Resumo Superhorse

7/31/2019 Resumo Superhorse

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Resumo do Gui

Segue resuminho e alguns autores

Ratzel

Influenced by thinkers like Darwin and zoologist Ernst Heinrich Haeckel, he published

several papers. Among them is the essayLebensraum (1901) concerning biogeography,

creating a foundation for the uniquely German variant ofgeopolitics:geopolitik.

Ratzels writings coincided with the growth ofGerman industrialism after the Franco-

Prussian war and the subsequent search for markets that brought it into competition with

England. His writings served as welcome justification for imperial expansion.

Influenced by the American geostrategist Alfred Thayer Mahan, Ratzel wrote of

aspirations for German naval reach, agreeing that sea power was self-sustaining, as the

profit from trade would pay for the merchant marine, unlike land power.

Ratzels key contribution to geopolitikwas the expansion on the biological conception

of geography, without a static conception of borders. States are instead organic and

growing, with borders representing only a temporary stop in their movement. It is not

the state proper that is the organism, but the land in its spiritual bond with the people

who draw sustenance from it. The expanse of a states borders is a reflection of the

health of the nation.

Ratzels idea ofRaum (space) would grow out of his organic state conception. This

early concept of lebensraum was not political or economic, but spiritual and racial

nationalist expansion. The Raum-motiv is a historically driving force, pushing peoples

with great Kultur to naturally expand. Space, for Ratzel, was a vague concept,

theoretically unbounded.Raum was defined by where German peoples live, where other

weaker states could serve to support German peoples economically, and where German

culture could fertilize other cultures. However, it ought to be noted that Ratzel's concept
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of raum was not overtly aggressive, but theorized simply as the natural expansion of

strong states into areas controlled by weaker states.

The book for which Ratzel is acknowledged all over the world is 'Anthropogeographie'.

It was completed between 1872 to 1899. The main focus of this monumental work is on

the effects of different physical features and locations on the style and life of the people.

Maham

Strategic views

Mahan's views were shaped by the seventeenth century conflicts between

Holland, England, France and Spain, and by the nineteenth century naval

wars between France and Britain, where British naval superiority

eventually defeated France, consistently preventing invasion and blockade

(see Napoleonic war: Battle of Trafalgar and Continental System). To a

modern reader, the emphasis on controlling seaborne commerce is

commonplace, but in the nineteenth century, the notion was radical,

especially in a nation entirely obsessed with expansion on to the continent's

western land. On the other hand, Mahan's emphasis of sea power as the

crucial fact behind Britain's ascension neglected the well-documented roles

of diplomacy and armies; Mahan's theories could not explain the success ofterrestrial empires, such as Bismarckian Germany.

[8]However, as the Royal

Navy's blockade of the German Empire was a critical direct and indirect

factor in the eventual German collapse, Mahan's theories were vindicated

by the First World War.

In the context of his time, Mahan backed a revival of Manifest Destiny

through overseas imperialism. He held that sea power would require the
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United States to acquire defensive bases in the Caribbean and Pacific as

well as take possession of Hawaii. This came at the time when the United

States launched a major shipbuilding program to move the United States to

the third place amongst worldwide naval powers by 1900.

Sea Power

Mahan used history as a stock of lessons to be learnedor more exactly, as

a pool of examples that exemplified his theories. Mahan believed that

national greatness was inextricably associated with the sea, with its

commercial usage in peace and its control in war. His goal was to discoverthe laws of history that determined who controlled the seas. His theoretical

framework came from Jomini, with an emphasis on strategic locations

(such as chokepoints, canals, and coaling stations), as well as quantifiable

levels of fighting power in a fleet. The primary mission of a navy was to

secure the command of the sea. This not only permitted the maintenance of

sea communications for one's own ships while denying their use to the

enemy but also, if necessary, provided the means for close supervision of

neutral trade. This control of the sea could not be achieved by destruction

of commerce but only by destroying or neutralizing the enemy fleet. This

called for concentration of naval forces composed of capital ships, not

unduly large but numerous, well manned with crews thoroughly trained,

and operating under the principle that the best defense is an aggressive

offense.

Mahan contended that with command of the sea, even if local and

temporary, naval operations in support of land forces can be of decisive

importance and that naval supremacy can be exercised by a transnational

consortium acting in defense of a multinational system of free trade. His

theorieswritten before the submarine became a factor in warfare againstshippingdelayed the introduction of convoys as a defense against
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German U-Boats in World War I. By the 1930s the U.S. Navy was building

long-range submarines to raid Japanese shipping, but the Japanese, still tied

to Mahan, designed their submarines as ancillaries to the fleet and failed to

attack American supply lines in the Pacific in World War II.

Mahan argued that radical technological change does not eliminate

uncertainty from the conduct of war, and therefore a rigorous study of

history should be the basis of naval officer education.

Sumida (2000) argues Mahan believed that good political and naval

leadership was no less important than geography when it came to thedevelopment of sea power. Second, his unit of political analysis insofar as

sea power was concerned was a transnational consortium rather than the

single nation-state. Third, his economic ideal was free trade rather than

autarchy. Fourth, his recognition of the influence of geography on strategy

was tempered by a strong appreciation of the power of contingency to

affect outcomes.

Mahan prepared a secret contingency plan of 1890 in case war should

break out between Britain and the United States. Mahan concluded that the

British would attempt to blockade the eastern ports, so the American Navy

should be concentrated in one of these ports, preferably New York with its

two widely separated exits, while torpedo boats should defend the other

harbors. This concentration of the U.S. fleet would force the British to tie

down such a large proportion of their navy to watch the New York exits

that the other American ports would be relatively safe. Detached American

cruisers should wage "constant offensive action" against the enemy's

exposed positions, and if the British were to weaken their blockade force

off New York to attack another American port, the concentrated U.S. fleet

should seize the opportunity to escort an invasion fleet to capture theBritish coaling ports in Nova Scotia, thereby seriously weakening the


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British ability to engage in naval operations off the American coast. This

contingency plan is a clear example of the application of Mahan's

principles of naval war, with a clear reliance on Jomini's principle of

controlling strategic points.

Mahan was a frequent commentator on world naval, strategic and

diplomatic affairs. In the 1890s he argued that the United States should

concentrate its naval fleet and obtain Hawaii as a hedge against Japanese

eastward expansion and that the U.S. should help maintain a balance of

power in the region in order to advance the principle of the Open Door

policy both commercially and culturally. Mahan represented the U.S. at the

first international conference on arms control that was initiated by Russia in

1899. Russia sought a "freeze" to keep from falling behind in Europe's

arms race. Other countries attended in order to mollify various peace

groups. No significant arms limitations agreements were reached. A

proposal on neutral trade rights was debated but ruled out of order by the

Russians. The only significant result of the conference was the

establishment of an ineffective Permanent Court of Arbitration at the

Hague.


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( Impactos do pensamento) Impact on naval thought

Timeliness contributed no small part to the widespread acceptance and

resultant influence of Mahan's views. Although his history was relatively

thin (he relied on secondary sources), the vigorous style and clear theory

won widespread acceptance of navalists across the world. Sea power

supported the new colonialism which was asserting itself in Africa and

Asia. Given the very rapid technological changes underway in propulsion

(from coal to oil, from boilers to turbines), ordnance (with better fire

directors, and new high explosives) and armor and emergence of new craft

such as destroyers and submarines, Mahan's emphasis on the capital shipand the command of the sea came at an opportune moment.


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Mahan's name became a household word in the German navy, as Kaiser

William II ordered his officers to read Mahan, and Admiral Alfred von

Tirpitz (18491930) used Mahan's reputation to finance a powerful surface

fleet.

Between 1890 and 1915, Mahan and British admiral John Fisher (1841

1920) faced the problem of how to dominate home waters and distant seas

with naval forces not strong enough to do both. Mahan argued for a

universal principle of concentration of powerful ships in home waters and

minimized strength in distant seas, while Fisher reversed Mahan by

utilizing technological change to propose submarines for defense of home

waters and mobile battle cruisers for protection of distant imperial interests.

The French were less susceptible to Mahan's theories. French naval

doctrine in 1914 was dominated by Mahan's theory of sea power and

therefore geared toward winning decisive battles and gaining mastery of

the seas. But the course ofWorld War I changed ideas about the place of

the navy, as the refusal of the German fleet to engage in a decisive battle,

the Dardanelles expedition of 1915, the development of submarine warfare,

and the organization of convoys all showed the navy's new role in

combined operations with the army. The navy's part in securing victory was

not fully understood by French public opinion in 1918, but a synthesis of

old and new ideas arose from the lessons of the war, especially by admiral

Raoul Castex (18781968), from 1927 to 1935, who synthesized in his

five-volume Thories Stratgiques the classical and materialist schools of

naval theory. He reversed Mahan's theory that command of the sea

precedes maritime communications and foresaw the enlarged roles of

aircraft and submarines in naval warfare. Castex enlarged strategic theory

to include nonmilitary factors (policy, geography, coalitions, public

opinion, and constraints) and internal factors (economy of force, offense
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and defense, communications, operational plans, morale, and command) to

conceive a general strategy to attain final victory.

Ideologically, the United States Navy initially opposed replacing its sailing

ships with steam-powered ships after the Civil War; Mahan argued that

only a fleet of armored battleships might be decisive in a modern war.

According to the decisive-battle doctrine, a fleet must not be divided;

Mahan's work encouraged technological improvement in convincing

opponents that naval knowledge and strategy remained necessary, but that

domination of the seas dictated the necessity of the speed and predictability

of the steam engine.

His books were greatly acclaimed, and closely studied in Britain and

Imperial Germany, influencing the build up of their forces prior to the First

World War. Mahan influenced the naval portion of the Spanish-American

War, and the battles of Tsushima, Jutland, and the Atlantic. His work

influenced the doctrines of every major navy in the interwar period.

Mahan's concept of sea power extended beyond naval superiority; that in

peace time, states should increase production and shipping capacities,

acquire overseas possessions either colonies or privileged access to

foreign markets yet stressed that the number of coal fuel stations and

strategic bases should be few, not to drain too many resources from the

mother country. Although Mahan's influence on foreign powers has been

generally recognized, only rather recently have scholars called attention to

his role as significant in the growth of American overseas possessions, the

rise of the new American navy, and the adoption of the strategic principles

upon which it operated. He died in Washington a few months after the

outbreak of World War I.
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Mackinder

Importance of non-geographic factors

It is easy to regard Mackinder's theory as a kind of geographic determinism. But

Mackinder emphasized that his theory was not so limited:

"The actual balance of political power at any given time is the product, on the

one hand, of geographical conditions, both economic and strategic, and, on the

other hand, of the relative number, virility, equipment and organization of thecompeting peoples."

(quoted in Sempa 2000)

The World-Island and the Heartland

According to Mackinder, the Earth's land surface was divisible into:

The World-Island, comprising the interlinked continents ofEurope,Asia, andAfrica. This was the largest, most populous, and richest of all possible land

combinations.

The offshore islands, including the British Isles and the islands of Japan. The outlying islands, including the continents of North America, South

America, and Australia.

The Heartland lay at the centre of the world island, stretching from the Volga to the

Yangtze and from the Himalayas to the Arctic. Mackinder's Heartland was the area

ruled by the Russian Empire and then by the Soviet Union, minus the area around

Vladivostok.

Strategic importance of Eastern Europe

Later, in 1919, Mackinder summarised his theory as:
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"Who rules East Europe commands the Heartland;

who rules the Heartland commands the World-Island;

who rules the World-Island controls the world."[citation needed]

Any power which controlled the World-Island would control well over 50% of the

world's resources. The Heartland's size and central position made it the key to

controlling the World-Island.

The vital question was how to secure control of the Heartland. This question may seem

pointless, since in 1904 the Russian Empire had ruled most of the area from the Volga

to Eastern Siberia for centuries. But throughout the nineteenth century:

The West European powers had combined, usually successfully, in the GreatGame to prevent Russian expansion.

The Russian Empire was huge but socially, politically and technologicallybackward - i.e inferior in "virility, equipment and organization".

Mackinder held that effective political domination of the Heartland by a single power

had been unattainable in the past because:

The Heartland was protected from sea power by ice to the north and mountainsand deserts to the south.

Previous land invasions from east to west and vice versa were unsuccessfulbecause lack of efficient transportation made it impossible to assure a continual

stream of men and supplies.

He outlined the following ways in which the Heartland might become a springboard for

global domination in the twentieth century (Sempa, 2000):

Successful invasion of Russia by a West European nation (most probablyGermany). Mackinder believed that the introduction of the railroad had removed

the Heartland's invulnerability to land invasion. As Eurasia began to be covered

by an extensive network of railroads, there was an excellent chance that a

powerful continental nation could extend its political control over the Eastern

European gateway to the Eurasian landmass. In Mackinder's words, "Who rules

East Europe commands the Heartland."
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A Russo-German alliance. Before 1917 both countries were ruled by autocrats(the Tsar and the Kaiser), and both could have been attracted to an alliance

against the democratic powers of Western Europe (the US was isolationist

regarding European affairs, until it became a participant of World War I in

1917). Germany would have contributed to such an alliance its formidable army

and its large and growing sea power.

Conquest of Russia by a Sino-Japanese empire (see below).

The combined empire's large East Asian coastline would also provide the potential for it

to become a major sea power. Mackinder's "Who rules East Europe commands the

Heartland ..." does not cover this scenario, probably because the previous 2 scenarios

were seen as the major risks of the nineteenth century and the early 1900s.

One of Mackinder's personal objectives was to warn Britain that its traditional reliance

on sea power would become a weakness as improved land transport opened up the

Heartland for invasion and / or industrialisation (Sempa, 2000).
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Spykman

Spykman's Geostrategy

N.J. Spykman could be considered as a disciple and critic of both geostrategists Alfred

Mahan, of the United States Navy, and Halford Mackinder, the British geographer. His

work is based on assumptions similar to Mackinder: the unity of world politics, and the

unity of the world sea. He extends this to include the unity of the air. The exploration of

the entire world means that the foreign policy of any nation will affect more than its

immediate neighbors; it will affect the alignment of nations throughout the world's

regions. Maritime mobility opened up the possibility of a new geopolitical structure: the

overseas empire.

Spykman adopts Mackinder's divisions of the world, renaming some:

the Heartland; the Rimland (analogous to Mackinder's "inner or marginal crescent"); and the Offshore Islands & Continents (Mackinder's "outer or insular crescent").

Heartland

At the same time, because he gives credit to the strategic importance of maritime space

and coastal regions, Spykman's analysis of the heartland is markedly different from

Mackinder's. He does not see it as a region which will be unified by powerful

transportation or communication infrastructure in the near future. As such, it won't be in

a position to compete with the United States' sea power. Spykman agrees that the

heartland offers a uniquely defensive position, but that is all Spykman grants the

occupier of the heartland.

While the USSR encompassed a great expanse of land, its arable land remained in a

small portion of its territory, mostly in the West. Indeed, the Soviet's raw materials were

largely located to the West of the Ural mountains as well. Since the political and

material center of gravity was in the Western part of the USSR, Spykman sees littlepossibility of the Soviets exerting much power in Central Asia.
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Still, Russia was to remain the greatest land power in Asia, and could be a peacekeeper

or a problem.

Rimland

The Rimland (Mackinder's "Inner or Marginal Crescent") was divided into three

sections:

the European coast land; the Arabian-Middle Eastern desert land; and, the Asiatic monsoon land.

While Spykman accepts the first two as defined, he rejects the simple grouping of the

Asian countries into one "monsoon land." India, the Indian Ocean littoral, and Indian

culture were geographically and civilizationally separate from the Chinese lands.

The Rimland's defining characteristic is that it is an intermediate region, lying between

the heartland and the marginal sea powers. As the amphibious buffer zone between the

land powers and sea powers, it must defend itself from both sides, and therein lies its

fundamental security problems. Spykman's conception of the Rimland bears greater

resemblance to Alfred Thayer Mahan's "debated and debatable zone" than to

Mackinder's inner or marginal crescent.

The Rimland has great importance coming from its demographic weight, natural

resources, and industrial development. Spykman sees this importance as the reason that

the Rimland will be crucial to containing the Heartland (whereas Mackinder had

believed that the Outer or Insular Crescent would be the most important factor in the

Heartland's containment).

Offshore Continents

There are two offshore continents flanking Eurasia: Africa and Australia. Spykman sees

the two continents' geopolitical status as determined respectively by the state of control

over the Mediterranean Sea and the "Asiatic Mediterranean." Neither has ever been the

seat of significant political power chaos prevents Africa from harnessing the
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resources of its tropical regions; Australia hasn't enough arable territory to serve as a

base of power.

Other than the two continents there are offshore islands of significance are Britain and

Japan, while the New World, buffered by the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans

Eurasian Dynamics

Again, Spykman differs from Mackinder. Mackinder sees Eurasian wars as historically

pitting the heartland against the sea powers for control of the rimland, establishing a

land power-sea power opposition. Spykman states that historically battles have pitted

Britain and rimland allies against Russia and its rimland allies, or Britain and Russia

together against a dominating rimland power. In other words, the Eurasian struggle was

not the sea powers containing the heartland, but the prevention of any power from

ruling the rimland.

Spykman recalls Mackinder's famous dictum,

Who controls eastern Europe rules the Heartland;

Who controls the Heartland rules the World Island; and

Who rules the World Island rules the World,

but disagrees, refashioning it thus:

Who controls the rimland rules Eurasia;

Who rules Eurasia controls the destinies of the world.

Therefore, British, Russian, and U.S. power would play the key roles in controlling the

European littoral, and thereby, the essential power relations of the world.

U.S. Strategic Goals

Spykman thought that it was in U.S. interests to leave Germany strong after World War

II in order to be able to counter Russia's power. Strategically, there was no difference

between Germany dominating all the way to the Urals, or Russia controlling all the wayto Germany; both scenarios were equally threatening to the U.S.
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Spykman predicted that Japan would lose the war in the Pacific, while China and Russia

would remain to struggle against one another over boundaries. He also forecast the rise

of China, becoming the dominant power in Asia, causing the U.S. to take responsibility

for Japan's defense.

Spykman was opposed to European integration and argued that U.S. interests favored

balanced power in Europe rather than integrated power. The U.S. was fighting a war

against Germany to prevent Europe's conquestit would not make sense to federalize

and thereby unify Europe after a war fought to preserve balance.

John Foster Dulles and the founders of U.S. containment strategy would borrow heavily

from Spykman, as well as Mackinder, when forging U.S. Cold War strategy.

Haushofer
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Haushofer developed Geopolitik from widely varied sources, including the writings of

Oswald Spengler,Alexander Humboldt,Karl Ritter,Friedrich Ratzel, Rudolf Kjelln,

and Halford J. Mackinder.

Geopolitik contributed to Nazi foreign policy chiefly in the strategy and justifications

for lebensraum. The theories contributed five ideas to German foreign policy in the

interwar period:

the organic state lebensraum autarky

pan-regions land power/sea power dichotomy.

Geostrategy as a political science is both descriptive and analytical like Political

Geography, but adds a normative element in its strategic prescriptions for national

policy.[5]

While some of Haushofer's ideas stem from earlier American and British

geostrategy, German geopolitik adopted an essentialist outlook toward the national

interest, oversimplifying issues and representing itself as a panacea.[6]

As a new and

essentialist ideology, geopolitik found itself in a position to prey upon the post-WWI

insecurity of the populace.[7]

Haushofer's position in the University of Munich served as a platform for the spread of

his geopolitical ideas, magazine articles, and books. In 1922 he founded the Institute of

Geopolitics in Munich, from which he proceeded to publicize geopolitical ideas. By

1924, as the leader of the German geopolitik school of thought, Haushofer would

establish the Zeitschrift fr Geopolitikmonthly devoted to geopolitik. His ideas wouldreach a wider audience with the publication of Volk ohne Raum by Hans Grimm in

1926, popularizing his concept of lebensraum.[8]

Haushofer exercised influence both

through his academic teachings, urging his students to think in terms of continents and

emphasizing motion in international politics, and through his political activities.[9]

While Hitler's speeches would attract the masses, Haushofer's works served to bring the

remaining intellectuals into the fold.[10]
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Geopolitik was in essence a consolidation and codification of older ideas, given a

scientific gloss:

Lebensraum was a revised colonial imperialism; Autarky a new expression of tariffprotectionism; Strategic control of key geographic territories exhibiting the same thought

behind earlier designs on the Suez and Panama canals; i.e., a view of controlling

the land in the same way as those choke points control the sea

Pan-regions (Panideen) based upon the British Empire, and the AmericanMonroe Doctrine, Pan-American Union and hemispheric defense,

[11] whereby

the world is divided into spheres of influence.

Frontiers His view of barriers between peoples not being political (i.e.,borders) nor natural placements of races or ethnicities but as being fluid and

determined by the will or needs of ethnic/racial groups.

The key reorientation in each dyad is that the focus is on land-based empire rather than

naval imperialism.

Ostensibly based upon the geopolitical theory of American naval officer Alfred Thayer

Mahan, and British geographer Halford J. Mackinder, German geopolitik adds older

German ideas. Enunciated most forcefully by Friedrich Ratzel and his Swedish student

Rudolf Kjelln, they include an organic or anthropomorphized conception of the state,

and the need for self-sufficiency through the top-down organization of society.[7]

The

root of uniquely German geopolitik rests in the writings of Karl Ritter who first

developed the organic conception of the state that would later be elaborated upon by

Ratzel and accepted by Hausfhofer. He justified lebensraum, even at the cost of other

nations' existence because conquest was a biological necessity for a state's growth.[12]

Ratzel's writings coincided with the growth of German industrialism after the Franco-

Prussian war and the subsequent search for markets that brought it into competition with

Britain. His writings served as welcome justification for imperial expansion.[13]

Influenced by Mahan, Ratzel wrote of aspirations for German naval reach, agreeing that

sea power was self-sustaining, as the profit from trade would pay for the merchant

marine, unlike land power.[14]

Haushofer was exposed to Ratzel, who was friends with

Haushofer's father, a teacher of economic geography,[15]

and would integrate Ratzel's
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ideas on the division between sea and land powers into his theories, saying that only a

country with both could overcome this conflict.[16]

Haushofer's geopolitik expands upon that of Ratzel and Kjelln. While the latter two

conceive of geopolitik as the state as an organism in space put to the service of a leader,

Haushofer's Munich school specifically studies geography as it relates to war and

designs for empire.[17]

The behavioral rules of previous geopoliticians were thus turned

into dynamic normative doctrines for action on lebensraum and world power.[18]

Haushofer defined geopolitik in 1935 as "the duty to safeguard the right to the soil, to

the land in the widest sense, not only the land within the frontiers of the Reich, but the

right to the more extensive Volk and cultural lands."

[19]

Culture itself was seen as themost conducive element to dynamic special expansion. It provided a guide as to the best

areas for expansion, and could make expansion safe, whereas projected military or

commercial power could not.[20]

Haushofer even held that urbanization was a symptom

of a nation's decline, evidencing a decreasing soil mastery, birthrate and effectiveness of

centralized rule.[21]

To Haushofer, the existence of a state depended on living space, the pursuit of which

must serve as the basis for all policies. Germany had a high population density, whereas

the old colonial powers had a much lower density, a virtual mandate for German

expansion into resource-rich areas.[22]

Space was seen as military protection against

initial assaults from hostile neighbors with long-range weaponry. A buffer zone of

territories or insignificant states on one's borders would serve to protect Germany.[23]

Closely linked to this need, was Haushofer's assertion that the existence of small states

was evidence of political regression and disorder in the international system. The small

states surrounding Germany ought to be brought into the vital German order.[24]These

states were seen as being too small to maintain practical autonomy, even if they

maintained large colonial possessions, and would be better served by protection and

organization within Germany. In Europe, he saw Belgium, the Netherlands, Portugal,

Denmark, Switzerland, Greece and the "mutilated alliance" of Austro-Hungary as

supporting his assertion.[25]
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Haushofer's version of autarky was based on the quasi-Malthusian idea that the earth

would become saturated with people and no longer able to provide food for all. There

would essentially be no increases in productivity.[26]

Haushofer and the Munich school of geopolitik would eventually expand their

conception of lebensraum and autarky well past the borders of 1914 and "a place in the

sun" to a New European Order, then to a New Afro-European Order, and eventually to a

Eurasian Order.[27]

This concept became known as a pan-region, taken from the

American Monroe Doctrine, and the idea of national and continental self-sufficiency.[28]

This was a forward-looking refashioning of the drive for colonies, something that

geopoliticians did not see as an economic necessity, but more as a matter of prestige,

and putting pressure on older colonial powers. The fundamental motivating force would

not be economic, but cultural and spiritual.[29]

Haushofer was, what is called today, a

proponent of "Eurasianism", advocating a policy of GermanRussian hegemony and

alliance to offset an AngloAmerican power structure's potentially dominating influence

in Europe.

Beyond being an economic concept, pan-regions were a strategic concept as well.

Haushofer acknowledges the strategic concept of the Heartland put forward by the

British geopolitician Halford Mackinder.[30]

If Germany could control Eastern Europe

and subsequently Russian territory, it could control a strategic area to which hostile

seapower could be denied.[31]

Allying with Italy and Japan would further augment

German strategic control of Eurasia, with those states becoming the naval arms

protecting Germany's insular position.[32]
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Documents

Resumo Superhorse