine’s share was approximately thirty pounds, Bell told

Dean and Pryor that he made no profits on the publication of the pamphlet. At this

news, they threatened to go to a new publisher; Bell “maintained his stand” and ignored

the threats (Gimbel 22).

After this confusion on the profitability of Common Sense, Paine broke from Bell,

added more text to his pamphlet, and started printing with the rival firm of William and

Thomas Bradford. Meanwhile, Bell continued printing his version of the pamphlet (Ayers

35). While Bell sold his pamphlet at two shillings, Paine sold his new “Bradford” version

for half the price at one shilling. By buying the new version printed by William and

Thomas Bradford, the colonists purchased “a third more reading matter at half the price”

(Hawke 46).

No matter which edition they purchased, the colonists devoured Paine’s

pamphlets. His inspiring words spread through the colonies. Whether read by women at

the hearth at home, or orally read by soldiers keeping warm by the fire, Paine’s words

heated and ignited the passions of the colonists. Without Paine’s strategic formatting and

printing of this publication, Common Sense wouldn’t have made its distinct mark on

history.

Works Cited

Ayer, A.J. Thomas Paine. Chicago: Chicago Press, 1988. Print.

Gimbel, Richard. Thomas Paine: A Bibliographical Check List of Common Sense With an

Account of Its Publication. Port Washington: Kennikat, 1973. Print.

Hawke, David Freeman. Paine. New York: Norton, 1974. Print.

Tom Paine – Life After the Revolution

By Brigid Sadorf

Tom Paine was not one to rest on his laurels. After the American Revolution he remained

active in political life and outspoken in regards to securing the rights and freedoms of French and

British citizens. He remained in America eleven years after he published Common Sense living in

Bordentown, NJ and began designing an iron bridge. He built a 13-foot model and took it to

Ben Franklin’s garden on Market Street in Philadelphia where he invited people to “walk on it

and stamp hard, but it held up their weight without cracking” (Woodward 155). Members of the

Assembly, however, were not entirely sold on the idea due to costs and doubts about its

construction. In April 1787 he sailed from New York to Paris with his bridge model to consult

with the Academy of Science engineers. The bridge was to be constructed of iron, the first of its

kind, but the French were doubtful that there would be enough iron to complete the project

(Woodward 161). Paine then sent the model to England, which was the chief iron-producing

country, and it was built on Paddington Green in London in June 1790 (Woodward 168).

Paine began work on a document titled The Rights of Man in response to Edmund

Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France. Burke’s essay “attacked the very principles of the

French Revolution calling them anarchistic and declaring that they would destroy French

civilization” (Edwards 119). Paine struck back by writing Part One of Rights of Man taking a

Liberal stance. According to Gary Kates, Paine argued for “a constitutional monarchy based upon

political freedom but an unequal electoral system” (Kates 571). Part Two of the essay

demonstrated Paine’s radical affiliation calling for revolution in Britain. His radicalism focused

on a “democratic republicanism based upon universal manhood suffrage and a commitment to

the amelioration of the lower classes through significant social and economic legislation” (Kates

571). Paine also called for a “graduated income tax as well as health and old age insurance

foreshadowing the idea of the welfare state” (Kates 585).

Because of his incendiary comments toward Britain he was tried him for treason and

banished from the country. He moved to France in April 1791 where he was made a citizen and

elected to the Convention (DAB). Around this time Louis XVI was dethroned and tried for

treason. Paine went against the popular decision to execute the king and was put in prison in

1793 based on a law created after France’s war with England that would imprison all Englishmen

(Palmer 170).

While Paine was in prison he began work on the first part of Age of Reason. He was

eventually freed thanks to James Monroe, the U.S. Minister to France, who had secured his

release from prison by claiming Paine was an American citizen (Edwards 184). Age of Reason was

published in 1795 inflaming the moral senses of many people by charging religion, particularly

Christianity, with “the most detestable wickedness, the most horrid cruelties, and the greatest

miseries that have afflicted the human race” (Prochaska 563). Paine’s deist beliefs provoked over

30 denunciations from various religious writers (Prochaska 569).

Paine returned to America in 1802 and continued to write about political, economic, and

social issues. His Age of Reason alienated many people who saw his views as atheistic. These views

along with Paine’s opposition to slavery and other issues became reason for people to further

distance themselves from him. He wrote a series of letters titled “Letters to Citizens of the United

States” in which he addressed the people who were opposed to his views. When John Adams called

Paine “a worthless fellow,” Paine retaliated in one of these letters by calling Adams “an awkward

hypocrite” (Woodward 311-12).

In March 1803 Paine left his home in Bordentown, N.J. and moved to New York. At this

point he “was the fixed universal target of abuse in America” (Woodward 328). Paine still

championed the freedom from monarchy in Britain, but his efforts fell on deaf ears. His health

was declining and he decided to sell his farm in New Rochelle, but the sale fell through. He wrote

to various congressional members seeking payment for his years of service to the country, but his

claims “were rejected because he sent no documentary evidence” supporting his claims (Edwards

275). Paine, sorely disappointed, boarded with a family who lived on Herring Street [Bleeker

Street] and died on June 8, 1809 (Williamson 272-73). The Quaker community did not honor

Paine’s request to be buried in their cemetery so a small group of friends gathered for his burial on

his farm in New Rochelle.

William Cobbett, a previous foe of Paine’s “who had become an ardent disciple” dug up

Paine’s coffin and had it shipped to England (Edwards 276). Cobbett tried, and failed, to erect a

bronze statue “in honor of Paine’s memory” as well as have jewelry made with locks of Paine’s

hair (Dyck 132). Cobbett kept Paine’s coffin under his bed “with the hope that Paine would

eventually be redeemed by ‘the healing hand of time’” (Dyck 132). The bones are now lost, yet

Tom Paine still remains a polarizing figure in American History.

Works Cited

Dyck, Ian. “Local Attachments, National Identities and World Citizenship in the Thought of

Thomas Paine.” History Workshop 35 (1993): 117-35. JSTOR. Print.

Edwards, Samuel. Rebel! A Biography of Tom Paine. New York: Praeger, 1974, Print.

Kates, Gary. “From Liberalism to Radicalism: Tom Paine’s Right of Man.” Journal of the

History of Ideas 50.4 (1989): 569-87. JSTOR. Print.

Palmer, R.R. “Tom Paine Victim of the Rights of Man.” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History

and Biography 66.2 (1942): 161-75. JSTOR. Print.

Prochaska, Franklin K. “Tom Paine’s The Age of Reason Revisited.” Journal of the History of

Ideas 33.4 (1972): 561-76. JSTOR. Print.

Woodward, W.E. Tom Paine: America’s Godfather. New York: Dutton, 1945. Print.

Paine’s Fall From Grace: Deism, Enlightenment, and Backlash

By Sean Lyddon

While Thomas Paine is best remembered for his penning of Common Sense, his

legacy did not stop with that fiery pamphlet, which brought talk of revolution to the

forefront of the public consciousness. Indeed, Paine had little time to enjoy his reputation

as the Revolution’s Patron Saint; his later writings drove him into blackened infamy.

Paine’s works on Deism, Enlightenment ideas, and Liberalism earned him the contempt

of his peers in America, England, and France. This distaste would persist long after his

death until his character was reexamined, nearly a century later.

In the aftermath of the Declaration of Independence, Paine was appointed

secretary for the Congressional Committee on Foreign Affairs. Following conflicts with

fellow Congressman Robert Morris, and alleged covert correspondence with France, he

was expelled from his position. In 1787, he returned to London, where he penned Rights

of Man. This text was largely a response to Edmund Burke’s condemnation of the French

Revolution in Reflections on the Revolution in France. Paine’s sympathetic view of the

French Revolution did not go over well with the British government, and shortly after

publishing the second part of Rights of Man, which proposed massive social and political

reforms, Paine relocated yet again, this time to France.

During his stay in France, the British government leveled charges of seditious libel

against Paine, to which he responded: “If, to expose the fraud and imposition of

monarchy . . . to promote universal peace, civilization, and commerce, and to break the

chains of political superstition, and raise degraded man to his proper rank; if these things

be libellous . . . let the name of libeller be engraved on my tomb,” (Foot 374). While his

support of revolution, both in the States and in France, had not made him popular with

the British government, Paine wouldn’t be the recepient of wide-spread criticism and

malice until the publication of The Age of Reason.

Paine was granted honorary citizenship in France, but eventually fell out of favor

with Robespierre and his Montagnard faction in post-revolutionary France, who had

recently come to power. As most enemies of the Montagnards were imprisoned and

executed, Paine expected this to be his fate and began penning The Age of Reason. This

text was an attack on organized religion, and advocated Deism, a school of religious

thought that focuses on nature as the prime example of God’s divinity, and as Paine

describes in The Age of Reason itself, “all national institutions of churches, whether

Jewish, Christian or Turkish, appear to me no other than human inventions, set up to

terrify and enslave mankind, and monopolize power and profit,” (Paine 7). In writing The

Age of Reason, and thereby advocating logical thought over acceptance of church

doctrines, Paine was labeled an atheist by his suddenly numerous detractors.

Whether he inspired men to action or filled their hearts with hatred, whether he

was a patron saint of the revolution or a sacriligious sinner, there can be no denying

Paine’s ability to generate a powerful, and often polarizing, response with nothing more

than a pen and a few sleeves of paper.

Works Cited

Foot, Michael, et al. The Thomas Paine Reader. New York: Penguin, 1987. Print.

Paine, Thomas. The Age of Reason. New York: Truth Seeker Co., 1898. Print.

BIBLIOGRAPHY“Address of the People of Great Britain to the Inhabitants of America.” D. H. Ramsey Library

Special Collections. Web. 01 Nov. 2009. Ayer, A.J. Thomas Paine. Chicago: Chicago Press, 1988. Print.Baker-Arnold, Charles. The Companion to British History. London: Routledge, 2001. Print. BBC. “Historic Figures.”(nd). Web. Boatner, Mark Mayo. Encyclopedia of the American Revolution. NewYork: McKay Company,

Inc, 1966. Print. Borneman, Walter R. The French and Indian War. New York: Harper Collins Publishing, 2006.

Print. A simple approach to the war that started the fire for the American Revolution. An interesting

read, with great illustrations and a easy to follow text. Cody, David. “The “Glorious Revolution”.” Victorian Web. 1 May. 2003. Web. 2 Nov. 2009. Collins, A. J. “The Lacock Abbey Manga Carta.” The British Museum Quarterly 16.1 (1951): 1-2.

JSTOR. Web. 2 November 2009. “Dictionary.com.” (2009). Web. The Dictionary of National Biography. New York: Oxford UP, 1917. Print. Douglas, C. David. William the Conqueror. Sacramento: University of California Press, 1964.

Print. Overall a good piece of work. Simplistic and easy to read. Has several chronological dates in the

background which makes research much easier. Dyck, Ian. “Local Attachments, National Identities and World Citizenship in the Thought of

Thomas Paine.” History Workshop 35 (1993): 117-35. JSTOR. Print. Edwards, Samuel. Rebel!: A Biography of Thomas Paine. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1974.

Print. The Encyclopaedia Britannica: a Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, Literature and General Information.

Edited Chishol Hugh. 11th ed. New York: University Press, 1910-11. Print. Esguerra, Jorge. Puritan Conquistadors. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006. Print. An interesting look on the Puritans who came over in the 1620’s. Thoughtful and insightful.

Definitely a good source for research.

Farlex. The Free Dictionary (2009). Web. http://thefreedictionary.com/popish. Gimbel, Richard. Thomas Paine: A Bibliographical Check List of Common Sense With an

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History Home. 25. September. 2009. Web. 2 Nov. 2009. Hufton, Olwen. Europe: Privilege and Protest 1730-1789. Oxford: Blackwell, 2000. Print. Karapalides, Harry J. Dates of the American Revolution. Shippensburg: Burd, 1998. Print. Kates, Gary. “From Liberalism to Radicalism: Tom Paine’s Right of Man.” Journal of the History

of Ideas 50.4 (1989): 569-87. JSTOR. Print. Krout, John A. United States to 1877. New York: Barnes and Nobles, 1971. Print. Merriam, Jr., C.E. “Thomas Paine’s Political Theories.” Political Science Quarterly 14.3 (1899):

389-403. JSTOR. Web. 26 Oct. 2009. The New World Encyclopedia. (April 2008). Print. Oxford University Press. Oxford English Dictionary. 2009. Web. 26 Oct. 2009. Paine, Thomas. Common Sense and Related Writings. Boston: Bedford/ St. Martin’s, 2001. Print. Paine, Thomas. “The Project Gutenberg E-text of Common Sense, by Thomas Paine.” Project

Gutenberg. 9 June 2008. Web. 1 Nov. 2009. Paine Thomas. Collected Writings. New York: Library of America, 1995. Google books. Web.

Oct. 28, 2009. Palmer, R.R. “Tom Paine Victim of the Rights of Man.” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History

and Biography 66.2 (1942): 161-75. JSTOR. Print. “Pelham, Henry.” Chambers Biographical Dictionary (1997). Print. The H.W. Wilson

Company. Web. Biography Reference Bank. 26 October 2009.

Prochaska, Franklin K. “Tom Paine’s The Age of Reason Revisited.” Journal of the History of Ideas 33.4 (1972): 561-76. JSTOR. Print.

Purvis, Thomas L. Colonial America to 1763. New York: Facts on File, 1999. Print. Random House Webster’s College Dictionary. Random House, Inc. (2000). Print.

http://www.sacklunch.net/biography/W/WilliamTheConqueror.html “State and County Quick Facts.” U.S. Census Bureau. Sept. 4, 2009. Web. Oct. 28, 2009. “U.S. Territorial Map 1775.” American Studies at the University of Virginia. 17 June 1996. Web.

1 Nov. 2009.

Wikipedia. Wikmedia Foundation. 30. October. 2009. Web. 2 Nov. 2009. Woodward, W.E. Tom Paine: America’s Godfather. New York: Dutton, 1945. Print.

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COMMON SENSE - | Stockton Wordpress · COMMON SENSE by Thomas Paine . Image from the exhibition Thomas Paine: Radical Founding Father held at the Smithsonian, the National Portrait