Record: 1 Staying in or Moving Away From Structured Activities:

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Staying in or moving away from structured activities: Explanations involving parents and peers. Persson,

Andreas; Kerr, Margaret; Stattin, Hkan; Developmental Psychology, Vol 43(1), Jan, 2007. pp. 197-207.

[Journal Article] Abstract: Adolescent participation in structured activities, meaning those with adult

leaders, regular meetings, and skill-building activities, is related to good adjustment. Participation inunstructured, unsupervised, peer-oriented activities is related to poor adjustment. Structured activity

participation is high in early adolescence and then declines, raising the question of why youths leave

structured activities. The authors examined explanations involving parents and peers. They used

longitudinal data from 861 youths (ages 13-17 years). Results showed that, compared with youths who

stayed in structured activities, those who switched to hanging out on the streets were less likely to have

peers in structured activities and had less positive feelings about the home context and more negative

interactions with parents. In addition, delinquency predicted switching to hanging out in the streets and

never joining structured activities in the first place. The results concerning parents support a theoretical

explanation of how parents might unintentionally affect youths' leisure choices. Furthermore, the

authors found some indications that positive feelings at home might protect youths who switch fromstructured activities to hanging out on the streets from increases in delinquency. (PsycINFO Database

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Staying in or moving away from structured activities: Explanations involving parents andpeers.

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Staying in or Moving Away From Structured Activities : Explanations Involving Parents and Peers

By: Andreas Persson

Center for Developmental Research, rebro University, rebro, SwedenMargaret Kerr

Center for Developmental Research, rebro University, rebro, Sweden

Hkan Stattin

Center for Developmental Research, rebro University, rebro, Sweden
https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/redir.aspx?C=279a46ba9e284f05b3f62cbe05c5ecc7&URL=http%3a%2f%2fsearch.ebscohost.com%2flogin.aspx%3fdirect%3dtrue%26db%3dpdh%26AN%3ddev-43-1-197%26site%3dehost-livehttps://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/redir.aspx?C=279a46ba9e284f05b3f62cbe05c5ecc7&URL=http%3a%2f%2fsearch.ebscohost.com%2flogin.aspx%3fdirect%3dtrue%26db%3dpdh%26AN%3ddev-43-1-197%26site%3dehost-live


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Acknowledgement: This study was funded by the Swedish Research Council. Margaret Kerr received

partial support from Riksbankens Jubileumsfond. We thank Therse Johansson, Gowert Masche,

Vilmante Pakalniskiene, and Stefan Persson for insightful comments on a draft of this article and William

Burk for statistical advice.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to: Andreas Persson, , Center forDevelopmental Research, Department of Behavioral, Social and Legal Science, rebro University,

rebro, SE-701 82 Sweden Electronic Mail may be sent to: [email protected].

Youths spend many of their waking hours in leisure activities. These activities can vary considerably in

content and form. Among other things, some are led by adults, whereas others are not. Participation in

structured activities, or activities with adult leaders, regular meetings, and skill-building activities, is

related to academic achievement (Cooper, Valentine, Nye, & Lindsay, 1999; Eccles & Barber, 1999;

Marsh, 1992), reduced risk of school dropout (Mahoney & Cairns, 1997; McNeal, 1995), increased life

satisfaction (Gilman, 2001), and lower rates of depression (Mahoney, Schweder, & Stattin, 2002) and

delinquency (Landers & Landers, 1978; Mahoney, 2000). Participation in unstructured, unsupervised,

peer-oriented activities, conversely, is related to antisocial behavior (Mahoney, Stattin, & Lord, 2004;

Osgood, Wilson, O'Malley, Bachman, & Johnston, 1996; Persson, Kerr, & Stattin, 2004; Stattin, Kerr,

Mahoney, Persson, & Magnusson, 2005). To some extent, this is probably a result of self-selection in the

sense that well-adjusted youths choose structured activities, whereas poorly adjusted youths choose

unstructured activities. However, many researchers have found a link between leisure activities and

adjustment even when attempting to control for selection effects by including background factors such

as gender, grade, personality characteristics, socioeconomic status, and family factors (Cooper et al.,

1999; Eccles & Barber, 1999; Marsh, 1992; McNeal, 1995; Stattin et al., 2005). Thus, even though the

link between leisure activities and adjustment is partly explained by self-selection, youths' choices of

leisure activities seem to have implications for their overall adjustment and well-being.

Given that participation in structured activities is related to positive outcomes and participation in peer-

oriented, unstructured activities is related to problems, one would like to understand why youths get

involved in structured rather than unstructured activities in the first place. Research suggests, however,

that this may not be the only critical issue. Studies of youths' involvement in structured activities show

that participation is as high as 70%80% in early adolescence (Eccles & Barber, 1999; U.S. Department of

Education, 1995) but that it declines over time (Mahoney, Larson, Eccles, & Lord, 2005). Some of the

youths who quit will undoubtedly start spending their time in unstructured activities, such as hanging

out on the streets, instead, which is associated with problems. Another critical issue, then, is why some

youths stay involved in structured activities, whereas others quit or switch to unstructured activities.

There could be many reasons why youths stay in or drop out of structured activities. For instance,

previous research in the sports domain has found that youths who feel competent or find the activity

enjoyable and challenging are more motivated than those who do not and more likely to stay involved

over time (Carpenter & Scanlan, 1998; Gould, Feltz, & Weiss, 1985; Klint & Weiss, 1986, 1987; Weiss,

Kimmel, & Smith, 2001). Factors such as too much pressure, restrictions on time use, lack of

competence and motivation, and the attraction of conflicting activities are related to youths' dropping
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out (Gould, Feltz, Horn, & Weiss, 1982; Guillet, Sarrazin, Carpenter, Trouilloud, & Cury, 2002; Klint &

Weiss, 1986; Sarrazin, Vallerand, Guillet, Pelletier, & Cury, 2002; for a review, see Brustad, Babkes, &

Smith, 2001). Thus, concerning sports, abilities, experiences, and scheduling issues seem to play a part in

whether youths stay involved or drop out.

Another potential reason why youths stay in or drop out of structured activities is what their peers aredoing. Research on social relationships in the sports domain has found that youths who have positive

peer relationships show greater enjoyment of and commitment to the activity (Duncan, 1993; Smith,

1999; Weiss & Smith, 2002). Similarly, qualitative research on highly talented youths' extracurricular

involvement has found that peer relationships contribute to the decision to stay in or quit structured

activities (Fredricks et al., 2002; Patrick et al., 1999). In addition, quantitative research has linked friends'

endorsement of structured activities and peer pressure to structured activity participation (Huebner &

Mancini, 2003). Hence, previous research suggests that peers might play a part in whether youths stay in

or quit structured activities. However, these studies have not discriminated between quitting and

switching to unstructured activities. Thus, when investigating the role of peers in youths' leisure choices,

previous research has not considered that youths might switch from structured to peer-oriented,unstructured activities to spend more time with their important peers.

Several studies have also examined the role of parents in youths' leisure choices. Cross-sectionally,

parental support (Anderson, Funk, Elliot, & Hull Smith, 2003) and endorsement (Huebner & Mancini,

2003) of structured activities have been linked to structured activity involvement, and lack of support

has been linked to unstructured activity involvement (Mahoney & Stattin, 2000). Although these cross-

sectional studies cannot explain youths' leisure choices over time, one longitudinal study has linked

parental reinforcement to adolescent participation in structured activities, both concurrently and

longitudinally (Fletcher, Elder, & Mekos, 2000). Taken together, these cross-sectional and longitudinal

studies suggest that parents' support for structured activities might be important for engagement instructured or unstructured activities. These studies, however, have focused on involvement in either

structured or unstructured activities but have not looked at changing from one to another. Therefore,

they cannot answer why youths quit structured activities or switch from structured to unstructured

activities. Furthermore, although these studies suggest that parents' support and encouragement

influence youths' leisure participation, it is unlikely that parents' influence only occurs through this

mechanism. If parents affect youths' leisure choices, their influence is likely to work through several

mechanisms, and some might be much less direct. The question, then, is whether parents might

influence youths' leisure choices or movements from structured to unstructured activities, such as

loitering, in ways other than through reinforcement of structured activities.

One theoretical idea that has been offered about this is that parents can influence youths' leisure

choices unintentionally by influencing the way youths feel about adult-controlled, structured settings in

general (for a detailed account of proposed mechanisms, see Kerr, Stattin, Biesecker, & Ferrer-Wreder,

2003). In brief, the idea is that, from family interactions, children derive a clear sense of how much they

are valued and respected and how much they can control or predict what happens to them. In the

psychological literature, broadly speaking, these are critical for health and well-being and linked to

positive emotions (e.g., Rodin & Langer, 1977; Seligman, 1975). Parental behaviors such as angry
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AAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c28https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c14https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c41https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c23https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c23https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c2https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c23https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c23https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c48https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c16https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c58https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c54https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c54https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c10https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c4https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c4https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c51https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c31https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c31https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c21https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c19


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outbursts, derisive comments, or inconsistent discipline could make children feel unvalued,

disrespected, and not in control of their circumstances, and the negative emotions connected with these

kinds of experiences could become conditioned to fundamental aspects of the home context, such as

having adults present and more or less in control. (Regardless of how controlling parents are, they

define the family's living situation in ways that children do not and, as such, are in control.) These same

negative emotions might generalize to adult-controlled contexts outside the home. If so, then whenchildren grow old enough to choose their own leisure contexts, they should gravitate away from adult-

led, structured settings and toward unstructured settings. In other words, they might begin hanging out

on the streets or in public parks or going to parties where parents are not present. If the emotions

generated at home are positive, however, then youths should gravitate toward leisure settings that can

elicit the same good feelingsadult-led, structured activities. Thus, according to this context-choice

explanation (Kerr et al., 2003), emotions generated in the home setting help to steer youths' choices of

leisure contexts. In this way, parents might have an unintended influence on youths' choices of leisure

activities.

A couple of recent studies have offered preliminary support for this idea. In one study, girls who wereengaged in unstructured leisure activities had poorer relationships with their parents and more negative

emotions connected with the home setting than those who were not involved in unstructured activities

(Persson et al., 2004). In another study, youths whose parents knew little about their children's daily

activities and who disclosed little to their parents were more likely to enter into unstructured activities

over time (Mahoney et al., 2004). Although feelings about parents were not measured directly in this

study, to the extent that low parental knowledge reflects youths' negative feelings about the family

context, this might be taken as support for the idea. Both these studies, however, concentrated on

unstructured activities. As such, the context-choice idea has not been tested against an alternative

that youths who have negative feelings about their parents go into structured activities to form

relationships with other adults. Thus, the questions remain regarding whether and how feelings aboutthe family context are linked to both (a) structured and unstructured activities and (b) decisions to

switch from structured to unstructured activities.

Another possible role that good relationships with parents might play is to moderate the potential

negative consequences of switching from structured to peer-oriented, unstructured activities, such as

hanging out on the streets. Having negative feelings at home is one possible reason why youths might

not stay in organized activities, but there are others, such as lack of talent or interest or the desire to

spend time with peers who are not involved in those activities. Given that a youth has dropped out of

structured activities and started engaging in unstructured activities, such as loitering on the streets,

relationships with parents might determine whether this becomes problematic. When youths areloitering, opportunities arise to engage in criminal acts, such as shoplifting and vandalism. Strong

parentyouth relationships might prevent youths from acting in these situations, perhaps through a

mechanism such as that proposed by Hirschi (1969), whereby youths with strong bonds to their parents

avoid performing delinquent acts because they might jeopardize their relationships with their parents.

Hirschi (1969) suggested that strong bonds make parents psychologically present with the youth in

tempting situations, so that the youth actually thinks about his or her parents when deciding whether to
https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c28https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c49https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c42https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c22https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c22https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c22https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c22https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c42https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c49https://bl2prd0102.outlook.com/owa/?ae=Item&a=Preview&t=IPM.Conversation&id=CID.%2bAL9%2bBkaVUuzf3cFVWqE8A%3d%3d.LgAAAAChtrmsrq7yQZyXsLJVheCOAQCDDEjSBKYdT5osnYAPn338AAAX8bHBAAAB#c28


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join in a delinquent activity. Indeed, there is a fair amount of evidence linking close parentyouth

relationships with lower levels of delinquency (Dishion, French, & Patterson, 1995; Fincham, Grych, &

Osborne, 1994; Maccoby & Martin, 1983). Thus, even though youths who switch from structured

activities to unstructured activities, such as hanging out on the streets, should be expected to increase in

problem behavior because of increased opportunities, strong relationships with parents might make this

less likely, thus moderating the expected link between hanging out on the streets and increases indelinquency over time.

In sum, then, studies that have examined youths' leisure choices and the consequences of those choices

leave a number of questions unanswered. First, they have mainly focused on engagement in structured

activities, without considering that some of those youths who are not engaged in structured activities

might have quit. Hence, there is a lack of research on why youths quit structured activities. Second, prior

studies have focused on either structured or unstructured activities but not both together. Therefore,

they do not reveal why some youths switch from structured to unstructured activities. Third, few studies

have considered peers as a factor influencing youths' choices of staying, quitting, or switching. Fourth,

prior studies have not considered how parents might influence youths' leisure choices other thanthrough reinforcement. Moreover, they provide little information about the factors that determine how

negative the consequences of switching from structured to peer-oriented, unstructured activities might

be. A fifth unanswered question is, therefore, whether feelings about parents might play an important

role in moderating the consequences of switching from structured to unstructured activities as well as in

the choice itself.

In this study, we address each of these unanswered questions. We (a) focus on why youths quit

structured activities; (b) consider switching from adult-led, structured activities to the unstructured

activity of hanging out on the streets, which clearly fits the criteria of being peer oriented and having no

adult supervision, rules, or structure and which has been considered an unstructured activity in previousresearch (Mahoney et al., 2005; Mahoney & Stattin, 2000); (c) look at an explanation involving peers; (d)

consider youths' feelings associated with the home setting rather than parents' direct influence; and (e)

consider the consequences of dropping out of structured activities and whether feelings about parents

and the home setting might play a protective or moderating role.

Using longitudinal data over 1 year, we begin at an age when structured activity participation is high. We

identify youths who stayed in structured activities (stayers), dropped out (quitters), or switched from

structured activities to hanging out on the streets (switchers). As comparison groups, we also include

those who were never, as far as we know, in structured activities (nonjoiners) and those who were

involved in both structured activities and hanging out on the streets (both). Thus, we focus on both

structured activities and the unstructured activity of hanging out as well as movements between them.

We try to explain youths' decisions to stay in structured activities, quit, or switch to hanging out on the

streets. We test one explanation that has to do with peersthat youths stay in or drop out of structured

activities to do what their peers are doing. We test another explanation that has to do with parents and

how they might unintentionally influence whether youths stay in structured activities. The mechanism

involves youths' feelings in the family context and how these feelings, by being generalized to other

contexts, might guide youths' choices in the leisure context. First, we test these peer and parent
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explanations separately; then we examine whether they are two independent explanations by including

them in the same model. Finally, assuming that leaving structured activities to hang out on the streets

will be followed by increased problem behavior, we look at whether positive feelings about the family

context might moderate this effect. Thus, we test a dual protective role for parents, in the sense that

feelings about parents might prevent youths from switching from structured activities to hanging out on

the streets but also protect youths from the negative consequences of switching, if they make thatchoice.

Method

Participants and Procedure

The data are from the first two waves of a longitudinal study that is taking place in a community in

central Sweden. The primary purpose of this investigation is to study the development of problem

behavior. The community has 36,000 inhabitants. The unemployment rate is similar to that in Sweden as

a whole (6%). The mean income is somewhat lower than in the rest of the country (214,000 Swedish

Crowns per year, compared with 223,000 for the rest of the country). Twelve percent of the inhabitants

have a foreign background. The community offers a wide range of adult-led, organized leisure activities

for youths. Some of the most popular are sports associations, such as soccer, basketball, handball,

badminton, and floor hockey. The community also organizes theater groups and art associations for

youths as well as several different hobby associations, involving, for example, stamp collecting,

photography, and model car or airplane building. Other activities include scouts and church youth

associations. All these are group oriented, have adult leaders, and have regularly scheduled meetings.

The data were collected in the fall, during which most of the community's leisure activities were going

on. All students in Grades 4 through 12 are invited to participate in the study each year. We are

targeting all youths in the community so that when youths name peers who are important to them, ifthey live in the community, those peers are likely to have participated in the study as well and self-

reported on their own behavior. In this way, data on peers' behaviors are independent of the youths

who named those peers and, as such, are not affected by the youths' own perceptions and biases, which

inflate similarity (e.g., Iannotti, Bush, & Weinfurt, 1996).

Youths were recruited in their classrooms during school hours. They were told what kinds of questions

would be included in the questionnaires and how long it would take to fill them out. They were

informed that participation was voluntary and that, if they chose not to participate, they were free to do

something else instead of filling out the questionnaire. They were assured that if they did participate,

their answers would not be revealed to parents, teachers, the police, or anyone else. Parents wereinformed about the study ahead of time in meetings held in the community and by mail. They received a

postage-paid card to return if they did not want their children to participate (1% did so). They were told

that they could withdraw their child from the study at any time they chose. Thus, youths participated if

they voluntarily chose to do so and if their parents did not object to their participation. They filled out

the questionnaires during regular school hours in sessions administered by trained research assistants.

Teachers were not present. Youths were not paid for their participation, but for each of the classes in
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Grades 4 through 6 we made a contribution to the class fund, and in each of the classes in Grades 7

through 12 we held a drawing for movie tickets. All those who stayed in the room, whether they filled

out questionnaires or not, were eligible for the drawing. For the present study, we used Grades 7

through 11, which is roughly ages 13 to 17 (ntarget sample = 1,751; 51% boys and 49% girls), because it

is during these ages that adolescents tend to drop out of structured activities. Of the 1,751 students in

the target sample, 1,652 (94%) participated in the study at Time 1.

The second wave took place 1 year later, with the same procedure. In the second wave, 1,341 (81%) of

the participants from the first wave participated. We used logistic regression to examine whether any of

the measures included in this study predicted dropout among youths who participated at Time 1

(remaining in the study = 1). Age (odds ratio [OR] = 0.73, p < .001), feelings in the family context (OR =

1.51, p = .011), and family structure (1 = divorced; OR = 0.56, p = .012) were significant predictors, but

the other measures were not. Thus, those participants with data at both time points were somewhat

younger, had somewhat more positive feelings in the family context, and were more likely to be from

intact families than those who dropped out.

Approximately 15% of the individuals in the longitudinal sample of 1,341 had missing data for at least

one of the following measures (see the Measures section): structured activities, hanging out on the

streets, feelings in the family context, or negative experiences of parentchild interactions. Missing

value analyses indicated that these data were missing at random, so we used the expectation-

maximization algorithm to impute the missing values. This strategy has been shown to be superior to

listwise deletion (Schafer & Graham, 2002). Analyses without imputed values resulted in a similar

pattern of significant findings.

Because we were interested in youths with particular patterns of activity involvement over time, we

restricted the longitudinal sample of 1,341 to the 1,186 youths who could be classified as stayers,

quitters, switchers, both, or nonjoiners. This leisure-groups sample did not differ significantly from the

longitudinal sample on any of the predictors in this study. Eight hundred sixty-one (73%) youths in this

leisure-groups sample had complete self-reported data on all measures and had peer-reported data on

peers' involvement in structured activities. They composed the analytic sample in this study (n = 861).

Compared with the leisure-groups sample, the analytic sample was somewhat younger, t(1088) = 4.39, p

< .001; more likely to be female, 2(1, N = 1,186) = 11.75, p < .001; and more likely to be involved in

structured activities at Time 2, 2(1, N = 1,186) = 5.01, p = .025; however, the analytic sample did not

differ on any other measure in this study.

Measures

Peer Measures

Important peers

At Time 1, adolescents nominated up to three important peers, defined as someone you talk to, hang

out with, and do things with. They were told that an important peer could be a friend, a sibling, or a

boyfriend or girlfriend but could not be a parent or another adult. They also reported where they spent
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time with these peers (at school, in free time, or both in school and in free time). In this study, we only

included important peers the respondents spent time with in free time or both in school and in free

time.

Peer group

This instrument was adapted from Cairns and Cairns's (1994) assessment of youth groups. Youths were

asked to identify their leisure-time peer groups. The definition was at least three people who hang out

together outside of school (several people who are often together). They wrote down the names of all

their leisure-time peer group members.

Peers in structured activities

First, we defined peers as the combination of both (a) the three most important peers and (b) the

individuals named as part of the leisure peer group. We made sure that each peer was only included

once. That is, if the most important peers were also mentioned in the leisure peer group, we made sure

that they were not counted twice. Then, to determine whether the respondents' peers were involved instructured activities, we used peers' own reports of their leisure activities and the same definition of

structured activity participation as for the respondents (see above). We created a dichotomous measure

based on the peers' information (1 = peers in structured activities, 2 = peers not in structured activities).

Youths were defined as having peers in structured activities if a majority of their peers were involved in

structured activities (71% had all their peers involved in structured activities); they were defined as

having peers not involved in structured activities if a majority of their peers were not involved in

structured activities (53% had all their peers outside of structured activities). According to this

definition, 700 youths had peers in structured activities, and 161 had peers who were not in structured

activities.

Leisure Activities

Structured activities

At Time 1, youths were asked about their engagement in structured leisure activities. The question

specified that the activity had to have an adult leader and meetings at least once a week at a scheduled

time. The activities (and percentages of youths involved) were as follows: sports (71%), theater and art

(4%), hobby associations (24%), church youth associations (9%), and scouts (4%). The response options

were yes and no, and youths were considered involved in structured activities if they chose yes for

any of the activities. Twenty-one percent of the youths were involved in more than one activity. At Time

2, the question and the list of activities were identical to those at Time 1, but there was just one yes-or-no option to indicate participation in one or more of the activities. Seven hundred fifteen participants

(83%) were involved in a structured activity at Time 1, and 515 (60%) were involved at Time 2.

Hanging out on the streets

We wanted to be sure that the activity that we defined as unstructured fit the criteria of being peer

oriented and having no adult supervision, rules, or structure. Hanging out in town in the evenings
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without doing anything in particular fits those criteria and has been defined as an unstructured activity

in previous research (Mahoney et al., 2005; Mahoney & Stattin, 2000). Youths were asked about how

frequently they did this. The five response options ranged from seldom or never to almost every night.

We dichotomized this measure (1 = hanging out, 2 = not hanging out), such that those who answered

seldom or never were defined as not hanging out. By this definition, 384 participants (45%) were

hanging out on the streets at Time 1, and 258 (30%) were hanging out at Time 2.

Group definitions

The participants were divided into five groups (stayers, quitters, switchers, both, and nonjoiners) on the

basis of their involvement in structured activities and hanging out on the streets at the two time points.

Stayers comprised 385 youths (54% female) who were involved in structured activities at both times and

were not hanging out on the streets at Time 2. Quitters comprised 129 youths (48% female) who were

involved in structured activities at Time 1 but not involved in either structured activities or hanging out

at Time 2. Switchers comprised 71 youths (52% female) who were involved in structured activities at

Time 1 but were only hanging out on the streets at Time 2. Nonjoiners comprised 146 youths (63%

female) who were not involved in structured activities at either time. The both group comprised 130

youths (49% female) who were involved in both structured activities and hanging out on the streets at

both times.

Measures of Feelings About Parents and the Family Context

Feelings in the family context

At Time 1, participants answered three questions regarding how often, when they were together with

their family at home, they felt (a) respected, (b) that they were an important person, and (c) proud of

themselves. The four response options ranged from never to very often (M = 3.06, SD = 0.67). TheCronbach's alpha was .82.

Negative experiences of parentchild interactions

This was a composite of two scales that tap specific parenting behaviors that youths should experience

negatively (parents' bad reactions to the youth's disclosure) and specific negative feelings that youths

attribute to parenting behaviors (feelings of being controlled by parents). The Cronbach's alpha for this

composite scale was .81. Concerning parents' bad reactions to disclosure, at Time 1 participants

answered six questions about their parents' tendencies to react disrespectfully to their disclosure

attempts. The questions were Has it happened that you told your parents things and later regretted

that you did? How often have you regretted that you told your parents too much about yourself, your

friends, and your free time? Have you been punished for something that you spontaneously told your

parents? Have your parents ever used what you told them against you? Do your parents bring up

things that you have told them in confidence again and again? and Have your parents ever made fun

of things you happened to tell them about yourself and your life? They answered on a 5-point response

scale that ranged from has never happened to very often (M = 1.93, SD = 0.84) The Cronbach's alpha

was .82. Concerning the youths' feelings of being overly controlled by parents, at Time 1 participants
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answered these questions: Do you feel that your parents demand to know everything? Do you think

you get enough freedom from your parents to do what you want in your free time? Do you think that

your parents control everything in your life? and Do you think that your parents interfere with what

you do in your free time? The five response options ranged from yes, always to no, never (M = 3.65, SD

= 0.69). The Cronbach's alpha for this scale was .76.

Other Measures

Family structure

At Time 1, participants were asked whether their parents were divorced. Two hundred fifty-six (30%)

had divorced parents.

Delinquency

Youths answered 21 questions about whether they had engaged in various delinquent behaviors during

the past year. The response scale was a 5-point scale ranging from never (1) to more than 10 times (5).

The questions were about breaking into houses; taking bicycles, motorcycles, and cars without

permission; shoplifting; vandalizing; smoking hashish and using other drugs; hitting someone so hard

that he or she needed to be treated at the hospital; hurting someone with a knife or some other

weapon; and threatening or forcing someone to do something he or she did not want to do (Time 1, M =

1.17, SD = 0.30; Time 2, M = 1.14, SD = 0.34). The Cronbach's alphas for Times 1 and 2 were .89 and .92,

respectively. This scale has been validated as a part of a longitudinal project titled Individual

Development and Adjustment (Magnusson, Dunr, & Zetterblom, 1975).

Results

Descriptive Results

Table 1 shows participation in structured activities for the different grades involved in the study and for

boys and girls separately. As the table shows, participation in structured activities dropped substantially

over this 1-year period. Boys seemed to have been involved in structured activities to a somewhat larger

extent than girls at Time 1, 2(1, N = 861) = 6.65, p = .010, but not at Time 2, 2(1, N = 861) = 0.60, p =

.440. Because of the difference at Time 1, however, we included gender in the following analyses.

Percentages of Participants Involved in Structured Activities by Grade and Gender

Youths' Choices in the Leisure Contextthe Role of the Peers

Do youths drop out of structured activities to spend more time with their peers? Similarly, do they stay

in structured activities if their peers are involved? To test this, we performed multinomial logistic

regression with group membership (involved in both structured activities and hanging out on the

streets, quit structured activities, switched to hanging out on the streets, never joined structured

activities, and stayed in structured activities) as the dependent variable. We chose staying in structured
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activities as the reference category. The independent variable was whether the peers were involved in

structured activities. Furthermore, because previous research has found that age (Mahoney et al.,

2005), family factors such as divorce (McNeal, 1998), and delinquency (Larson, 1994) are related to

participating in or dropping out of structured activities, we entered them as control variables in this

analysis and all further analyses reported in this study.

The model outperformed the null model, 2(20, N = 861) = 197.42, p < .001. As shown in Table 2,

delinquency, family structure, gender, and age were all significant predictors of some leisure choices.

For instance, delinquency increased the likelihood of being involved in both structured activities and

hanging out in the streets, switching to hanging out in the streets, and never joining structured

activities. Even after we controlled for these other factors, however, peers' leisure activities uniquely

predicted switching and never having joined structured activities. Having peers in structured activities

significantly decreased the likelihood of switching from structured activities to hanging out on the

streets (OR = 0.47, confidence interval [CI] = 0.25, 0.91, p = .024) and of never having joined structured

activities in the first place (OR = 0.24, CI = 0.15, 0.38, p < .001). Thus, youths who switched to hanging

out on the streets or who never joined structured activities were less likely to have peers in structuredactivities than youths who stayed in structured activities. Peers' leisure activities were not related to

quitting structured activities or being involved in both structured activities and loitering. These results

are consistent with the idea that youths' decisions to stay involved in or leave structured activities are

partly based on whether their friends are involved.

Multinomial Logistic Regression Predicting Group Membership From Peers' Activity Participation

and Controlling for Age, Delinquency, Gender, and Family Structure

Youths' Choices in the Leisure ContextThe Role of Parents

Are youths' choices of leisure activities also partly based on their experiences in the family context? In

particular, do youths who have generally negative feelings associated with the home context avoid

adult-led, structured activities and spend more time loitering, and do youths who have generally

positive feelings at home stay involved in structured activities over time? To examine this, we conducted

two multinomial logistic regression analyses with two different indicators of youths' feelings at home:

feelings in the family context, and negative experiences of parentchild interactions. In these models,

leisure group membership was entered as the dependent variable, and feelings in the family context (or

negative experiences of parentchild interactions), gender, age, family structure, and self-reported

delinquency at Time 1 were entered as control variables. Staying in structured activities was chosen as

the reference category.

The model that included feelings in the family context outperformed the null model, 2(20, N = 861) =

174.93, p < .001. As reported in the upper part of Table 3, positive feelings in the family context

significantly reduced the likelihood of switching from structured activities to hanging out (OR = 0.59, CI =

0.40, 0.86, p = .007) or of never joining structured activities (OR = 0.53, CI = 0.39, 0.72, p < .001),

independently of age, gender, delinquency, and family structure. Hence, youths who switched from
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structured activities to hanging out on the streets or never joined structured activities were less likely

than youths who stayed in structured activities to have positive feelings in the family context. Feelings in

the family context were not related to quitting structured activities or being involved in both structured

activities and hanging out on the streets.

Multinomial Logistic Regression Predicting Group Membership From Feelings About the Home

Context and ParentYouth Interactions and Controlling for Age, Delinquency, Gender, and Family

Structure

The model that included negative experiences of parentchild interactions as the indicator of youths'

feelings at home also outperformed the null model, 2(20, N = 861) = 168.27, p < .001. As shown in the

lower part ofTable 3, negative experiences of parentchild interactions predicted being involved in both

structured activities and hanging out on the streets (OR = 1.47, CI = 1.11, 1.93, p = .007) and switching to

hanging out on the streets (OR = 1.52, CI = 1.08, 2.16, p = .017) but not any other leisure choice. Hence,

both feelings in the family context and negative experiences of parentchild interactions, beyond theother predictors, predicted switching from structured activities to hanging out on the streets. Therefore,

these results are consistent with the idea that the feelings youths have connected with the home

context influence their choices of leisure contextsin particular, whether they choose adult-led,

structured contexts or avoid them.

Peers and Parents

The peer and parent explanations are both supported by the data, but are they two independent

explanations? To test this, we used multinomial logistic regression to predict group membership and

entered both feelings in the family context and peers in structured activities into the equation. In

addition, we computed an interaction term between feelings in the family context and peers in

structured activities to examine whether, for example, feelings in the family context influence how likely

youths are to gravitate to activities in which their peers are involved. As before, we entered adolescents'

gender, age, family structure, and self-reported delinquency at Time 1 as control variables. In this

model, both feelings in the family context and peers in structured activities remained unique, significant

predictors of switching and never joining structured activities when we controlled for the opposite

variable and the other factors (see Table 4), and the interaction effect was not significant.

Multinomial Logistic Regression Predicting Group Membership From Peers' Activity Participation,

Feelings About the Home Context, and ParentYouth Interactions and Controlling for Age, Delinquency,

Gender, and Family Structure

Then we repeated the procedure with negative experiences of parentchild interactions as the indicator

of youths' feelings at home. Again, both the peer and the parent measures remained significant, unique

predictors when included in the same model (see Table 4). Therefore, it seems that feelings at home and
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peers' leisure activities are two independent explanations that are both useful for understanding why

some youths switch from structured activities to hanging out on the streets.

Feelings in the Family Context as a Moderator of the Consequences of Switching From Structured

Activities to Hanging Out on the Streets

Previous research suggests that youths who spend time in peer-oriented, unstructured activities

increase in delinquency over time (Mahoney, Stattin, & Magnusson, 2001). Thus, we expected to find

that those who switched from structured activities to hanging out on the streets increased their

delinquent activity over time. That expectation was confirmed. In a multiple regression analysis,

switching from structured activities to hanging out on the streets (dummy coded) predicted delinquency

at Time 2 ( = .113, SE = .029, p < .001) when we controlled for delinquency at Time 1, age, gender, and

family structure. Our question, however, was whether this tendency would be less for youths who had

close ties to their parents, as evidenced by positive feelings in the family context. To test this, we used

multiple regression, predicting delinquency at Time 2 while controlling for delinquency at Time 1. We

ran two different models, one with feelings in the family context, and one with negative experiences of

parentchild interactions. In the first model, switching from structured activities to hanging out on the

streets, feelings in the family context, and the interaction of the two were entered as predictors along

with age, family structure, and gender as controls. A significant interaction term would indicate that

feelings in the family context moderated the negative effect of switching from structured activities to

hanging out on the streets. As reported in Table 5, the interaction was not significant.

Multiple Regression Analyses Testing Whether Positive Feelings About the Home Context and

ParentYouth Interactions Moderate the Link Between Switching From Structured Activities to Hanging

Out on the Streets and Increases in Delinquency Over Time

In the second model, switching from structured activities to hanging out on the streets, negative

experiences of parentchild interactions, and the interaction of the two were entered as predictors

along with the same controls as in the previous model. With this indicator of youths' feelings at home,

the interaction reached significance ( = .062, SE = .030, p = .039). To understand the nature of the

interaction, we solved the regression equation for high and low values of switching and negative

experiences of parentchild interactions, and we plotted these points. The plot indicated that, as

expected, youths who switched and had highly negative experiences at home increased in delinquency

somewhat more than switchers with less negative experiences at home. Thus, there is some evidence,

albeit weak and for only one of two indicators, that positive feelings about home and parents might

protect youths once they switch from structured activities to hanging out on the streets.

Discussion

Youths spend a great deal of time in different leisure activities. Most are involved in adult-led,

structured activities in early adolescence, but many eventually drop out. Given that structured activities

are related to positive development (Cooper et al., 1999; Landers & Landers, 1978; Mahoney & Cairns,
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1997; Mahoney et al., 2002) and peer-oriented, unstructured activities, such as loitering on the streets,

are related to increasing problems over time (Agnew & Petersen, 1989; Osgood et al., 1996), one would

like to understand why youths quit structured activities or switch from structured to unstructured

activities. Our findings lend support to two explanations. One is that youths leave structured activities to

spend time with peers who are not in those activities. The other is that youths who do not feel valued

and respected at home avoid other adult-controlled, structured settings when they are old enough tochoose their own leisure activities. These seem to be two independent explanations, as they both

remained significant predictors when entered into the same equation. Furthermore, we found some

indications that positive feelings at home might protect youths who switch from structured activities to

hanging out on the streets from increases in delinquency. Thus, parents seem to play an indirect role in

youths' leisure choices by contributing to youths' feelings associated with the home, but they might also

play an indirect role in what happens once choices are made.

This study advances the literature in several ways. First, previous research has mainly focused on being

engaged in or joining structured (Fletcher, Nickerson, & Wright, 2003; McNeal, 1998) or unstructured

activities (Mahoney et al., 2001; Persson et al., 2004). To our knowledge, this study is the first topropose and examine explanations for movements between structured activities and unstructured

activities, such as hanging out on the streets. Second, this study examines new explanations regarding

the roles of parents and peers in youths' leisure activities. Although some studies have considered peer

factors (Eccles, Barber, Stone, & Hunt, 2003; Fredricks et al., 2002; Huebner & Mancini, 2003; Mahoney

& Stattin, 2000; Patrick et al., 1999; Smith, 1999; Weiss & Smith, 2002), ours is the first to examine the

idea that youths switch leisure activities to spend time with peers outside of structured activities.

Concerning parents, previous research primarily has focused on different forms of reinforcement in

explaining youths' structured activity participation (Anderson et al., 2003; Huebner & Mancini, 2003).

We have broadened the view of how parents might have an influence, showing that parents might

influence youths' leisure choices unintentionally by creating positive or negative feelings about adult-controlled, structured settings in general. Furthermore, our findings regarding delinquency and youths'

leisure choices extend previous research. One study found that delinquents were inclined to drop out of

sports (Larson, 1994). In this study, we have found that delinquency was a significant predictor of not

only quitting structured activities but switching to hanging out on the streets and never having joined

structured activities as well. Thus, this study extends previous research on the roles of peers, parents,

and delinquency in youths' leisure choices.

How do youths end up having negative feelings at home? We have implied that this is something under

parents' control, but what might parents actually do to create negative feelings? One possibility is that

they do not allow youths a voice in making decisions about things that concern them. This could leaveyouths with the feeling that they are not valued and respected and that they cannot control what

happens to them. In line with this, previous research has found that parental efforts to control youths'

freedomby, for example, requiring that the youth ask for permission before going out are linked to

youths' feelings of being overly controlled, which, in turn, are related to internal problems, such as

depressive symptoms and low self-esteem (Barber, 1996; Kerr & Stattin, 2000). Another way parents

might create negative feelings is by consistently reacting to youths' communication with disrespect or
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