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Promoting human rights and democracy through the media since 1993 PO Box 1560, Parklands, 2121 Tel +2711 788 1278 Fax +2711 788 1289 Email [email protected] www.mediamonitoringafrica.org 1 MMA POIB Submission 2012 Attention: The Honourable Mr Raseriti Tau & Mr G Dixon Chairperson, National Council of Provinces’ Committee & Committee Secretary Dealing with the Protection of State Information Bill By email: Committee Secretary Mr G. Dixon at [email protected] 17 February 2012 Dear Mr Tau WRITTEN SUBMISSIONS ON THE PROTECTION OF STATE INFORMATION BILL BY MEDIA MONITORING AFRICA 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1. Media Monitoring Africa (“MMA”) is an NGO that has been monitoring the media since 1993. We aim to promote the development of a free, fair, ethical and critical media culture in South Africa and the rest of the continent. The three key areas that MMA seeks to address through a human rights-based approach are, media ethics, media quality and media freedom. In the last nineteen years we have conducted over 120 different media monitoring projects – all of which relate to key human rights issues, and at the same time to issues of media quality. MMA has, and continues to challenge media on a range of issues always with the overt objective of promoting human rights and democracy through the media. In this time MMA has also been one of the few civil society organisations that ahs sought to deepen democracy and hold media accountable through engagement in policy and law making processes. MMA has made submissions to the NCOP on matters relating to Public Broadcasting, as well as numerous presentation o Parliaments Portfolio Committee on Communication. In addition MMA has made submissions to Broadcasters, the Press Council, the South African Human Rights Commission and the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa. MMA also actively seeks to encourage ordinary citizens to engage in the process of holding media accountable through the various means available – all of which can be found on MMA’s website. (www.mediamonitoringafrica.org )

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Page 1: Promoting human rights and democracy through the media ...pmg-assets.s3-website-eu-west-1.amazonaws.com/docs/120328mma_0.pdfMedia Monitoring Africa (“MMA”) is an NGO that has been

Promoting human rights and democracy through the media since 1993

PO Box 1560, Parklands, 2121 • Tel +2711 788 1278 • Fax +2711 788 1289

Email [email protected] • www.mediamonitoringafrica.org

1 MMA POIB Submission 2012

Attention: The Honourable Mr Raseriti Tau & Mr G Dixon Chairperson, National Council of Provinces’ Committee & Committee Secretary Dealing with the Protection of State Information Bill By email: Committee Secretary Mr G. Dixon at [email protected] 17 February 2012 Dear Mr Tau WRITTEN SUBMISSIONS ON THE PROTECTION OF STATE INFORMATION BILL BY MEDIA MONITORING AFRICA 1. INTRODUCTION

1.1. Media Monitoring Africa (“MMA”) is an NGO that has been monitoring the media since 1993.

We aim to promote the development of a free, fair, ethical and critical media culture in South

Africa and the rest of the continent. The three key areas that MMA seeks to address through

a human rights-based approach are, media ethics, media quality and media freedom. In the

last nineteen years we have conducted over 120 different media monitoring projects – all of

which relate to key human rights issues, and at the same time to issues of media quality.

MMA has, and continues to challenge media on a range of issues always with the overt

objective of promoting human rights and democracy through the media. In this time MMA

has also been one of the few civil society organisations that ahs sought to deepen

democracy and hold media accountable through engagement in policy and law making

processes. MMA has made submissions to the NCOP on matters relating to Public

Broadcasting, as well as numerous presentation o Parliaments Portfolio Committee on

Communication. In addition MMA has made submissions to Broadcasters, the Press

Council, the South African Human Rights Commission and the Independent Communications

Authority of South Africa. MMA also actively seeks to encourage ordinary citizens to engage

in the process of holding media accountable through the various means available – all of

which can be found on MMA’s website. (www.mediamonitoringafrica.org)

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2 MMA POIB Submission 2012

1.2. MMA thanks the Chairperson of the National Council of Provinces (“NCOP”) Committee

holding hearings on the Protection of State Information Bill as passed by the National

Assembly [B6B – 2010] (“the Bill”), for inviting members of the public to make submissions

on this important piece of legislation and for undertaking publicly to ensure that all issues are

fully aired and debated.

1.3. MMA agrees that it is critical that the NCOP plays its correct constitutional role and that it acts

as a separate and independent component of Parliament and not merely as a rubber stamp

in respect of Bills passed by the National Assembly.

1.4. MMA formally requests the opportunity of making oral submissions at the NCOP hearings in

respect of this submission.

1.5. For your ease of reference, the overview of these written submissions is as follows:

1.5.1. MMA Welcomes Many of the Provisions of the Protection of State Information Bill

1.5.2. South Africa’s Obligations under African Union Agreements

1.5.3. International Good Practise on National Security, Freedom of Expression and Access

to Information

1.5.4. Problematic Provisions of the Bill Requiring Urgent Amendment by the NCOP

1.5.5. Conclusion

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3 MMA POIB Submission 2012

2. MMA WELCOMES MOST OF THE PROVISIONS OF THE PROTECTION OF STATE INFORMATION BILL

2.1. MMA welcomes most of the provisions of the Bill.

2.2. MMA is of the view that South Africa is leading the way in demonstrating how post-Colonial

countries need to deal with repressive, Colonial (or Apartheid)-era security laws, namely, by

repealing same and replacing them with progressive laws that give meaningful protection to

genuine national security while respecting the constitutionally-guaranteed rights of citizens.

2.3. MMA is of the view that South Africa is playing a critically important leadership role in this

regard. Far too many countries on the Continent still have security legislation on their statute

books that dates back to the early Colonial era, in many instances to before even the

adoption of the United Nations (“the UN”) Declaration of Human Rights1. By taking the step

of repealing Apartheid-era security laws, such as the Protection of Information Act, 1982,

designed to subjugate and silence, South Africa is demonstrating how law-making is a vital

component of a developmental-focused and democratic political agenda. This is to be

warmly welcomed and frankly MMA is of the view that Parliament, has, to date, received little

credit in this regard, particularly in respect of the Bill.

2.4. Nevertheless, there is no doubt that certain of the current provisions of the Bill are not

progressive, do not accord with the Constitution and are out of step with South Africa’s

commitments to good governance and transparency as contained in ratified African Union

(“AU”) Treaties, Conventions and Declarations. MMA is of the view that the NCOP must

ensure that South Africa’s leadership role on the Continent is not undermined by a few

provisions in the Bill which can, with relatively minor amendments, make the passage of this

Bill something that the country can be justly proud of.

1 See generally, Southern African Media Law Handbook, Limpitlaw, KAS, 2011 http://www.kas.de/medien-afrika/en/publications/23503/

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4 MMA POIB Submission 2012

3. SOUTH AFRICA’S OBLIGATIONS UNDER AFRICAN UNION AGREEMENTS

3.1. Before considering specific provisions of the Bill that continue to be of concern to it, MMA

wishes respectfully to refer the NCOP to a number of Treaties, Conventions and

Declarations, emanating from the AU and its organs. These African documents are

extremely useful and relevant to the matters that the NCOP is considering because they

shed light on where the line between the rights to safety and security and the rights to free

expression and information needs to be drawn. While MMA recognises that such

international instruments are only a part of a range of International human rights instruments

that South Africa is a party to2, MMA has chosen to focus on the African international

instruments because of their contextual usefulness.

3.2. The AU, and its organs, such as the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, are

critically important bodies in respect of political and economic development of the Continent.

South Africa currently plays a leading role in the AU and its organs: a South African currently

holds the position of Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and Access to

Information of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights and our current

Minister of Home Affairs recently contested the election to head the AU Commission. South

Africa is clearly seen as a leading African country and it hits high above its weight, exercising

regional and even Continental influence in respect of its governmental and legislative

actions.

3.3. That South Africa takes the AU and its organs seriously is evidenced by the alacrity with

which South Africa not only signs but also ratifies its Treaties, Conventions etc. MMA is of

the view that the NCOP must take cognisance of and be guided by commitments that South

Africa has acceded to in respect of AU Treaty and Convention obligations when engaging in

law-making, in order to ensure development and a deepening of democracy.

3.4. MMA sets out below, references to the provisions of a number of relevant international

Treaties, Conventions and Statements that give guidance as to what the NCOP’s approach

to the Bill ought to be in ensuring its compliance with these provisions:

2 The UN Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights are examples.

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5 MMA POIB Submission 2012

3.4.1. African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, 1981 (“the Banjul Charter”)

3.4.1.1. The Banjul Charter was originally adopted in 1981 and came into force in

1986, as a Charter of the Organisation for African Unity (“the OAU”). South

Africa ratified the Banjul Charter in 1996.

3.4.1.2. The Preamble to the Banjul Charter clearly sets out the OAU’s (and the AU’s)

understanding of the relationship between eradicating Colonialism and a

commitment to human rights. MMA wishes to highlight two of the provisions

of the preamble:

• “Reaffirming the pledge they solemnly made...to eradicate all forms

of colonialism from Africa, to co-ordinate and intensity their

cooperation and efforts to achieve a better life for the peoples of

Africa...” and

• “Firmly convinced of their duty to promote and protect human and

peoples’ rights and freedoms taking into account the importance

traditionally attached to these rights and freedoms in Africa”.

3.4.1.3. From the point of view of the Bill, MMA wishes to highlight the following

provisions of the Banjul Charter:

• Article 9.1: “Every individual shall have the right to receive

information”; and

• Article 22.2 “States Parties shall have the duty, individually or

collectively, to ensure the exercise of the right to development”.

3.4.2. Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression in Africa, 2002 (“The

Declaration on Principles of Freedom of Expression”)

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6 MMA POIB Submission 2012

3.4.2.1. The Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression was adopted by the

African Commission on Human and People’s Rights (“the African

Commission”) in 2002.

3.4.2.2. The Preamble to the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression

clearly sets out the African Commission’s understanding of the relationship

between a free press, access to information and development. MMA wishes

to highlight two of the provisions of the preamble:

• “Convinced that respect for freedom of expression as well as the

right of access to information held by public bodies and companies,

will lead to greater public transparency and accountability as well as

to good governance and the strengthening of democracy”; and

• “Convinced that laws and customs that repress freedom of

expression are a disservice to society”.

3.4.2.3. From the point of view of the Bill, MMA wishes to highlight the following

provisions of the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression:

• Article IV, Freedom of Information, provides, inter alia:

“2. The right to information shall be guaranteed by law in accordance

with the following principles:

....

Ø No one shall be subject to any sanction for releasing in good

faith information on wrongdoing, or that would disclose a

serious threat to health, safety or the environment save where

the imposition of sanctions serves a legitimate interest and is

necessary in a democratic society; and

Ø Secrecy laws shall be amended as necessary to comply with

freedom of information principles”

.....”.

• Article XIII, Criminal Measures, provides:

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1. “States shall review all criminal restrictions on content to ensure

that they serve a legitimate interest in a democratic society.

2. Freedom of expression should not be restricted on public order

or national security grounds unless there is a real risk of harm to

a legitimate interest and there is a close causal connection

between the risk of harm and the expression.”

• Article XVI, Implementation, provides: “States Parties to the African

Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights should make every effort to

give practical effect to these principles.”

3.4.3. The African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption, 2003 (“the AU Corruption Convention”)

3.4.3.1. The AU Corruption Convention was adopted by the AU in 2003, was signed

by South Africa in 2004, ratified in 2005 and came into force in 2006.

3.4.3.2. The Preamble to the AU Corruption Convention clearly sets out why the AU

believes corruption must be tackled. MMA wishes to highlight just two of the

provisions of the preamble:

• “Concerned about the negative effects of corruption and impunity on

the political, economic, social and cultural stability of African states

and its devastating effects on the economic and social development

of the African peoples”; and

• “Acknowledging that corruption undermines accountability and

transparency in the management of public affairs as well as socio-

economic development on the continent”.

3.4.3.3. From the point of view of the Bill, MMA wishes to highlight the following key

provisions of the AU Corruption Convention:

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8 MMA POIB Submission 2012

• Article 9: “Each State Party shall adopt such legislative and other

measures to give effect to the right of access to any information that

is required to assist in the fight against corruption and related

offences”;

• Article 12: State Parties undertake to:

(1) ...

(2) Create an enabling environment that will enable civil society and

the media to hold governments to the highest levels of

transparency and accountability in the management of public

affairs;

(3) .....

(4) Ensure that the Media is given access to information in cases of

corruption and related offences on condition that the

dissemination of such information does not adversely affect the

investigation process and the right to a fair trial.”

3.4.3.4. It is clear from these provisions of the Corruption Convention that the ability

of the media to obtain and publish information regarding corruption is key to

developing transparency and accountability in the management of public

affairs. Thus access to information must be protected where the public

interest is being thwarted by corruption and other illegal and untoward

practices by public sector officials.

3.4.4. African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, 2007 (AU Democracy Charter)

3.4.4.1. The AU Democracy Charter was adopted in 2007, was signed and ratified by

South Africa in 2010, and came into force in 2012.

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9 MMA POIB Submission 2012

3.4.4.2. The Preamble to the AU Democracy Charter clearly sets out the AU’s

commitment to democracy. MMA wishes to highlight three of the provisions of

the preamble:

• “Reaffirming our collective will to work relentlessly to deepen and

consolidate the rule of law, peace, security and development in our

countries”;

• Committed to promote the universal values and principles of

democracy, good governance, human rights and the right to

development”; and

• Determined to promote and strengthen good governance through

the institutionalisation of transparency, accountability and

participatory democracy”.

3.4.4.3. From the point of view of the Bill, MMA wishes to highlight the following key

provisions of the AU Democracy Charter:

• Article 3 provides that State Parties shall “implement the Charter in

accordance with the following principles:

1. Respect for human rights and democratic principles;

2. Access to and exercise of state power in accordance with the

constitution of the State Party and the principle of the rule of law;

.....

8. Transparency and fairness in the management of public affairs;

and

9. Condemnation and rejection of acts of corruption, related

offences and impunity.

...”.

• Article 27 provides that in order to advance political, economic and

social governance, State Parties “shall commit themselves to:

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10 MMA POIB Submission 2012

....

3. Undertaking regular reforms of the legal and justice systems;

...

5. Improving efficiency and effectiveness of public services and

combating corruption; and

....

8. Promoting freedom of expression, in particular freedom of the

press and fostering a professional media.

.....”.

• Article 44.1 provides that “State Parties commit themselves to

implement the objectives, apply the principles, and respect the

commitments enshrined in this Charter as follows:

(a) State Parties shall initiate appropriate measures, including

legislative, executive and administrative actions to bring State

Parties’ national laws and regulations into conformity with this

Charter:

(b) ...

(c) State Parties shall promote political will as a necessary condition

for the attainment of the goals set forth in this Charter; and

(d) State Parties shall incorporate the commitments and principles of

this Charter in their national policies and strategies”.

3.4.4.4. It is clear from these provisions of the Democracy Charter that:

• good governance and democracy depend on open, transparent and

accountable government;

• corruption flourishes where there is no transparency; and

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11 MMA POIB Submission 2012

• the rule of law and a free press are critical to the success of

democracy and to the broader goal of development.

4. INTERNATIONAL GOOD PRACTICE: THE JOHANNESBURG PRINCIPLES ON NATIONAL SECURITY, FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND ACCESS TO INFORMATION

4.1. Besides the African Treaties, Charters and Declarations discussed above, MMA is of the view

that the NCOP would do well to give serious consideration to:

4.1.1. the Johannesburg Principles on National Security, Freedom of Expression and

Access to Information (a copy of which are annexed hereto for your ease of

reference) that were developed in 1995 in South Africa by an international panel of

experts under the auspices of Article XIX, an international NGO committed to

freedom of expression. It is noteworthy that the Johannesburg Principles have been

endorsed by the UN’s Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression3; and

4.1.2. the Principles on the Right of Access to Information developed by the African

Platform on Access to Information (“APAI Principles”) (a copy of which are annexed

hereto for your ease of reference) that were developed in 2011 in South Africa at the

Pan African Conference on Access to Information, organised by the Windhoek+20

Campaign in partnership with the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural

Organisation (“UNESCO”), the African Union Commission and the Special

Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information of the African

Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights.

4.2. The Johannesburg Principles

4.2.1. While MMA is of the view that all of the Johannesburg Principles are particularly

relevant to any discussion of the Bill, we confine ourselves to pointing to those

3 See pg 3 of the Johannesburg Principles published by Article XIX as part of its International Standards Series. http://www.article19.org/data/files/pdfs/standards/joburgprinciples.pdf (Accessed 6 February 2012).

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12 MMA POIB Submission 2012

provisions of the Johannesburg Principles that we consider to be critically important

to the NCOP when considering problematic provisions of the Bill.

4.2.2. Principle 1(d) provides that: “No restriction on freedom of expression or information

on the ground of national security may be imposed unless the government can

demonstrate that the restriction is prescribed by law and is necessary in a democratic

society to protect a legitimate national security interest. The burden of demonstrating

the validity of the restriction rests with the government”. The Johannesburg Principles

go on to give further elucidation of these requirements. These include:

• The law must provide adequate safeguards against abuse, including prompt, full

and effective judicial scrutiny of the validity of the restriction by an independent

court or tribunal.4

• To establish that a restriction on freedom of expression or information is

necessary to protect a legitimate national security interest, a government must

demonstrate that its genuine purpose and demonstrable effect is to protect the

country’s existence or its territorial integrity against the use or threat of force, or

its capacity to respond to the use or threat of force, whether from an external

source, such as a military threat, or an internal source, such as incitement to

violent overthrow of the government.5

• In particular, a restriction sought to be justified on the ground of national security

is not legitimate if its genuine purpose or demonstrable effect is to protect

interests unrelated to national security, including, for example, to protect a

government from embarrassment or expose of wrongdoing, or to conceal

information about the functioning of its public institutions, or to entrench a

particular ideology, or to suppress industrial unrest.6

• No person may be punished on national security grounds for disclosure of

information if: (1) the disclosure does not actually harm and is not likely to harm a

legitimate national security interest; or

(2) the public interest in knowing the information outweighs the harm from

disclosure.7

4 Principle 1.1(b). 5 Principle 2(a). 6 Principle 2(b). 7 Principle 15.

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4.3. The APAI Principles

4.3.1. While MMA is of the view that all of the APAI Principles are relevant to any discussion

of the Bill, we confine ourselves to pointing to those provisions of the APAI Principles

that we consider to be critically important to the NCOP when considering problematic

provisions of the Bill.

4.3.2. Principle 8 of the APAI Principles is headed “Limited Exemptions” and provides: “The

right of access to information shall only be limited by provisions expressly provided

for in the law. Those exemptions should be strictly defined and the withholding of

information should only be allowed if the body can demonstrate that there would be a

significant harm if the information is released and that the public interest in

withholding the information is clearly shown to be greater than the public interest in

disclosure. Information can only be withheld for the period that the harm would occur.

No information relating to human rights abuses or imminent dangers to public health,

environment, or safety may be withheld”.

4.3.3. Principle 11 of the APAI Principles is headed “Whistleblower Protection” and

provides: “To ensure the free flow in the public interest, adequate protections against

legal, administrative and employment-related sanctions should be provided for those

who disclose information on wrong-doing and other information in the public interest.”

4.3.4. The APAI Principles also contain a section entitled “Application of Principles”. MMA is

of the view that two sections thereof are particularly relevant to the NCOP’s

consideration of the Bill:

• Enabling Environment: “Governments should ensure that the legal

frameworks create an enabling environment allowing individuals, civil society

organisations including trade unions, media organisations, and private

businesses to fully enjoy access to information, thus fostering active

participation in socio-economic life by all. In particular people living in poverty

and those discriminated against or marginalised.”

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14 MMA POIB Submission 2012

• The Fight Against Corruption: “By contributing to openness and

accountability, access to information can be a useful tool in anti-corruption

efforts. Besides ensuring that access to information legislation is effectively

implemented, governments have a duty to guarantee a broader legal and

institutional framework conducive to preventing and combating corruption.

Civil society organisations and plural media independent of powerful political

and commercial interests are critical actors in unveiling and fighting corrupt

practices, and their use of access to information laws and other mechanisms

enhancing transparency should be encouraged”.

5. PROBLEMATIC PROVISIONS OF THE BILL REQUIRING URGENT AMENDMENT BY THE NCOP

5.1. As MMA has stated previously, we are generally excited by and welcoming of the majority of

the provisions of the Bill as they are in line with international good practice and, in particular,

with AU recommendations as expressed in its Treaties, Conventions, Charters and

Declarations. We have no doubt that this Bill could herald a decisive break from our terrible

history of security legislation that promotes secrecy and a culture of impunity by the state.

5.2. However, where MMA does have concerns about the Bill, these concerns are not trifling.

They are serious concerns which unaddressed could result in the passage of legislation

which:

5.2.1. is unconstitutional;

5.2.2. flouts the provisions of International African Treaties, Declarations and the like that

South African has ratified and which it has promised to uphold; and

5.2.3. is out of step with the Johannesburg Principles, international good practice standards

which South Africans played a leading role in developing.

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5.3. MMA has had the privilege of perusing the Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory’s Position

Paper on the Protection of State Information Bill dated 21 November 2011 (“the Memory

Paper”). Frankly we are in agreement with its suggested amendments and with much of its

reasoning although we have additional concerns as set out in more detail below.

5.4. Problematic Provisions of the Bill: Limitations on the Right of Access to State-held Information

5.4.1. The Bill contains:

5.4.1.1. a proposed section 1(4) which purports to provide that the provisions of the

Bill take precedence over the Promotion of Access to Information Act, 2000

(“PAIA”) in respect of classified information;

5.4.1.2. a proposed section 19 which sets out a specific non-PAIA procedure for

dealing with requests for access to classified information;

5.4.1.3. a proposed Chapter 8 which deals with appeals in respect of refused access

to classified information requests; and

5.4.1.4. proposed sub-sections 34(2) and (3) which deal with requests for access to

classified information.

5.4.2. Access to Information, as we have seen from the provisions of, inter alia, the Banjul

Charter, the Declaration on Principles of Freedom of Expression and the AU

Corruption Convention, is essential to development, promoting transparency and

good governance and to combating corruption. It is also such a fundamental right that

it formed part of the list of Constitutional Principles in Schedule 4 to the Interim

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16 MMA POIB Submission 2012

Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1993 (“the Interim Constitution”), which

the drafters of the 1996 Constitution had to adhere to as certified by the Constitutional

Court. Principle IX of Schedule 4 to the Interim Constitution read: “Provision shall be

made for freedom of information so that there can be open and accountable

administration at all levels of government”.

5.4.3. PAIA is not an ordinary piece of legislation, it falls within a small grouping of statutes8

which are specifically required to be enacted in order to give effect to certain rights in

the Bill of Rights, namely Chapter 2 of the Constitution of the Republic of South

Africa, 1996 (“the Constitution”).

5.4.4. In the parts that are relevant to the Bill, section 32(1) of the Constitution, which deals

with the right to access to information, provides: “Everyone has the right of access to

– (a) any information that is held by the state”.

5.4.5. Section 32(2) of the Constitution provides that “National legislation must be enacted

to give effect to this right, and may provide for reasonable measures to alleviate the

administrative and financial burden on the state”.

5.4.6. National legislation has been enacted to give effect to the right of access to

information in accordance with the requirements of section 32(2) of the Constitution,

namely, PAIA. It is this legislation which is the statutory mechanism for ensuring that

the rights to information contained in section 31(1) are given effect to and,

conversely, that they are limited in ways that are constitutional and in accordance

with the provisions of the so-called limitations clause set out in section 36 of the

Constitution.

5.4.7. MMA is extremely concerned that the Bill purports to take precedence over a statute

that was crafted with the precise aim of balancing the constitutional right to access to

information with the legitimate state interests that warrant limiting the right in

appropriate circumstances and in appropriate ways as provided for in section 36(1) of 8 Similar statutes include the Promotion of Administrative Justice Act, 2000 and the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act, 2000.

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17 MMA POIB Submission 2012

the Constitution. MMA also notes that when initially introduced by the relevant

Minister9, the Bill contained no such provisions and in fact contained specific

provisions (former sections 2(j) and 28) that ensured that PAIA was incorporated by

reference in respect of requests for access to classified information.

5.4.8. The NCOP is respectfully requested to ensure that the Bill does not establish

classified-information-specific and separate statutory mechanisms for dealing with

requests for access to classified information (and appeals relating thereto) outside of

the existing constitutionally-mandated PAIA which already contains a vast (and self-

evidently sufficient) array of grounds for refusing requests for access to publicly-held

information, including on the bases of, inter alia:

5.4.8.1. defence, security and international relations of the Republic10;

5.4.8.2. mandatory protection of safety of individuals and protection of property11;

5.4.8.3. economic interests and financial welfare of Republic and commercial

activities of public bodies12;

5.4.8.4. mandatory protection of research information of public bodies13; and

5.4.8.5. operations of public bodies14.

9 As B6 of 2010. 10 Section 41 of PAIA. 11 Section 38 of PAIA. 12 Section 42 of PAIA. 13 Section 43 of PAIA. 14 Section 44 of PAIA

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18 MMA POIB Submission 2012

5.4.9. MMA therefore respectfully requests the NCOP to ensure that:

5.4.9.1. the provisions of sub-section 1(4) of the Bill are deleted;

5.4.9.2. existing section 19 of the Bill is deleted and replaced with the following which

is based on the proposed amendments in the Memory Paper:

“Request for Access to Classified Information

19. A request for access to a classified record that is made in terms of the Promotion of Access to Information Act must be dealt with in terms of that Act.”;

5.4.9.3. existing Chapter 8 (that is sections 31 and 32) of the Bill dealing with appeals

in respect of requests for access to classified information is deleted; and

5.4.9.4. subsections 34(2) and (3) are deleted, which will require the consequential

amendment of the numbering of section 34(1) such that it is to read “34”.

5.5. Problematic Provisions of the Bill: Limitations on the right to freedom of expression

5.5.1. The Bill contains:

5.5.1.1. a proposed section 43 which provides that any unlawful and intentional

disclosure of classified information in contravention of the Bill is an offence

and the penalty therefor is a period of imprisonment not exceeding five years;

and

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19 MMA POIB Submission 2012

5.5.1.2. a proposed section 49 which creates a number of offences with penalties

ranging from 10 to 15 years imprisonment for, inter alia, intentionally

disclosing classified information to any unauthorised person.

5.5.2. The right to freedom of expression, and in particular the right of a free press, as we

have seen from the provisions of, inter alia, the Banjul Charter, the Declaration on

Principles of Freedom of Expression, the AU Corruption Convention, and the AU

Democracy Charter, is a sine qua non of both democracy and development. Unless

the press is free to report on matters of public interest, particularly in respect of state

administration and governmental affairs, there is no transparency and accountability,

corruption flourishes and, ultimately, both democracy and development stall.

5.5.3. The difficult task that the NCOP has, in respect of the Bill, is to balance:

5.5.3.1. the legitimate security interests of the nation, which in itself is obviously in the

public interest, with

5.5.3.2. the constitutional rights of all to free expression and the free flow of

information which is critical to public debate and discussion and is self-

evidently in the public interest, particularly where mal-administration,

corruption and the like are exposed as a result.

5.5.4. In MMA’s view the Johannesburg Principles, drawn up by international experts

although heavily influenced by South Africans, give cogent, coherent and clear

guidance, in line with international good practice on how to balance these interests

and where the line between publication and legitimate secrecy ought to be drawn.

5.5.5. In particular MMA refers the NCOP again to Principle 15 of the Johannesburg

Principles which specifies that no person may be punished on national security

grounds for disclosure of information if: (1) the disclosure does not actually harm and

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20 MMA POIB Submission 2012

is not likely to harm a legitimate national security interest; or (2) the public interest in

knowing the information outweighs the harm from disclosure.

5.5.6. MMA therefore respectfully requests the NCOP to ensure that:

5.5.6.1. the provisions of section 43 are amended by the insertion of the words “the disclosure of which causes or is likely to cause serious or irreparable harm to the national security of the Republic”15 between the words

“information” and “in” in existing section 43; and

5.5.6.2. the provisions of section 49 are amended such that the words: “Subject to the Protected Disclosures Act, 2000 (Act No. 26 of 2000” are inserted at

the beginning of section 49; and

5.5.6.3. the provisions of section 49(a) are amended such that the words: “and the disclosure thereof causes or is likely to cause serious or irreparable harm to the national security of the Republic” are inserted at the end of

existing subsection 49(a).

5.6. Problematic Provisions of the Bill: Grammatical Errors

5.6.1. Although not a matter of great principle, MMA respectfully points out that the

provisions of section 47 dealing with “Improper Classification” are ungrammatical and

consequently do not make sense. MMA respectfully suggests that the provisions of

these sub-sections and, in particular, how they related to each other, need to be

amended if they are to be enforceable.

15 This suggestion is based on the proposed amendments contained in the annexure to the Memory Paper although our suggestion is not identical.

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21 MMA POIB Submission 2012

5.6.2. MMA respectfully suggests that the section be amended to read as follows:

Improper Classification

47(1) Any person who intentionally classifies state information as –

(a) top secret;

(b) secret; or

(c) confidential,

in order to achieve any purpose ulterior to this Act, including the classification of state information in order to –

(i) conceal breaches of the law;

(ii) promote or further an unlawful act, inefficiency or administrative error;

(iii) prevent embarrassment to a person, organisation or agency; or

(iv) give undue advantage to anyone within a competitive bidding process,

is guilty of an offence.

(2) Any person convicted of an offence under sub-section (1) is liable, on conviction, to imprisonment for a period not exceeding:

(a) 15 years, in the case of an offence under sub-section 1(a);

(b) 10 years, in the case of an offence under sub-section 1(b); and

(c) five years, in the case of an offence under sub-section 1(c).

6. CONCLUSION

6.1. MMA thanks the NCOP for this opportunity to submit written representations on the Bill and

reiterates its request that it be allowed to present oral submissions at the NCOP hearings on

the Bill.

6.2. MMA is of the view that the Bill is an excellent step on the long road to ridding our statute

books of outdated Apartheid-era security legislation. However, there is no doubt that (as is

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22 MMA POIB Submission 2012

evidenced by the unprecedented (in the post-Apartheid era) levels of concern and protest

that have accompanied the passage of the Bill through the National Assembly), the Bill as it

currently stands is fundamentally and fatally flawed, is out of step with South Africa’s AU

obligations and will not survive Constitutional scrutiny.

6.3. There is also no doubt that the Bill presents the NCOP with its greatest test to date. It is a test

that the NCOP dare not fail. To put it starkly the NCOP is facing a clear choice between the

proverbial:

6.3.1. low road, in which international voices are raised against it in a chorus of disapproval

and disappointment over Parliament’s failure to fulfil the promises of the Constitution

and to comply with its various AU Treaty and Convention undertakings. Indeed taking

the low road would undeniably hark back to South Africa’s past of secrecy and

repression; and

6.3.2. high road, in which South Africa, again, demonstrates to SADC, Africa and the world,

how to craft the appropriate balance between protecting the public interest in

legitimate national security interests and protecting the public interest in the

fundamental human rights of freedom of expression and access to information.

Indeed taking the high road would clearly and unambiguously reflect South Africa’s

determination to bring about a better life for all its people through the enactment of

laws that foster development and the deepening of democracy.

6.4. As MMA has pointed out, relatively minor wording changes to only seven sections, requiring

no major policy reconsiderations and doing no damage to coherence of the Bill, would

transform the Bill into one that South Africa can be justly proud of. If the NCOP makes the

amendments suggested by MMA herein, MMA is of the view that the Bill will find that illusive

balance between protecting the public interest in legitimate national security interests and

protecting the public interest in a free press and in the free flow of information in order to

further democracy and development, and will pave the way for other countries of the

Continent to reconsider Colonial-era security laws to the benefit of the peoples of Africa.

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23 MMA POIB Submission 2012

6.5. Please do not hesitate to contact us should you have any queries or require any further

information. MMA would be happy to draft suggested amendments in full and to provide

these electronically should this be of use to the NCOP Committee.

Yours Faithfully

William Bird

Director

Tel:+2711 788 1278

E: [email protected]

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